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TAP0010.1177/0959354315580605Theory & PsychologyDavidsen and Fosgerau
Article
Abstract
Mentalization has developed through different waves and its definition has gradually changed.
Through this process mentalization theorists have not taken a particular position on the
philosophical underpinnings of the understanding of others, except that Theory of Mind (ToM) is
referred to as a commonsense and underlying theoretical basis. It is apparent that ToM does not
explain all dimensions of Mentalization Theory (MT), especially implicit mentalization, and theorists
do not account for how implicit mentalization can be captured in interaction. In this article we
explain the divergence between MT and ToM and the lack of a philosophical basis for the process
of understanding others in MT. We show that conversation analysis (CA) can be used to capture
implicit mentalization in interaction. We argue that MT needs a theoretical and philosophical
formulation about what constitutes intersubjectivity and the process of understanding others.
We suggest that phenomenology could inhabit this space.
Keywords
conversation analysis, embodiment, empathy, implicit mentalization, intersubjectivity,
mentalization theory, mirroring, phenomenology, Theory of Mind
Mentalization
The concept of mentalization has developed in different waves since Fonagy and col-
leagues’ definition in the early 1990s. Over time, the definition of the concept has gradu-
ally changed, and mentalization theorists have broadened the concept’s applicability, but
Corresponding author:
Christina Fogtmann Fosgerau, Section of Psychology of Language, Department of Nordic Studies and
Linguistics, University of Copenhagen, Njalsgade 120, DK – 2300 Copenhagen S., Denmark.
Email: fogtmann@hum.ku.dk
they have not rendered a coherent account of its underlying theoretical basis. In 1991,
Fonagy wrote, “I would like to label the capacity to conceive of conscious and uncon-
scious mental states in oneself and others as the capacity to mentalize” (p. 641). In
Fonagy’s article the concept of mentalization is contrasted with symbolization, which he
found overburdened with meaning, particularly in psychoanalysis. In 1998 Fonagy and
Target suggested that the difficulty that derives from a deficit in mentalization is the dif-
ficulty in generating meta-representations, and they stressed the importance of a two-
level mental functioning: “The capacity to make use of an awareness of their own and
other people’s thoughts and feelings. This capacity is referred to as ‘mentalization’ or
‘reflective function’” (p. 92). Here, “mentalization” appears to be perceived as analo-
gous to “reflective function.” A scale was developed to measure reflective function (RF;
Fonagy, Target, Steele, & Steele, 1998). Later, Fonagy, Gergely, Jurist, and Target (2002)
described reflective function as an operationalization of mentalization, especially for
research purposes. These different descriptions and definitions mean that the mentalizing
process which had been described so far is an explicit, conscious process. However,
Bateman and Fonagy subsequently formulated the definition as: “the mental processes
by which an individual implicitly and explicitly interprets the actions of himself and oth-
ers as meaningful on the basis of intentional mental states such as personal desires,
needs, feelings, beliefs and reasons” (2004, p. 21), hereby including the implicit dimen-
sion of the process of understanding.
Gradually there has been a tendency to use the verb form mentalizing to designate the
fact that the concept involves a mental activity: mentalizing is active (Allen & Fonagy,
2006). It describes a process and not a static property of the mind, a skill that can be
present to a greater or lesser degree, and can vary from time to time.
Fonagy and colleagues initially used the concept of mentalization in relation to
patients with borderline personality disorders (Fonagy, 1995; Fonagy & Target, 2000).
Later they used it not only to describe patients, but also to describe therapists’ capacity
to understand patients and also to increase their own self-reflectivity (Allen, 2003). The
link to attachment theory has been used to assess the therapist–patient dyad (Diamond,
Stovall-McClough, Clarkin, & Levy, 2003; Dozier, Cue, & Barnett, 1994) and appar-
ently the implicit capacity of the mentalizing processes is central in establishing secure
attachment:
Of course, all the developmental factors that enhance or undermine mentalizing capacity in
patients pertain equally to therapists. Psychotherapists and their patients are in the same boat.
