GANDHI AND PUNJAB

Author(s): RAJMOHAN GANDHI

Source: India International Centre Quarterly , SUMMER 2012, Vol. 39, No. 1 (SUMMER
2012), pp. 30-42
Published by: India International Centre

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 RAJMOHAN GANDHI

Punjab
that pre- in andandthethat
Punjab Punjabs Punjabs thepre-
1947 titleIndian
the Indian1947
land,states land,article
ofofthisHaryana
comprising comprising
and states of stands today'
Himachal. today's
Fors Haryana for Pakistani Pakistani
the and Punjab Himachal.and
and that Indian
Indian was, For
decades now, that Punjab of old has ceased to exist as a political
entity Even before 1947, of course, Punjab was hardly uniform.
Its many parts differed from one another in soil, temperature,
population density, religion, caste, sect and other ways.
What was and is common to much of old Punjab and most
of its inhabitants, whether in India or Pakistan, is the Punjabi
language, which seems to have existed for a thousand years or
more. Punjab's long story includes Sufis and Sikh Gurus; Khatri
and Arora writers and officials; Akbar (who spent many years in
Lahore), Jahangir (buried in Lahore), Aurangzeb (who built Lahore's
Badshahi Mosque) and Dara Shukoh (still loved in Lahore); Banda
Bahadur; Bulleh Shah and Waris Shah; Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah
Abdali; Ranjit Singh; brutal wars between the British and the Sikh
kingdom; the British conquest; 1857; the Lawrence brothers and the
canal colonies; Sir Ganga Ram, Iqbal, Faiz Ahmed Faiz; and a good
deal more.

At ground level, Punjab saw both accommodation and strife.

The tradition of Guru Nanak and Baba Farid continued to foster
peace. Compassion was practiced. Two Pashtun horse-dealers saved
Guru Gobind Singh's life.
Yet over time there were bitter conflicts, and also a clash
between purity of birth and purity of belief. If elites on one side
anxiously avoided 'polluting' contacts, elites on the other side kept
their distance from 'impure' beliefs. Though common people put

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 GANDHI & PUNJAB : RAJMOHAN GANDHI

this clash to one side and carried on with th

men used the communal divide to climb.
Also, Punjab was absorbing a 'weapon culture'. Successive
events in the 18th and 19th centuries fostered it: Banda Bahadur's
fierce raids to avenge the killing of Guru Gobind Singh's minor
sons; the subsequent hunting down of Sikhs by governors in
Lahore like Zakariya Khan and Mir Mannu; the rise of armed
Sikh bands; Ranjit Singh's large and successful army; the so-called
Anglo-Sikh wars; and, finally, Britain's success in turning Punjab
into a garrison state.
The British recruited Jat and other Sikhs, Jat, Rajput and other
Muslims, and Jat, Dogra and other Hindus in such numbers that
Punjabis made up half of the Empire's Indian soldiers. The prestige
of weapons soared in Punjab.
♦♦♦

Hindsight asks why Punjab's partition, if it had to come, was

arranged with greater planning and without bloodshed. There alw
was something like a natural demarcation between western
eastern Punjab. In the 1880s, Denzil Ibbetson, British civil ser
and enumerator of Punjab's castes and tribes, wrote that cultural
demographic changes appeared 'with some suddenness about
meridian of Lahore, where the great rivers enter the fertile zone
the arid grazing grounds of the West give place to the arable
of the East' (Ibbetson, 1974: 11).
Western Punjab contained, in comparison with central o
eastern portions, a higher Muslim percentage, a lower popul
density and fewer towns. Including princely states, all of Punjab
a population in 1941 of 34.3 million. Of this total, 53.2 per cent w
estimated to be Muslims, 29.1 per cent Hindus, and 14.9 per
Sikhs. However, Hindus and Sikhs, taken together, outnumb
Muslims in the Jalandhar and Ambala divisions of British Pu
i.e., in today's Indian states of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal.
For more than 30 years, Gandhi's aim, and the desire of
great majority of Indians, was India's independence as a united na
It was in October 1939 - right after the start of World War II - t
Gandhi first commented on the idea of a separate Muslim-ma
nation. A Muslim school-teacher from Punjab had asked Gand
accept separation.

