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The Sociology of Health 1

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The Sociology of Health

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1.

In the words of the World Health Organization (WHO), health is "a condition of

overall physical, mental, and social well-being and not only the absence of sickness or

disability." This definition emphasises the holistic nature of health, recognising that it is

more than just the absence of illness, but rather the presence of entire well-being. Also,

this definition takes into account the fact that health is more than the absence of

disease. However, the concept might be contested because it is too vague and difficult

to quantify. Illness is defined as "a condition of poor health generated by disease" by the

NHS in the UK. That which causes one to be ill is referred to by this phrase. By

highlighting the disease itself as the defining characteristic of illness rather than the

symptoms, this definition shifts the attention away from the former. It disregards the

impact that a person's environment has on his or her mental and emotional well-being.

Even still, this concept is elementary, being not only simple to understand but also

straightforward and easily quantifiable. This definition may be criticised for being overly

specific and for overlooking important variables that might affect a person's health.

Those are two very good arguments against it. In conclusion, both of these definitions

are helpful, but the WHO's is more thorough and holistic than the NHS's, which is

simpler and more easily understood. In the end, the precise definition of health and

disease may be contingent not only on the context in which the terms are being used

but also on the particular requirements of the person being evaluated or the group that

is being taken into consideration (Bleich et al., 2019).


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2.

The terms "social construction of health and illness" and "how our understanding

of health and illness is shaped by the social, cultural, and historical context in which

they exist" are synonymous, referring to how our ideas about health and illness are

influenced by the setting in which they occur. Examples of phrases using this are "social

construction of health and sickness" and "how our knowledge of health and illness is

formed by the social, cultural, and historical environment in which they exist." For

instance, "how our perception of health and sickness is impacted by the social, cultural,

and historical environment in which they exist," and "the social construction of health

and illness." Both of these expressions allude to the extent to which one's environment

shapes one's understanding of health and sickness. The idea proposes that the

conceptions of health and sickness are not static and universal but rather are shaped

and experienced differently across the world's diverse nations and cultures. According

to this view, there is no such thing as a universal concept of health or sickness since

they may be conceptualised and experienced in so many diverse ways. Here are three

examples that show how social forces have influenced our understanding of health and

illness: High blood sugar levels, the hallmark of diabetes, can have serious

consequences for a person's health over the course of several years. However, many

different cultures and communities incline to view and treat diabetes in several different

ways. This holds for both the medical and social perspectives on diabetes. Diseases

like diabetes, for instance, may be viewed primarily as medical issues in some older

societies. Medication is an option for certain people, while dietary and behavioural

modifications are the norm in other areas. On the other hand, diabetes in the West may
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have spiritual underpinnings and respond to conventional treatments. Cancer refers to a

group of disorders characterised by the erratic growth and metastasis (spread) of

aberrant cells. Cancer is a catchall word for a variety of diseases. The medical

community focuses a lot of its resources on cancer because it is such a devastating

disease. On the other hand, people from various backgrounds and cultures often view

cancer quite differently and respond to it in very unique ways. Both preventative

measures and therapeutic approaches confirm this. For example, in some cultures,

cancer is seen as a chronic condition that can be managed with a variety of treatments

like chemotherapy, radiation therapy, and surgery, while in Western cultures cancer is

seen as a death sentence, and people don't seek treatment for it because they believe it

is untreatable. However, in other cultures, cancer is seen as a disease that may be

treated with a variety of methods, including surgery, radiation therapy, and

chemotherapy. Chemotherapy, radiation treatment, and surgical excision of the

cancerous tissue are all considered effective means of containing the disease in several

regions of the world (Bleich et al., 2019).