To play mentalizing duets effectively, they must rely on whatever developmental competence
they have achieved. At any given moment, their performance will depend on the same factors:
the extent of secure attachment (i.e., mutual trust in relationship) and an optimal level of
arousal. Thus much psychotherapeutic effectiveness consists of fostering a safe and a secure
climate—a largely implicit mentalizing skill. (Allen & Fonagy, 2006, p. 19)
Allen and Fonagy also said that the concept of mentalization designates a general human
capacity and is applicable in a broader interpersonal sense (Allen & Fonagy, 2006), and
in this respect mentalizing is described as being aware of one’s own mental states and
those of others (Allen, Fonagy, & Bateman, 2008). The focus on the awareness of mental
states implies that it is primarily this explicit dimension of mentalization that is
emphasized. At the same time it is clear that explicit mentalization is only the tip of the
iceberg (Allen et al., 2008).
A multidimensional construct
In addition to involving a differentiation between implicit and explicit mentalization, the
description of mentalization has gradually developed to comprise an increasing number
of different components. The current definition of mentalization involves different inter-
related aspects of the concept: it is a meta-cognitive phenomenon, as it refers to the
capacity to interpret thoughts and actions, to think about thinking (Fonagy, 1991); and it
contains an affective aspect, to think about feelings (Fonagy & Target, 1996). Nevertheless,
effective processes of mentalizing are always considered to contain affectivity (Bateman
& Fonagy, 2012). The term mentalized affectivity was introduced to account for what is
considered the most fundamental form of mentalizing, which establishes a kind of emo-
tional knowledge (Allen et al., 2008; Fonagy & Luyten, 2009; Jurist, 2010).
The concept is described through four different dimensions that define mentalizing
abilities. Each dimension is suspended between two poles with a gradual transition
between them (Fonagy & Luyten, 2009). The affective and cognitive aspects form one of
these four dimensions. Another dimension is formed by a distinction between self and
other: one can mentalize one’s own mental state and also another person’s mental state.
In this respect, mentalization includes a self-reflective as well as an other-related aspect.
The third dimension unfolds between internal and external features of mentalizing. When
mentalizing is based on internal features, attention is directed toward one’s own or oth-
ers’ thoughts or feelings; whereas in external mentalizing, attention is directed toward
behavior and external signals revealing mental states.
Implicit mentalization
The fourth dimension of mentalization concerns the distinction between implicit and
explicit mentalizing. Implicit mentalization constitutes the “embodied, visceral, unmedi-
ated system” of understanding others (Bateman & Fonagy, 2012, p. 26). The explicit
form, expressed through reflection, only represents the tip of the iceberg and is the rela-
tively conscious and controlled mentalizing. Implicit mentalizing, which accordingly
constitutes the larger part that is under the surface, is automatic, non-verbal, immediate,
and unreflective (Allen et al., 2008).
The distinction between explicit and implicit mentalization is described as “the most
vexing form of heterogeneity in the concept” (Allen & Fonagy, 2006, p. 7). Implicit
mentalizing is described as being more elusive than explicit mentalizing; as intuitive,
procedural, and non-conscious. Nevertheless, implicit mentalizing is considered perhaps
to be the most important component in the treatment of mental disorder, and actually in
all forms of professional understanding:
As clinicians, our helpfulness to our patients may have more to do with the quality of implicit
mentalization we offer through a general attitude rather than explicit elaboration of specific
mental contents as has been frequently suggested in the past. (Fonagy, 2003, p. 271)
model for the other person’s mind (Gordon, 1986). This inner model is used to create an
idea about the other person’s mental state, desires, needs, and so on. Following ST, the
assumption of the other’s mind is not based on a theory, but on a model, which presumes
an inner representational simulation.
In the literature on social cognition the concepts of mentalization and ToM are often
used as if they referred to the same phenomena (Frith & Corcoran, 1996; Hooker,
Verosky, Germine, Knight, & D’Esposito, 2008; Moriguchi et al., 2006). Mentalization
theorists also apparently use the concept of mentalization interchangeably with aspects
described in ToM. Nevertheless, as we have shown, they say that mentalizing and ToM
differ in certain areas (Allen et al., 2008). First, they claim that both emotional and cogni-
tive aspects are included in the mentalizing framework, but that the ToM literature is
primarily oriented towards cognitive aspects of mentalizing. ToM emphasizes the belief–
desire reasoning and perspective-taking which reflects cognitive mentalizing, whereas
mentalizing processes are seen as integrating affective and cognitive processes (Bateman
& Fonagy, 2012, p. 29). Second, the mentalizing framework includes equally the pro-
cesses of mentalizing in relation to both self and other, whereas ToM primarily attends to
interpreting others. Finally, according to Allen et al. (2008), ToM and mentalization
theory differ in that ToM is seen as a product of the mentalizing activity and mentaliza-
tion is considered an activity or process.