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lie QUARTERLY

By 1939 there was a climate for discus

but also some Hindus, had said that Indi
constituted two nations. One of the firs
Lajpat Rai. Writing in December 1924 in
Lahore in 1881), he said:

Under my scheme the Muslims will have four

Pathan Province or the North-West Frontie
(3) Sindh; and (4) Eastern Bengal.... It mean
India into a Muslim India and a non-Muslim India.

Despite advocating separation, Lajpat Rai envisaged a centre of

some kind. Thirteen years after Lajpat Rai's proposal, YD. Savarkar,
presiding at the 1937 session of the Hindu Mahasabha in
Ahmedabad, also said that India contained 'two nations in the main:
the Hindus and the Muslims'.
Gandhi's response to the Punjabi school-teacher was published
in his journal, Harijan (28 October 1939):

Why is India not one nation? Was it not one during, say, the Moghul
period? Is India composed of two nations? If it is, why only two? Are
not Christians a third, Parsis a fourth? Are the Muslims of China a
nation separate from the other Chinese? Are the Muslims of England
a different nation from the other English?

How are the Muslims of the Punjab different from the Hindus and the
Sikhs? Are they not all Punjabis, drinking the same water, breathing
the same air and deriving sustenance from the same soil? What is there
to prevent them from following their respective religious practices?

What is to happen to the handful of Muslims living in the numerous

villages where the population is predominantly Hindu, and
conversely to the Hindus where, as in the Frontier Province or Sind,
they are a handful?

The way suggested by the correspondent is the way of strife. Live

and let live or mutual forbearance and toleration is the law of
life. That is the lesson I have learnt from the Koran, the Bible, the
Zend-Avesta and the Gita.

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 GANDHI & PUNJAB : RAJMOHAN GANDHI

Punjabis had first heard of Gandhi in 190

old and living in South Africa. Addressin
Indian National Congress, Gopal Krishna
follows about Gandhi:

It is one of the privileges of my life that I know Mr. Gandhi personally

and I can tell you that a purer, nobler, a braver and a more exalted
spirit has never moved on this earth. . . [He] is a man among men, a
hero among heroes, a patriot among patriots, and we may well say
that in him Indian humanity at the present time has really reached
its high watermark (Karve and Ambedkar, 1966: 420).

That year, 1909, when Lahorites first heard of Gandhi, was also the
year of the Indian Councils (or Minto-Morley) Act, which provided,
among other things, for a 30-member Punjab Legislative Council.
This Council was to comprise officials, nominated non-officials,
and a handful of elected members, chosen by property-owning and
educated Punjabis voting in separate electorates.
Though the Indian Councils Act of 1909 represented a modest
political advance, it damaged Hindu-Muslim trust in Punjab, with
Hindu-owned and Muslim-owned newspapers attacking the other
community and its journals.
At its founding in 1906, the Muslim League had asked for
separate electorates for Muslims, a request granted by an Empire
looking for ways to solidify Indian divisions. The Empire also agreed
with the League that in any councils created in India, Muslims would
have 'weightage' - a share larger than the population ratio.
In 1916 came the consequential Congress-League Pact, put
together in Lucknow by Tilak and Annie Besant from the Congress and
by Jinnah from the Muslim League side. Under the Pact, the Congress
and the League agreed to work jointly for 'early self-government' on
the basis of direct elections, separate electorates for Muslims and
Sikhs, and 'weightage' for religious minorities in provincial and central
councils. This meant weightage for Muslims in provinces like UP and
Bihar, for Hindus in Bengal, and for Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab.
In the years that followed, the Lucknow Pact was criticised on
both sides. Hindus said that Tilak and the INC should have never
agreed to separate electorates for Muslims and Sikhs. Muslim leaders
in Punjab said that weightage gave political leverage to a Hindu-Sikh

