Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

NAME: PANKHURI ADHIKARI

B.A. HISTORY(HONS.)

ROLL NO.:222434

QUESTION: Write historiography of the paper: history of modern China-

Unit I: Late Imperial China: Society, Economy, Polity
Unit II. Imperialism, Popular Movements and Reforms in the 19th century
Unit III: Emergence of Nationalism
Unit IV: Nationalism and Communism

HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

6 NOVEMBER,2023

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

Abstract
“I have gathered up and brought together the old traditions of the world which were scattered
and lost. I have examined the deeds and events of the past and investigated the principles behind
their success and failure, their rise and decay…. I wished to examine into all that concerns
heaven and man, to penetrate the changes of the past and present.” Thus wrote the Grand
Historian Sima Qian, the pioneering author of China’s first great work of history, the Shi Ji
(Historical Records), in the 1st century B.C. He inaugurated a sophisticated and unbroken
tradition of history writing in China that has few parallels anywhere else in the world. ”
Similarly,, J.K.Fairbank wrote: “No people have been more interested in their past than the
Chinese, for to them it was the model for the present and the primary source of information on
human society, the subject that concerned them most. No people have shown a greater
realisation of being actors on the stage of history or greater interest in the future judgement of
history on themselves.” Historiography was a crucial component of China's classical heritage. It
was closely related to her morality, statecraft, and conventional philosophy. The great works of
historical writing were also among the most widely read and revered elements in China’s literary
tradition. In this assignment, we will examine some of the main aspects of the great Chinese
historiographical tradition. Specifically, with main focus to analyse the changes or developments
in the historiographical tradition over time, and the main issues of debate among historians in
imperial China.
Key words:Historiography,statecraft,philosophy.

Unit I: Late Imperial China: Society, Economy, Polity

(a) Confucian Value System

 The compilation of the “Wujing (Five Classics)” was a concrete manifestation of

the coming of age of the Confucian tradition. The inclusion of both pre-Confucian
texts, the Shujing (“Classic of History”) and the Shijing (“Classic of Poetry”),
and contemporary Qin-Han material, such as certain portions of the Liji (“Record
of Rites”), suggests that the spirit behind the establishment of the core curriculum
for Confucian education was ecumenical. The Five Classics can be described in
terms of five visions: metaphysical, political, poetic, social, and historical.

 Confucius's sayings can be found in a little book that documents some of his
interactions with his pupils and their testimonies of his behavior on specific
occasions. This book is known by its Chinese title, Lun-y/i, which implies
discussions or conversations. The Analects, which means selection or choice, is
how this title is usually translated into English. Given that the Confucian Analects
is not a philosophical or religious treatise with a singular point of view, but rather
a compilation of Confucius's sayings and actions that his disciples thought most
noteworthy, this English Translation is quite appropriate. Except as otherwise
indicated, all translations from the Analects are taken or adapted from those of
Wing-tsit Chan in A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1963). The other source for the translations is Sources of
Chinese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960).
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

 The historical vision, presented in the Chunqiu (“Spring and Autumn

[Annals]”), emphasizes the significance of collective memory for communal self-
identification. Dong Zhongshu, akin to Sima Qian, revered the Chunqiu but his
"Chunqiu fanlu" was more metaphysical than historical. He combined
Confucian ethics with naturalistic cosmology, linking human actions to cosmic
consequences for rulers. While not all Han Confucian scholars embraced his
views, Confucian ethics greatly influenced government and education, elevating
Confucius to a revered figure, with teachers holding significant authority in
traditional Chinese society.

 Undoubtedly the greatest historian of pre-modern China was Sima Qian (d.85
BC), who wrote his path-breaking “Historical Records” (Shi Ji) in the period of
the Former Han Dynasty.In fact, the Historical Records had a complex 5-part
structure, but the two key innovations that Sima Qian introduced was to have a
section on topical essays or monographs, and one on biographies. The monograph
section included subjects like rituals and music, calendars, astrology and
astronomy, rivers and canals, and ‘weights and measures’ (which was actually a
treatise on the economy) One of the greatest tributes to him was paid by the next
great historian after him, Ban Gu, who said about the Grand Historian: “He
discourses without sounding wordy; he is simple without being rustic. His writing
is direct and his facts sound. He does not falsify what is beautiful, nor does he
conceal what is evil. Therefore his may be termed a “true record”.”