It is noteworthy that implicit mentalization is not mentioned by mentalization theorists
when differentiating ToM from mentalizing (Allen et al., 2008). When Bateman and Fonagy
(2012) write about the two different ways of mentalizing, implicit and explicit, they only
mention ToM in relation to the explicit aspect. Regarding the implicit aspect, they refer to
Eastern philosophy and also mindfulness-based approaches (Bateman & Fonagy, 2012, p.
26). Nevertheless, the implicit or automatic vs. the explicit or controlled polarity is still
identified as “the most fundamental polarity underlying mentalization” (Bateman & Fonagy,
2012, p. 20), but without a description of any theoretical underpinning for this polarity. ToM
does not account for the implicit ways in which subjects automatically and apparently with-
out effort understand the mental states of their co-interlocutors.
That ToM does not include the more immediate, direct processes of understanding is
a criticism that has also been made by others. According to ToM a subject needs an idea
or a theory to understand other people. Reddy and Morris think this is a misconception;
subjects should not be seen as isolated subjects (see also Costall & Leudar, 2004); not as
a “he” or “she,” but as part of a “you” (Gallagher, 2001; Ratcliffe, 2006a; Reddy &
Morris, 2004). They suggest that it is through interaction and engagement with other
people that we recognize others as intentional beings: “Genuine engagement actually
creates the minds that are there to be known” (Reddy & Morris, 2004, p. 660). Such
engagement does not exclude theories and reflections on other people’s mental states,
“but these are developmentally and experientially secondary to actual engagement with
these intentions and motivations” (Reddy & Morris, 2004, p. 660). Ratcliffe, in line with
Gallagher (2001), emphasizes the importance of interaction for interpersonal under-
standing: “It is through certain kinds of sustained interaction that an increasingly refined
perception-like appreciation of someone’s experience is achieved” (Ratcliffe, 2014, p.
270). This actual interaction probably contains some of the elements of implicit mentali-
zation. Allen, Bleiberg, and Haslam-Hopwood (2003) state:
But thinking and talking about what is going on in our own mind and the minds of others is
only part of our mentalizing activity, perhaps just the tip of the iceberg. When we interact
with others, we mentalize intuitively, just as we ride a bicycle by habit. Thus we don’t just
mentalize at an intellectual level; we mentalize at a gut level. (Mentalizing Explicitly &
Implicitly, para. 3)
When mentalizing implicitly the subject is automatically relating to, engaging, and inter-
acting with other people. This is fundamentally different from the way a subject is
regarded in ToM (Gallagher, 2001). MT has not, however, formulated a theoretical
approach to this implicit part of the mentalization iceberg that is under the surface.
Another critique leveled at ToM regards the applied experiments. According to Costall
and Leudar (2004) these experiments are basically what hold the diverse approach of
ToM together. However, ToM does not take into account that such experiments are situ-
ated social interactions themselves. The same critique could be equally applied to the
procedures of assessing mentalization. The basic assumptions within the mentalizing
framework are that mentalizing processes are dialogical in nature, deeply context sensi-
tive, and therefore dependent upon interactional and situational variables. Bateman and
Fonagy (2012) list more than 40 ways in which mentalizing could be assessed, but none
of these procedures incorporate the basic assumptions. The most frequently applied
method for assessing mentalizing is the Reflective Functioning Scale used to rate Adult
Attachment Interviews (Fonagy et al., 1998). The manual describes rating of a test-
person’s utterances. It does not, however, take a dialogical perspective on what is going
on in the interview. If the claim that mentalizing processes are enacted intersubjectively
and are contextually dependent is to be taken seriously, there is a need to focus on the
interactional behavior of participants. This could be done through interaction analytic
procedures.
analytic procedures, such as CA, could be useful in capturing how implicit mentalizing
unfolds in interaction.
co-interactants know when a turn is still in progress and when it is about to be completed.