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lie QUARTERLY

minority which already enjoyed educ

advantages. In 1911-12, Punjab's Muslims, c
cent of the province, made up 24 per cent of
and 24 per cent also in the province's scho
Baisakhi Day, 13 April 1919, changed e
it seemed. Mingling in the mud of Jallian
Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims sealed what co
long pact. For weeks prior to the massacre
and Hindus, inspired by Gandhi's call for
the Rowlatt Act (which curbed free expres
solidarity. In discussion among themselv
that 'opposition to the Rowlatt Act and ad
practically universal' in Punjab (Jalal, 2000
Dissatisfied with the Hunter Commissi
into the massacre, the INC decided on a p
Congress committee comprising Gandhi,
M.R. Jayakar and Abbas Tyabji. Shouldering
Gandhi spent three months in differe
interviewed numerous witnesses. In the e
the committee's report.
Those three months of travel and liste
Gandhi with Punjab, which he was visitin
Everywhere, in addition to collecting evi
khaddar and the charkha and found m
responsive. He also sought funds for a Ja
said Gandhi, to engender 'ill-will or hosti
symbol of the people's grief' and a reminder
death, of the innocent' ( Collected Works,
up after Gandhi declared that he would, if n
in Ahmedabad to finance the memorial.
This declaration was a factor in the dec
Punjabi, Pyarelal Nayar, to join Gandhi. E
his Punjab tour, Pyarelal thought that G
assurance of strength' and 'an access to s
power which could find a way even through
wall' (Pyarelal, 1991: 5-7).
♦♦♦

But would he win Punjab, the Empire's sword arm, to non- vi

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 GANDHI & PUNJAB : RAJMOHAN GANDHI

struggle and to Hindu-Muslim-Sikh unity? G

did not speak Punjabi. Most importantly, in
teammates of the kind he had found in some
In Gujarat, among many others, he h
In Bihar he had Rajendra Prasad. In th
C. Rajagopalachari. In UP he had Jawaharla
Lala Laj pat Rai, the Punjab lion, was
Gandhi. While the two had much in comm
partial. They differed on the possibility o
political front and of a united free India.
the Empire's lathis, the lion of Punjab died a
That year, 1928, he had come closer to G
him and with Motilal Nehru and Jawaharl
sake of Hindu-Muslim unity, joint elector
India, Punjab's Muslim majority should be fr
minority weightage.
In publicly taking this position, Laj pat R
Hindu and Sikh leaders in Punjab, who we
weightage in the legislature. Laj pat Ra
minority weightage, Muslims, thanks to the
dominant in Punjab. If Punjab's Hindus a
forego weightage, they would, he said, se
de facto Hindu rule in Hindu-majority porti
the centre Qa'a', 2000: 308-309).
But the proposal of giving up someth
national prize fell on unresponsive ears.
leaders did not want to lose weightage.

♦♦♦

A few years before Lala Laj pat Rai's death, Punjab saw the
emergence and equally sudden collapse of the Hindu-Muslim
front that Gandhi had helped create between 1919 and 1922.
Jallianwalla had fired all Indians for Swaraj, and England
France's treatment of a defeated Turkey and the placing of I
holy places under European control had angered India's Muslim
1920 and 1921, the INC and the Muslim League stood as one i
audacious campaign for Non-violent Non-cooperation that Ga
launched in 1920.
Across India, thousands tossed away jobs and careers and

