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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. ABSTRACT.........................................................................................................................2
II. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................3
III. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES..............................................................................................4
IV. AFGHAN NATIONALS V. THE MINISTER FOR IMMIGRATION........................4
V. LEGAL FRAMEWORK PROTECTING AFGHAN TRANSLATORS......................5
VI. LEGAL RESPONSIBILITIES WHEN A PARTY LEAVES........................................6
VII. CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................8
I. ABSTRACT
The paper examines the legal responsibility of the states when they chose to withdraw or in the
process of withdrawing from an armed conflict. The article argues against the popular notion that
the International Humanitarian Law ceases when the armed hostilities stop and argues that a
number of such obligations actually continues even after the state receded from being a party to
an international armed conflict (IAC), the paper analyzes three kinds of obligations
The end-of-participation regulations mentioned in this article are of a restricted scope, addressing
just a portion of the issues that arise while departing armed conflicts, much alone those that arise
when establishing post-bellum peace and respect for human rights. Recent events have
demonstrated the need of ending armed conflicts (as well as the catastrophic repercussions that
might occur as a result of doing so) as well as the need for accountability mechanisms.
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II. INTRODUCTION
The Western Intervention in the developing 3rd world countries and the exorbitant growth of the
military-industrial complex in the west has given rise to the problem of Perpetual War. While the
majority of existing literature focuses more on the need of avoiding war or military conflict, now
more attention is being given to the states that are receding from an international military
conflict. United States of America (USA) alone has had problem in ending the participation of
the coalition forces in Afghanistan which finally extricated in late 2021. This paper concentrates
on the international legal obligations that States have when they withdraw from military war
situations. When and how states end military conflicts are just as puzzling and essential to the
persons and communities affected by such decisions as when and how states go to war. While
more emphasis has been given on the obligation of the states specifically when armed conflicts
legally come to an end, little attention is given to the obligation of the state when they withdraw
from ongoing international military conflicts.
When states prematurely exit or withdraw from an armed conflict it can lead to significant loss of
life and unnecessary destruction. Therefore, it becomes imperative to analyze the relevant laws
and rules that oversees such withdrawal. Looking at the withdrawal of a state from active
hostilities from the lenses of International Humanitarian Law (IHL), some scholars has referred
to this scenario as jus ex bello which basically provides for ascertaining when is the right time
for a state to justly withdraw from participating in a armed conflict however, the question of how
a state should withdraw from an international armed conflict has not been discussed in great
lengths. The paper analyzes a November 2021 judgement of the High court of New Zealand has
raised the question of legal responsibility to protect Afghan nationals working for the New
Zealand Defense Force which provides with the opportunity to examine the obligations of a state
when it withdraws from an ongoing military conflict.
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III. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
1. To understand what obligation, moral or legal, a party state to an IAC have when it
withdraws from it.
2. To analyze Obligations in transfer of prisoners and detention and Obligation that exists by
virtue of Article 1 common to the four Geneva Convention to a withdrawing state.
1
[2021] NZHC 3154
2
Ibid.
4
decision. INZ had delayed its judgement on such petitions since the installation of New Zealand's
COVID-19 border restrictions. Approximately 2,300 on-hand residence applications would be
affected, as per an INZ press statement.
3
Fredric Merget, Intermediate Solidarities: The Case of the Afghan Interpreters, VerfBlog, (Mar. 20, 2022, 22:36),
https://verfassungsblog.de/os1-intermediate-solidarities/.
4
Supra Note 1, at 32.
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families affected by the NZDF's prior combat actions were "too remote" for New Zealand to
have a persisting international commitment to adequately safeguard those still in Afghanistan 5.
The judge stated that “New Zealand might be thought to have a form of moral responsibility for
the citizens of Afghanistan who assisted them in the years while they were there, but the
suggestion there is an international obligation to the wider family of those persons after
hostilities had ceased stretches the argument on international humanitarian law obligations too
far6.”
5
Supra Note 1, at 33
6
Id.