These methods involve grammar, phonology, and pragmatic knowledge. The interactants
are not necessarily aware of the methods which they essentially apply implicitly, at least
until turn-taking does not progress smoothly. Nevertheless, the methods can be accounted
for through analysis using CA. The systems and methods accounted for by CA function
primarily as implicit knowledge displayed sequentially when interactants respond to
each other and thereby display understandings of each other. Consequently, the sugges-
tion that implicit mentalizing takes place when interactants take turns seems plausible
(Steensig, 2001). The suggestion that implicit mentalizing can be identified by studying
aspects of turn-taking is actually confirmed—though not attended to as such—in a study
by McCabe, Leudar, and Antaki (2004). These authors carried out analyses of 35 encoun-
ters between mental health professionals and people with schizophrenia to study if the
patients displayed ToM deficits. They found that people with schizophrenia expressed
beliefs about their own and others’ states of mind, and were able to engage and partici-
pate in complex conversational sequences, indicating that they displayed no ToM defi-
cits. CA seemed convincing for demonstrating if more complex, or less obvious,
capacities of understanding were intact in conversational activities, for example turn-
taking and sequence planning. Without naming it as such, the authors demonstrated that
aspects similar to implicit mentalization could be studied from an interaction-analytic
perspective (McCabe et al., 2004).
Another way in which enactments of implicit mentalization are accounted for in men-
talization literature is through interactional mirroring (Bateman & Fonagy, 2012; Fonagy
& Luyten, 2009). Although mirroring is described by these authors as a way in which
implicit mentalization is displayed, the phenomenon is not elaborated upon in relation to
implicit mentalizing. Studies of mirroring in linguistics and psychology could be included
to account for this phenomenon, and interactional mirroring could be seen as a display of
implicit understanding of co-interlocutors. In linguistics different concepts have been
applied to signify similar phenomena: accommodation, convergence, imitation, and mir-
roring, depending on the research tradition in question. All concepts refer to aspects of
an interactional behavior which can analytically be perceived as played out by an inter-
actant and repeated by a co-interactant. In this article we refer to this phenomenon as
mirroring.
Linguistic studies have shown that interactants automatically imitate each other’s
actions in several acoustic and bodily aspects. They mirror not only phonetic variables
(Babel, 2009; Gallois, Ogay, & Giles, 2005; Trudgill, 2008), but also sentence grammar
(Bock, 1989), and speech rhythm (Cappella & Planalp, 1981). Mirroring has also been
shown to take place in relation to physical movements (Chartrand & Bargh, 1999; Maurer
& Tindall, 1983).
There have been discussions about whether or not such mirroring happens automati-
cally and without conscious awareness. Most studies seem to indicate that it happens
non-consciously, but one is more likely to notice when interactants do not mirror than
when they do (Chartrand, Maddux, & Lakin, 2005). In addition, studies designed to test
the automatic, pre-reflective character of mirroring support the view that interactants are
not able to tell when they have been mirrored (Ashenfelter, 2007; Chartrand & Bargh,
1999). Trudgill (2008) has claimed that phonetic mirroring happens by default and this
idea is supported by Chartrand and Bargh (1999) and Chartrand et al. (2005). They argue
that the default tendency of behavioral mirroring is driven by a perception–behavior link.
Despite its automatic character, mirroring behavior does have interpersonal effects. In
studies where informants were not aware that the variable being changed was the degree
of mirroring, they were likely to rate co-interactants higher on a likeability scale when
their own behavior had been mirrored (LaFrance, 1982). Retrospectively, informants
also stated that they felt that conversations involving mirroring of interaction partners
progressed more smoothly (Chartrand & Bargh, 1999). Mirroring behavior functions as
a social glue (Dijkterhuis, Chartrand, & Aarts, 2007), and mirroring of phonetic variables
promotes the establishment of rapport (Pardo, 2006). Chartrand et al. stated that non-
conscious mirroring behavior “binds and bonds people together and fosters empathy,
liking, and smooth interactions” (2005, p. 344).
Both acoustic and bodily aspects are continuously mirrored in interactions.
Mirroring behavior takes place automatically without conscious awareness, and this
mirroring serves interpersonal goals. Such goals seem to be linked to implicitly under-
standing the other person. The fact that mirroring has been shown to work non-con-
sciously and that it has positive interpersonal effects makes it possible to relate it to
implicit mentalization.