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lie QUARTERLY

embraced prison. In the words of Ayesha

intensely sceptical of Gandhi, there were
of Hindu-Muslim goodwill'. Gandhi
extraordinary alliance' (Jalal , 2000: 237). A
hands, including many Hindu, Muslim and
An important piece in the story of th
successful, non-violent, and historic Akali m
was strongly and intimately connected to No
During this period, in addition to L
remarkable Punjabis - Hindus, Muslirris
platform with Gandhi, some briefly, oth
the rest of their lives: Swami Shraddhana
Mahatma Munshi Ram, stood with Gandh
poet Iqbal, and Sir Fazli Husain, founder of
for a few days (ibid.: 210); Maulana Zafar
and writer and influential editor, for man
educated Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew, hailing f
of Kashmiris settled in Amritsar and Lahore
though often he differed strongly with Gand
Sardul Singh Caveeshar (who served
President in 1933) was another associat
leaders were close to Gandhi until the late 1920s. Abdullah Bukhari
of Amritsar, the fiery and at times indiscreet orator - as passionate
for universal Islam as he was for Indian independence - was for
years on the same side as Gandhi and with the INC, as was Dr. Satya
Pal, whose arrest along with that of Dr. Kitchlew and of Gandhi had
sparked off the Jallianwalla unrest.
Yet none of these personalities quite became a teammate with
Gandhi the way, say, Patel, Prasad, Rajaji, Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana
Azad, Kripalani, Jayaprakash Narayan and Rammanohar Lohia had or
would become, not to mention Badshah Khan, who was in a class by
himself. And those who did become Gandhi's inseparable teammates
in Punjab for the rest of their lives - talented and productive
individuals like Pyarelal Nayar and his sister Sushila, and Bibi Amtus
Salaam of Rajpura - did not acquire influence across Punjab the way,
for example, the Nehrus, Patel, Prasad, Badshah Khan and Rajaji had
done in their parts of India or beyond. There was Gulzarilal Nanda,
yes, but he made Gujarat rather than Punjab his karmabhoomi.
Gandhi and Punjab needed a Muslim-Hindu-Sikh team that

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 GANDHI & PUNJAB : RAJMOHAN GANDHI

would stay together no matter what and

such a team, Gandhi was helpless in Punja
m

To return to 1919-22: the apparent m

good to last. Turkey let India's Musli
khilafat for which India's Muslims sa
A crowd of non-cooperators in Chaur
Gandhi down by killing trapped police
and non-Muslims tried to outsmart one
community to resign from the Raj's off
pocketing every opening themselves.
Emerging in 1924 from a two-yea
found Hindu-Muslim relations in a
Punjab news sheets from both sides w
and reviling the religion of the opponen
of violence coming'.
After Non-cooperation, several M
company with Gandhi and the INC, i
brothers, as did a few Hindu stalwarts
However, "Muslim leaders like Ajm
Ansari, Abul Kalam Azad, Badshah Kh
who were enlisted in 1919-22, remaine
However, Kitchlew was the only Punjabi

The years from 1929 to 1931 saw the

Young Bhagat Singh's fearless defian
Lahore and his being hanged along with
many people. Yet Bhagat Singh too la
team that would stay together, come wh
Neither the Hindustan Republican
Jawan Sabha nor the Kirti-Kisan Par
Bhagat Singh was associated - could at
its fold. Moreover, sharp dissension, at
weakened the revolutionaries.
Then there was the Unionist Party, founded in the 1920s and
drawing its strength from beneficiaries in the canal colonies, and from
the Land Alienation law in Punjab, which the British had enacted in

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lie QUARTERLY

1900 in support of farmers threatened by

reflected the interests of numerous pro-E
Hindu landholders, but it could not appeal
to the landless, or to urban workers or trade
Bringing together, for the sake of Hindu
the anti-Empire Congress and the pro-Em
impossible goal in the 1920s and the 1930s
Much later, however, in early 1946, w
Punjab legislature held on a limited franchise
75 out of Punjab's 86 Muslim seats, the Un
Congress, with 51, and the Akalis and other
able to form a coalition ministry after att
Unionist or a League-Akali coalition failed.
Khizr Hyat Tiwana, the Premier in thi
Sikh coalition, was reviled by angry Mus
Khizr Singh'. After a year's civil disobedience
the Khizr ministry was brought down in Ma
Earlier, in November 1939 and again i
had made approaches to the then Punja
the Unionist Party, Sikandar Hyat Khan. T
on Sikandar and the moves failed, yet Gan
Partition by wooing the Unionists, wh
autonomous Punjab, is noteworthy.
♦♦♦