COVID-19: COVID-19 is a respiratory infection that is notable for how easily it

spreads from person to person. Transmission from one person to another is possible,

and a novel coronavirus is being blamed for the outbreak. But how COVID-19 is

understood and handled may differ greatly from one culture to the next. The importance

of this factor cannot be overstated. Some countries may have taken drastic measures,

including lockdowns and contact tracking, to prevent the spread of the virus, while

others may have taken a more relaxed approach, betting on the natural resistance of

the herd. Both of these strategies aim to halt the transmission of the infection. Both
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approaches aim to halt the spread of the virus by confining it. When we talk about the

"social construction of health and disease" or the "social construction of sickness," we're

talking about how our conceptions of health and illness are influenced by the social,

cultural, and historical contexts in which they arise. The terms "social construction of

health and illness" and "the social construction of sickness" are synonymous with these

ideas. In a nutshell, these terms' meanings are evoking the influence that the

surrounding environment has on our perceptions of health and illness. These cases

show how diabetes, cancer, and the COVID-19 virus are conceptualised, diagnosed,

and treated differently depending on the context in which they occur (Bleich et al.,

2019).

3.

Emerging data on diseases and access to medical treatment in the UK point to a

disparity in health across socioeconomic lines, including those of class, race, and age.

Some of these elements are as follows: Findings from the Office of National Statistics

show that those from lower socioeconomic origins have poorer health outcomes and

less access to healthcare than those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. Those of

higher socioeconomic standing also tend to have better access to medical treatment

(ONS). Additionally, people from higher socioeconomic origins are more likely to have

access to medical care than those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. The Office

for National Statistics (ONS) produced data showing, for example, that those living in

the UK's poorest locations are more likely to have unfavourable health outcomes and

die at a younger age than those in the country's wealthiest regions. If we compare these

people to those who reside in places where poverty is at its lowest, we see this trend.
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Compared to the white population, people of particular ethnic groups in the United

Kingdom have poorer health outcomes and less access to treatment, according to data

provided by the National Health Service. In contrast, white people make up the vast

majority of the population. In sharp contrast, white people have easier access to a wider

range of medical care options. People of African and Asian descent, for instance, were

shown to have a higher risk of death from COVID-19 than people of white heritage,

according to data obtained from the NHS. This was true in contrast to the threat

experienced by white individuals. Studies have shown that people of African and Asian

descent are more likely to receive their diagnoses of chronic diseases including

diabetes, high blood pressure, and cancer at a more advanced stage of the disease,

making treatment more challenging. In the case of cancer, this is especially true. A

King's Fund research found that certain locations in the United Kingdom had better

access to medical care than others. This is not always the case, though. People in

metropolitan settings, for instance, are more likely to have ready access to medical

treatment than those in rural ones. This is because there is a higher concentration of

hospitals and other medical institutions in major cities. Furthermore, data collected by

the King's Fund shows that some areas of the United Kingdom, including London, have

better access to medical care than others (Weiss and Copelton, 2020).

Many factors, including wealth, ethnicity, and proximity to medical services,

certainly contribute to the racially and socioeconomically disparate state of American

health. Your access to healthcare and health outcomes may be significantly influenced

by factors such as your birthplace or current residence. One example is the correlation

between socioeconomic status and health outcomes; people in low-income regions tend
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to have worse health and less access to medical treatment. Health inequalities exist in

the United Kingdom according to socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, and age,

according to recent statistics on diseases and access to healthcare. Poor people and

members of some minority groups experience worse health outcomes and have less

access to medical treatment than the general population. Furthermore, people residing

in metropolitan areas like the capital city of London have greater access to healthcare

than those residing in rural parts of the United Kingdom (Weiss and Copelton, 2020).

4.

Healthcare disparities are a functionalist social dysfunction. This is because

functionalists support universal healthcare. Functionalists believe that society's

numerous interrelated subsystems can have far-reaching effects if one fails. Healthcare

inequity hinders society's regular functioning. Functionalists say this is because the

healthcare system can't fulfil everyone's requirements, especially minorities and the

poor. Functionalists say this breakdown is the problem. Capitalism causes health and

healthcare inequalities, according to Marxists. Marxism views healthcare and health as

commodities. Marxists believe capitalism produces a two-tiered society where the

wealthy bourgeoisie profit from the oppressed proletariat. The capitalist system gives

the ruling class greater healthcare and health results than the working class (those with

fewer economic resources). The disparity in health and healthcare outcomes worsens

the uneven distribution. Feminists blame patriarchy for health and healthcare inequality.