The sequential perspective is also relevant in this respect; mirroring is studied
sequentially: what interactants do in their next turn is seen as displaying—consciously
or non-consciously—their understanding of the co-interlocutor’s prior turn. We are
aware that, according to CA authors, the understandings displayed in next turns cannot
be treated as simple representations of participants’ true or cognitively obtained under-
standings (Drew, 1997; Heritage, 1984). However, the understandings that we are
attending to differ from the understandings that CA normally accounts for, in that they
are implicitly obtained. In line with some CA authors, we take the perspective that
cognitive and emotional states are deeply related and can be inferred from interactional
activity.
Our thinking is in line with Kitzinger who stated that cognitions need not just be stud-
ied as strategic displays of mental states, they can also be revealed or “made manifest” in
interaction (Kitzinger, 2006). Kitzinger exemplifies how memory is not always used as
a strategic device performed by interactants. Sometimes “memory is simply a human
capacity that underpins the interaction and is made manifest through it” (Kitzinger, 2006,
p. 79). Kitzinger showed that although interactants perform different activities, remem-
bering was not one of them; instead the performed activities were dependent upon
remembering as a cognitive process:
Quite simply, I am claiming that what the call-taker said depended upon her having the cognitive
capacity to remember information from the prior conversation. I am not, then, agnostic about
whether or not she remembers this (part of) the prior conversation: I am claiming that she does,
and that this memory is manifest in her talk. (2006, p. 80)
Cognitive processes are manifest in talk or other interaction and oriented to by partici-
pants as processes upon which the performed activities are dependent. The same could
hold true for implicit mentalization, which cannot per se be seen as a strategic device.
Intersubjectivity in phenomenology
Fonagy et al. (2002) also underline phenomenological inspiration when stressing that
they consider Brentano’s thoughts about intentionality as a point of departure for
understanding mentalization; however they do not develop this link any further.
Phenomenology gives a thorough account of the concept of intersubjectivity. With
regard to ToM, phenomenologists suggest an alternative approach to intersubjective
understanding (Gallagher, 2012; Ratcliffe, 2006a, 2007; Zahavi, 2008). According to
phenomenologists the understanding of another person includes an experience of the
other’s body (Merleau-Ponty, 2012; Ratcliffe, 2007). A person does not just experience
another’s mind, because what meets one first is their body, which may also be an
expression of their mind. Zahavi states that a solution to the problem of understanding
another person’s mind must start with an accurate understanding of the relationship
between body and mind (2003). In this respect bodily behavior is of great importance.
In most situations one has a direct, pragmatic understanding of another person’s inten-
tions, because these are expressed explicitly in their bodily behavior (Gallagher, 2001).
Bodily behavior is meaningful, intentional, and, as such, neither inner nor outer and
cannot be claimed to belong to either body or mind. Experiences are not just inner, are
not hidden in the brain, but are present in bodily expressions and actions (Merleau-
Ponty, 2012). One has a real, primary experience of the other, and this experience is not
due to logical deduction. Understanding the other is, however, mediated by an under-
standing of one’s own body. One can experience one’s own body on both an inner and
an outer level. One can see parts of one’s own body from the outside and also touch
one’s own body in the same way as others would touch it. Other experiences are, how-
ever, inner and more hidden. They are to a greater extent experienced by oneself. One
can also experience the other’s body from the outside, but because one’s subjectivity
is not hermetically sealed within oneself, and because we exist as incarnated beings, it
is possible to understand others who exist in the same way (Merleau-Ponty, 2012;
Zahavi, 2001). One will, however, not understand the other like oneself, but to a greater
degree experience the other from the outside rather than from the inside (Zahavi,
2003). Nevertheless, this does not alter the fact that one can experience the other
directly and without a sharp distinction between psychological and behavioral aspects
(Zahavi, 2010). The other’s body expresses the other’s mind through language, inten-
tional movements, and body language. These actions signal intentional behaviors and
also thoughts and emotions (Sokolowski, 2000). The other’s subjectivity is experi-
enced directly and not via imagination, simulation, or theory (Ratcliffe, 2006a; Zahavi,
2010). In this way understanding of others is not dependent on theory or simulation,
but is instead due to a capacity of bodily practice. This capacity starts early in life and
is possibly inborn: infants have the capacity very early to mirror faces and expressions
(Beebe et al., 2010; Fonagy, Gergely, & Target, 2007). According to phenomenology,
this interaction could be seen as forming the basis for development of primary inter-
subjectivity, which is understood as a set of embodied practices that we continue to use
as the primary way of understanding others in second-person interactions (Gallagher,
2001; Husserl, 1970).