Between these two overtures from Gandhi to Sikandar, the L

had met in Lahore and asked for 'separate and sovereign Mu
states, comprising geographically contiguous units... in which
Muslims are numerically in a majority, as in the north-wester
eastern zones of India' (Merriam, 1980: 67). A delegate at Lah
asked whether the imprecise wording would not justify partition
Punjab and Bengal. Liaqat Ali Khan, the League's general secre
gave this answer:

If we say Punjab that would mean that the boundary of our state
would be Gurgaon, whereas we want to include in our proposed
dominion Delhi and Aligarh, which are centres of our culture....
Rest assured that we will [not] give away any part of Punjab (quoted
in Nairn, 1979: 186).

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 GANDHI & PUNJAB : RAJMOHAN GANDHI

In November 1945, an unexpected candle

Punjab. Three Punjabis, one a Sikh, the s
third a Hindu, were together charged in the
trial of the IN As Dhillon, Shah Nawaz an
image of Punjabi and Indian unity. Sadly
only a short life. Before long, former IN
divided themselves into Muslims, Sikhs a
engaged in bitter communal disputes.
In the following year, 1946, three Brit
spent three months in India. Jinnah told
would not be satisfied with anythin
made up of 'all six provinces (all of Pu
Baluchistan, all of Bengal and Assam) and
(Moon, 1973: 246). The Congress, on the o
opposition even to a 'small' Pakistan if it wa
preceded independence, and if the NWFP,
recently defeated the League, was compelled
In response, the Cabinet Mission produ
tier plan of provinces, groups and a unio
architect, Cripps, later admitted was 'pur
interpretations of the proposal were prese
the League, and a game was played by all s
Selected provinces may join a large Mu
the Congress was told. Such provinces sh
League was told. Gandhi hated the ambigu
do not know how uneasy I feel,' Gandhi wro
'Something is wrong' ( Pyarelal, 1956: 204
to the Working Committee. Yet Gandhi
Patel, Nehru, Azad, Rajagopalachari and Pr
the game and enter the interim government
of August 1946 was an unwise, if also und
what he saw as Congress' success in the les
In August, Calcutta witnessed great
Noakhali, in November Bihar. The mixture of cleverness and
suspicion had brewed poison.
A year later, in October 1947 - after India was free, partitioned
and more poisoned - a Gandhi who had been publicly expressing
his distress received a letter from a friend urging him not to lose
heart. This is what Gandhi replied:

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lie QUARTERLY

I am not vain enough to think that the divin

fulfilled through me. It is as likely as not th
will be used to carry it out. ... May it not be t
courageous, more farseeing is wanted for the

Here Gandhi selects farsightedness as one

seems to suggest that he should have for
felt that, foreseeing its poisonous fallout, h
the game of deception that all three sides
the British - played during the stay in Indi

In March 1947, Gandhi was in Noakh

bring solace and courage to victims an
to perpetrators, when, following Kh
remarks from Master Tara Singh, lar
Hindus occurred in Rawalpindi and
killings, and responding also to press
Sikhs, the Congress Working Committee
on 8 March 1947.

The train to Partition was gathering speed. Gandhi's response is

well known. On 1 April, he proposed to Mountbatten, to Nehru, Patel,
Azad and other Congress leaders that a Jinnah-led central government
be installed with the INC's agreement and support. This, Gandhi
thought, could remedy polarisation in Punjab, avert an explosion, and
preserve the unity of Punjab and Bengal, and of India as a whole.
A key component of Gandhi's Jinnah proposal was that the
growing number of Punjab's private militias - Muslim, Hindu and
Sikh - should be disbanded.
How Mountbatten, supported by his staff, which included
the skilful VP. Menon, worked to scuttle this plan, and how, after
opposition from Nehru, Patel and company, Gandhi felt compelled
to drop it, is a well-recorded story that need not be related here.
Was Gandhi's plan, which was never put to Jinnah, a chance
for peace and unity in the Punjab and India of 1947? Calling it a
Solomon-like solution, one of Jinnah's biographers, Stanley Wolpert,
would speculate that the League leader would have accepted it, but
who can say for sure?