Feminists view patriarchal systems as oppressing women and minorities. Patriarchal

societies also mistreat marginalised groups. The patriarchal system causes women and
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other marginalised groups to have poorer health and less access to healthcare.

Uninsured women and minorities are overrepresented (Weiss and Copelton, 2020).

Functionalism: Society's healthcare system is dysfunctional, hence health and

healthcare are uneven. Functionalists suggest fixing the structural issues in the

healthcare system that cause this inequality. This might involve subsidising healthcare

in low-income areas, improving access for underrepresented people, and addressing

healthcare system biases and discrimination. Marxism: The capitalist system explains

health and healthcare inequality. Marxists suggest fixing the economic disparities that

cause this inequity. This might involve progressive taxes and universal healthcare to

give everyone equitable access to healthcare and improved health results. Feminism:

The patriarchal system causes health and healthcare inequality. Feminists suggest

fighting patriarchal institutions and systemic oppression of vulnerable groups, notably

women, to reduce inequality. This might involve supporting maternal health

programmes and correcting healthcare system biases that disproportionately harm

women. It might also incorporate gender-intersectional policies (Weiss and Copelton,

2020).

Feminists say the patriarchal system enforces gender norms and expectations,

making women more likely to be poor and uninsured. Women are more likely to work in

low-paying, insecure professions and be main carers, which might make it hard for them

to receive healthcare. Feminists also claim that the healthcare system doesn't satisfy

women's demands since medicine and research are male-dominated. This can lead to

inadequate healthcare services and resources for women. Research has revealed that

women are underrepresented in clinical trials, which can lead to a lack of understanding
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about how different disorders impact women and how to treat them (Weiss and

Copelton, 2020).

Marxism blames capitalism for healthcare inequality. Marxists believe capitalism

produces a class structure where the bourgeoisie abuses the proletariat for their labour.

The healthcare system keeps the working class healthy so they can work and make

money for the ruling class. Marxists claim that capitalism puts profit above people,

resulting in uneven healthcare and other resources. They claim that the healthcare

system exists to keep the working class healthy so they can work and make money for

the ruling class. Marxists also claim that capitalism inequality denies the working class

healthcare and other resources. This worsens working-class health and promotes

exploitation (Weiss and Copelton, 2020).

Functionalists highlight that good health and competent healthcare are crucial for

society's functioning. They see society as a complicated system with interdependent

pieces that must work together to function correctly. Functionalists claim that excellent

health and access to healthcare allow people to work and contribute to the economy, as

well as maintain social order and stability. Functionalists value doctor-patient

relationships. They believe that the physician-patient connection is essential to the

healthcare system's diagnosis, treatment, and social order. Functionalists believe that

trust and understanding underpin the doctor-patient interaction. To give the finest

treatment, doctors should be well-trained, professional, and highly skilled. They also

believe doctors should know the patient's social and cultural background and give

compassionate treatment (Weiss and Copelton, 2020).


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Bibliography

Bleich, S.N., Jarlenski, M.P., Bell, C.N. and LaVeist, T.A. (2019). Health Inequalities:

Trends, Progress, and Policy. Annual Review of Public Health, 33(1), pp.7–40.

doi:10.1146/annurev-publhealth-031811-124658.

Constantinou, C.S., 2023. Applied Sociology of Health and Illness: A problem-based

learning approach. CRC Press.

Graham, H. and Kelly, M.P., 2019. Health inequalities: concepts, frameworks and policy

(p. 13). London: Health Development Agency.

Sweet, E., 2021. Symbolic capital, consumption, and health inequality. American

Journal of Public Health, 101(2), pp.260-264.

Oliver, A. and Nutbeam, D., 2019. Addressing health inequalities in the United Kingdom:

a case study. Journal of Public Health, 25(4), pp.281-287.

Bourgeault, I.L., 2020. Sociological perspectives on health and health care. Staying

alive: Critical perspectives on health, illness, and health care, pp.41-64.

Weiss, G.L. and Copelton, D. (2020). The Sociology of Health, Healing, and Illness.

Milton: Taylor & Francis Group.

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