Due to the lived experience of one’s own body, the perception of others’ bodies is
essentially different from the experience of inanimate objects (Husserl, 1950; Merleau-
Ponty, 2012). The other’s body is not only a physical object but a means of expression
revealing the other’s experiences (Schutz, 1967).
2011). In ToM empathy is often equated with simulation, and simulation theory (ST) is
called “empathy theory” (Goldman, 2006).
Work in the phenomenological tradition points to a different conception of empathy
than in ToM. Phenomenologists maintain that empathy involves an understanding of the
other, and that replication of a person’s mental state does not amount to an understanding
of their emotional state, which would be emotional contagion (Ratcliffe, 2014) or sym-
pathy. The phenomenological stance could, however, facilitate understanding of empa-
thy and experience of others in ways that would otherwise be misconstrued or not
captured by simulation theory (Ratcliffe, 2012). In addition, the phenomenological
understanding of empathy could possibly help us to understand mentalization, especially
implicit mentalization.
Phenomenologists argue that matching or simulation cannot be the default way of
understanding others, and that empathy does not necessarily mean that the two persons
have the same affective states, but rather that the similarity is in relation to the intentional
structures of their affective states (Gallagher, 2012). Different phenomenologists agree
that the phenomenological approach involves a more direct appreciation of a person’s
experience as he or she experiences it (Ratcliffe, 2014; Stein, 2008; Zahavi, 2010). To
use Zahavi’s formulation, empathy is construed as “a basic, irreducible form of inten-
tionality that is directed towards the experiences of others” (2010, p. 291). It is a distinc-
tive type of intentional state, an experience of one’s own that presents another experience
as someone else’s. The phenomenological approach maintains that empathizing is not
about replicating someone’s experience and then afterwards appreciating it as his or hers.
It involves a direct access to the other’s experience as the other is experiencing it. It is a
kind of intentional state which has the other’s feeling as its content involving no interme-
diate step (Ratcliffe, 2014). Ratcliffe states that although some ST authors also include
implicit aspects in their accounts of simulation (de Vignemont, 2008; Stueber, 2012),
implicit simulation does not explain the other-directed attitude that is a distinctive fea-
ture of empathy (Ratcliffe, 2014). Moreover, the empathic perspective-shifting as advo-
cated by Coplan (2011) may not even be psychologically possible (Ratcliffe, 2014).
Phenomenologists maintain that implicit simulation cannot be distinguished from sym-
pathy (Gallagher, 2012) or from contagion (Ratcliffe, 2014).
Mentalization theorists include the concept of empathy in their description of mentali-
zation. They understand empathy as involving an awareness of emotional conditions in
another person and an emotional match between two people, but with a concomitant
discrimination between oneself and the other (Allen & Fonagy, 2006). When defining
empathy, mentalization theorists emphasize awareness of the emotional condition, which
means that the focus is on the explicit and not the implicit part of mentalization and they
do not discuss how empathy is related to implicit mentalization. According to MT, empa-
thy is also characterized by an emotional match between two persons, corresponding to
ST (Goldman, 2006; Rizzolatti, Fogassi, & Gallese, 2001).
Mentalization theorists state that mentalization implies a wider understanding than
empathy, and they emphasize that if empathy also comprised awareness in relation to
oneself, empathy would on the whole be synonymous with mentalization (Allen &
Fonagy, 2006). They do not, however, discuss how this involvement of oneself is under-
stood in relation to implicit mentalization and they do not take a position on whether
implicit mentalization can be considered to take place at all in relation to oneself, outside
a process of intersubjectivity.
From a phenomenological perspective, empathy and implicit understanding of others
take place intersubjectively (Gallagher, 2012). The relation between empathy and inter-
subjectivity is not described in quite the same way by different phenomenologists
(Gallagher, 2001, 2009, 2012; Husserl, 1950; Ratcliffe, 2006b; Zahavi, 2001, 2010).