♦♦♦

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 GANDHI & PUNJAB : RAJMOHAN GANDHI

At the end of July 1947, Gandhi took a trai

to Kashmir. The journey to Kashmir and bac
in Amritsar, Lahore, Rawalpindi, Wah, and t
in Hasan Abdal. On the eve of this trip, he s

[W]e should fast and pray on 15 August. I m

intend to mourn. But it is a matter of grief
and no clothes. Human beings kill huma
people cannot leave their houses for fear th
(96: 174-75).

This trip in July-August 1947 was his last physical contact with
central and western Punjab. In November and December 1947, he
twice visited Panipat in an unsuccessful bid to persuade its Muslims
not to migrate to Pakistan. This is what he told them:

If. . . you want to go of your own will, no one can stop you. But you
will never hear Gandhi utter the words that you should leave India.
Gandhi can only tell you that you should stay, for India is your
home. And if your brethren should kill you, you should bravely
meet death. ... But today, having heard you and seen you, my heart
weeps. Do as God guides you (97: 443-44).

On Independence Day, Gandhi was in Calcutta. News of Punjab's

violence made him want to go there, but Nehru and Patel advised
him not to. He would not be able to do anything in Punjab, said
Patel. On 30 August Gandhi wrote to Nehru,

Left to myself I would probably rush to the Punjab and if necessary

break myself in the attempt to stop the warring elements from
committing suicide (96: 304).

But fresh killings in Calcutta caused him to stay there and launch
a fast against the violence. The fast worked, and peace returned
to Calcutta.
On 7 September, Gandhi boarded a train for Delhi en route to
the Punjab. But he found Delhi to be a city of the dead and stopped
in the capital, reckoning that Delhi would 'decide the whole country's
destiny', that 'a fire here would burn all of Hindustan' (89: 23 7, 465).

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lie QUARTERLY

From 9 September 1947 until his assas

1948, he was in Delhi, not having gone t
time with Punjabi refugees.
West Punjab was on Gandhi's itinerar
March 1948. Among those he expected to
Mian Iftikharuddin, the League leader wh
Congress figure in Lahore, and his wife Ism
Had Gandhi found himself in either E
August or September 1947, the months whe
occurred, could he have prevented the b
Gokhale had said in Lahore in 1909, Gan
In 1921, after a visit to Punjab by Gan
triumphantly recorded, in so many word
did not think Gandhi was 'a superman' Q
It is to be doubted, moreover, wheth
could have swallowed all the poison let l
and September 1947, or put all that poison

* Adapted from the inaugural B.R. Nanda Memorial L

the IIC on 21 December 2011.

REFERENCES

Ibbetsen, Denzil. 1974. Panjab Castes. Lahore: 1882; reprint by Mubarak Ali. Lahore.
Jalal, Ayesha. 2000. Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam
since 1850. London: Routledge.
Karve and Ambedkar (ed.). 1966. Speeches and Writings of G. K. Gokhale. Bombay:
Asia. Volume 2.

Merriam, A.H. 1980. Gandhi vs.Jinnah. Calcutta: Minerva.

Moon, Penderei (ed.). 1973. Wavell : A Viceroy's Journal. London: Oxford University
Press.

Nairn, C. M. (ed.). 1979. Iqbal, Jinnah and Pakistan. Syracuse: Syracuse University
Page, David. 1982. Prelude to Partition: The Indian Muslims and the Imperial System of
Control , 1920-1932. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Pyarelal. 1956. Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Volume 1. Ahmedabad: Navjivan.
Pyarelal. 1991. In Gandhiji's Mirror. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

♦♦

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