7
Supra Note 1, at 107
8
Supra Note 1, at 101
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Conventions and bring them before their national tribunals. "States must investigate war crimes
allegedly committed by their nationals or armed forces, or on their territory, and, if appropriate,
prosecute the suspects," according to Rule 158 of the ICRC Customary Law Study, that implies
that "States must investigate war crimes allegedly committed by their nationals or armed forces,
or on their territory, and, if appropriate, prosecute the suspects," and that "States must investigate
other war crimes over which they have jurisdiction." Although this is a "peacetime" commitment
in the view that it compels a State not involved in a war to prosecute people on its territory who
have perpetrated IHL violations, it applies with special force to states who have been involved in
a conflict. Indeed, conflict participants are more likely to have a thorough understanding of what
happened and greater access to important facts. A State "shall take action when it is in a position
to investigate and gather evidence, expecting that either it or a third State, through legal help,
would benefit from this evidence at a later time," according to the GC I Commentary 9. Other
end-of-participation requirements that work similarly to the responsibility to investigate and
prosecute are the obligations to seek for missing individuals, aid with family reunions, and
preserve gravesites. Indeed, unlike the responsibility to investigate and punish, these
requirements are not addressed directly in the broad paragraphs detailing the Geneva
Conventions and Additional Protocols' temporal scope. Instead, the execution of each rule in
light of its underlying aims appears to be the source of their post-conflict significance.
Nonetheless, some related responsibilities include more clear allusions to their duration. For
example, GC IV Article 24 requires States to take measures “in all circumstances” to assist
children who are separated from their families, while AP I Article 74 obligates States to
“facilitate in every possible way” the reunion of dispersed families10. In comparison to such
rules, the responsibilities to search for missing individuals, as laid forth in several sections of the
Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols, are more implicitly continuous in nature, as there
is no express time limit on their implementation. The responsibility to search for missing
individuals is thought to be established tacitly under the Geneva Conventions, as the
Conventions require parties to create an information bureau to collect and convey information
concerning protected persons, as well as to reply to inquiries. Whereas AP I Article 33(1)
establishes a starting point for the need to search, the provisions, like the ICRC's counterpart
articulation of the customary obligation on States to search for missing persons, is not restricted
in time11. Whereas these rules in relation to missing persons are often referred to as "peacetime"
obligations, it is worth remembering that they envisage State action as soon as possible during an
armed conflict, even if that action is likely to be carried out towards the end of hostilities or a
conflict.
9
9Paul Strauch, Jus ex bello and international humanitarian law: States’ obligations when withdrawing from armed
conflict, International Review,( Mar. 20, 2022, 22:36), https://international-review.icrc.org/articles/jusex-bello-and-
ihl-withdrawing-from-armed-conflict-914#footnoteref9_srlxnd0.
10
Id.
11
Beatrice Walton, Three Lingering Questions about the Legality of Withdrawal from Syria: Part II – Duty to
Ensure Respect & Releasing ISIS Detainees, OpinioJuris,( Mar. 20, 2022, 22:36),
http://opiniojuris.org/2020/01/08/three-lingering-questions-about-the-legality-of-withdrawal-from-syria-partii-duty-
to-ensure-respect-releasing-isis-detainees/
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VII. CONCLUSION
States must abandon armed confrontations as frequently as they engage them. Withdrawals from
conflicts in recent years have highlighted the necessity for states to think about how they do so.
The rules of armed conflict are pertinent to this subject, since they impose a number of long-term
duties aimed at preventing unnecessary suffering and securing some basic levels of
accountability, as demonstrated in this article. Some of these responsibilities are tied to specific
timeframes in IHL treaties, while others are just more implicitly applicable during, and even
after, withdrawal. When transitioning between the in bello and post bellum stages of armed
conflict, such principles provide the minimal content of States' IHL duties. Finally, and most
crucially, this paper encourages deeper consideration of the IHL norms that correspond to jus ex
bello principles. By beginning to operationalize the IHL rules pertaining to the end of
participation, this article has accordingly sought to better understand their application to
challenging factual situations, and by doing so, encourage future efforts aimed at their
improvement.