They do, however, all consider empathy to be linked to intersubjectivity and there is
agreement on viewing empathy as an essential intentional mode of intersubjectivity
(Daly, 2014).
Gallagher takes his point of departure in Trevarthen’s idea of primary intersubjectiv-
ity (Trevarthen, 1979). Based on the same developmental research as MT (Fonagy et al.,
2002), Gallagher describes different levels of intersubjectivity; primary, secondary, and
narrative, developing successively during the first years of life. One continues, however,
to rely on primary intersubjectivity and a direct access to understanding others (Gallagher,
2012). Primary intersubjectivity is present from infancy but it is not something that is left
behind in maturity:
We continue to rely on our perceptual access to the other’s affective expressions, the intonation
of their voice, the posture and style of movement involved in her action, her gestures, and so
on, to pick up information about what the other is feeling and what she intends. (Gallagher,
2009, p. 293)
Ratcliffe, 2012; Zahavi, 2010). According to Stein, people are embodied and minded,
embedded in the world, and empathy involves an understanding of the other in that con-
text as a self–other connection, not a fusion. Stein’s conception of empathy has been
described as operating on three levels. Level 1 is the direct and immediate perception.
The object of that act is the embodied, embedded experience of another, which has a
gestalt quality. Level 2 is the experiential projection, which is a non-intellectual, intuitive
kind of projection that has an as if character, implying the otherness of the experience.
Level 3 is called interpretative mentalization and includes a clear intellectual facet.
Through this process the other’s experience becomes more explicitly and linguistically
accessible to us as: “through mentalization—the making of an experience into a mental
object—empathy becomes comprehension” (Meneses & Larkin, 2012, p. 173). For
Stein, the empathic experience can only be complete with this intellectual, interpretive
act (representation): “Die einzige Erfüllung, die hier möglich ist, ist die einfühlende
Vergegenwärtigung [Empathic representation is the only fulfillment possible]” (Stein,
2008, p. 75). In this way Stein’s third level, called mentalization, corresponds to explicit
mentalization, whereas the former two levels, which are immediate, embodied, and non-
intellectual, correspond to implicit mentalization.
Thus, phenomenologists’ descriptions of empathy include the different aspects of
mentalization, both the implicit and explicit dimensions. In phenomenology empathy is
considered an essential intentional mode of intersubjectivity. The different forms of
intersubjectivity accounted for by phenomenologists (Daly, 2014; Gallagher, 2012),
could be useful for understanding mentalization, and especially implicit mentalization.
This could also clarify the relation between empathy and mentalization.
descriptions, and can show that it need not be something mysterious or even impossible
(Ratcliffe, 2006b).
Apart from this demystifying function, phenomenologists consider Gallese’s view of
mirroring as almost reflex-like and not as a way of explaining either interpersonal under-
standing or the role of the body in this understanding (Gallagher & Zahavi, 2012).
Phenomenologists view understanding another person as a unified whole: understanding
the body and the mind as one. They are sometimes critical of the concept of mentalizing,
which they think could imply a second-order understanding (Gallagher & Zahavi, 2012).
However, phenomenologists also realize that one does not understand the other as one
understands oneself. The other’s expressions are displayed for the perceiver, but for the
other they are lived through. The main divergence between the phenomenologist view
and that of both directions of ToM, TT, and ST, is that ToM basically denies that it is
possible to directly experience other minded creatures; and both ST and TT are compat-
ible with modularity (Ratcliffe, 2007). According to phenomenology, primary intersub-
jectivity is a direct process and in that process one cannot separate the mental from the
behavioral. Embodiment has an essential role in experience and cognition. Behavior that
is expressed through the body is saturated with the meaning of the mind (Merleau-Ponty,
2012). Most of this meaning is understood directly, automatically, and non-reflectively
through a process of primary intersubjectivity or implicit mentalization. Neither MT nor
phenomenology has accounted for how this primary intersubjectivity, similar to, or
including most of implicit mentalization, could be captured in interaction. At least part
of it could be captured through interactional analysis in the form of CA, which studies
both linguistic and bodily interaction.
Conclusion
Implicit mentalization constitutes that part of the mentalization iceberg which is under
the surface. Although implicit mentalization is described as the most vexing and even
elusive part of mentalization (Allen & Fonagy, 2006), it is not accounted for very clearly
within mentalization theory. Descriptions have almost exclusively dealt with the explicit
form using ToM as their theoretical framework. Implicit mentalization cannot, however,
be accounted for by ToM.
Implicit mentalization shows itself in turn-taking in conversations, as long as the con-
versation goes smoothly, and in mirroring phenomena, which are basically bodily or
embodied. Different psychological and linguistic theories describe mirroring phenomena
and show that bodily and acoustic aspects are both continuously mirrored in interaction,
and that this mirroring promotes interpersonal understanding. Since implicit mentaliza-
tion comes to the fore in turn-taking we find it obvious to use the interactional method of
CA, through which turn-taking activities can be analyzed in detail. Although mirroring is
not a CA-derived concept, we argue that interactional mirroring can be studied from the
sequential perspective of CA, considering mirroring responses as displays of intersubjec-
tive understanding.
Intersubjectivity and embodiment are part of phenomenological thinking (Gallagher,
2009; Zahavi, 2010). The phenomenological view of interpersonal understanding
involves the body and a perspective of embodiment (Husserl, 1983). This perspective
has only recently been taken up by mentalization theorists (Luyten & van Houdenhove,
2013; Luyten, van Houdenhove, Lemma, Target, & Fonagy, 2013; Shai & Belsky, 2011).
Nevertheless, there seem to be important links between the interpersonal understanding
implied in implicit mentalization and the description of direct embodied understanding
of others in phenomenology (Gallagher, 2012). Mentalization theorists and phenomenol-
ogists discuss their understanding of embodiment in relation to Gallese’s theory of mir-
ror neurons, and both stress that neurobiology cannot fully account for intersubjectivity
and interpersonal understanding (Allen et al., 2008; Zahavi, 2012).
This direct, intersubjective understanding makes up the far greater part of the process
of understanding others, whereas the explicit, conscious understanding is only a small
part. Most phenomenologists think that the basic form of understanding also involves
context and a narrative form of understanding. In this way, phenomenologists include
both explicit and implicit understanding in their thinking, actually covering the same
areas as mentalization: explicit as well as implicit. However, phenomenologists consider
that the implicit element needs most attention and effort.
Although the philosophical underpinnings of mentalization theory have never been
made especially clear, Fonagy mentions the inspiration from phenomenology through
Brentano (Fonagy et al., 2002). Phenomenologists have subsequently used the concept
of mentalization when discussing empathy and intersubjective understanding (Gallagher,
2012; Meneses & Larkin, 2012; Stein, 2008), and in his description of different levels of
intersubjectivity, Gallagher gives an account of the different levels of intersubjectivity,
which could amount to a description of the gradual transition from implicit to explicit
mentalization. This is substantiated by developmental theory and research which is also
used by mentalization theorists (Gallagher, 2009). It could therefore be advantageous for
mentalization theorists to lean towards a phenomenological way of thinking, which
could account for the whole spectrum of mentalization and not just the 10% of the ice-
berg that is above the surface. Conversation analysis supplemented with studies of
embodied mirroring displays of understanding could then be used to grasp how implicit
mentalization is enacted in interaction.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or
not-for-profit sectors.
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Author biographies
Annette Sofie Davidsen is an associate professor at the Research Unit for General Practice and
Section of General Practice, University of Copenhagen. She is a specialist in family medicine. Her
research has primarily dealt with psychiatric and psychotherapeutic issues with a special focus on
the borderland between general practice and psychiatry. Her research methods have been human-
istic and qualitative. In addition, she has been occupied with theoretical issues of qualitative meth-
odology. Email: adavid@sund.ku.dk
Christina Fogtmann Fosgerau is an associate professor within the section of Psychology of
Language, Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics at the University of Copenhagen. She is
continuously working on integrating methods from linguistics and interaction analysis with psy-
chological theoretical frameworks in order to better grasp processes of understandings and emo-
tions as they unfold and evolve in interaction. Her published and presented papers have appeared
in both psychological and linguistic journals and conferences. Email: fogtmann@hum.ku.dk