(b) Opium Wars and the Unequal Treaty System:

 Cultural War Theory: John Quincy Adams, the 6th President of the United
States, began the debate in December 1841, when he said that the cause of the war
was kowtow, the arrogant and insupportable pretensions of China.
 In 1907, a missionary W.A.P. Martin, in his book The Awakening of China, has
viewed the war as a result of series of collisions between the conservatism of the
Orient and the progressive spirit of the West, and also because China was
backward and unable to change with the times.
 Li Chien-Nung called the war “a conflict of western and eastern cultures”, over 3
issues - international relations, commerce and foreign trade, and jurisdiction.
 Similarly, US scholar, E.H. Pritchard, spoke of cultural difficulties over “the
idea of equality”, the social status of the mercantile class, and “the different
attitude towards justice”. Leslie Merchant sees the war as a doctrinal,
philosophical clash between two cultures and two notions of government and
society.
 John K. Fairbank, in his earlier works, also expounded this theory, saying that
Sino-centrism and the regressive judicial system were the causative factors in the
conflict between a dynamic Britain trying to “civilize” a backward, stagnant
China. This view has been criticized by Chinese communist historians. Tan
Chung says that wars cannot be fought merely on cultural grounds, which are
subjective, physiological elements that never remain constant.
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

 Historians, such as Michael Greenberg, have found the source of the inevitable
tensions between the British and the Chinese in Britain’s expanding modern
economy.
 John Byng wrote an account of the Chinese-British encounters in his book
“Embassy to China” in which he argues that the war which broke out between
China and Britain was a trade war, a conflict which occurred because China
failed to respond to the western approaches which the West had made through
several missions such as the Lord McCartney and Lord Amherst missions. If
China had opened up to the West and removed all restrictions war could have
easily been averted. China was denying the western countries their natural right
to trade. China had failed to modernize their ideas as far as commercial
perspectives were concerned.
 Opium War Theory: Scholars like S.W. Williams, Hu Sheng, Maurice Collins,
and Tan Chung argue the Opium war theory. According to this view, Anglo-
Chinese conflict was inevitable due to the addictive drug, opium and its serious
repercussions on the Chinese economy, society, and polity.
 Westel Woodbury Willoughby, a US scholar, said there is overwhelming
evidence that the war is justifiably called an Opium War. However, he relies for
his “evidence” only on what S.W. Williams has written – that the Chinese
“seizure and destruction” of British opium ignited Sino-British hostility; and that
China was asked to pay “an indemnity of six million dollars for the opium thus
seized and destroyed according to the provision of the Treaty of Nanking”.
 Tan Chung critique Fair bank who was proponent of ‘ cultural warfare’ theory
along with Li Chien nuns & E.H Richard. According to them british war
occurred due to cultural differences and opium was accidental. But,he called
opium sole cause of war. He argued that Fairbanks semantics were wrong as he
does not place them in correct historical context. For example ‘YI’ seen by fair
bank as barbarian but also used for Jesuit’s in chinese court who were
respectable. He also mentioned the letter written by chinese emperor to George
III in which he used the word ‘YI’ 15 times. He further argued that Robert
Morrison in 1827 started the misrepresentation of word ‘YI’.
 Fairbank challenges this view theoretically, who says that British interest in
opium was only a recent addition to the long-continued British desire for
commercial expansion. Thus the theory fails to recognize the other important
aspects of the conflict, he points to the fact that the opium trade was not legalized
even after the war. Most of the clauses of the post-war treaties, in fact, served
British commercial interests.
 UNEQUAL TREATIES: Emmanuel Chung Yueh Hsu points about many
causes of unequal treaty. He argued that extraterritoriality was granted to british
because chinese didn’t want to engage in the disputes of the barbarians and it
also symbolises chinese benevolence. In the same way MFN status was granted in
the view of Confucian ideology. He further argued that fixed tariffs were readily
acceptable because they were higher than previous taxes.
 J.K. Fairbank argued that manner in which chinese negotiate with unequal
treaties was theirtraditional foreign policy which have many ways to deal with
foreigners it include military force, Notion of ‘FA’ ( extended territory ), Notion
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

of ‘TE’ ( rule by virtue), Notion of ‘LI’ ( manipulation ) of material interests /

greeds of foreigners. Like in the form of treaty favours to bring them within
Chinese sphere of influence. He further argued that all these suggest that chinese
negotiate with Europeans on traditional with no departure. Within bureaucracy
there was severe Sino-centrism and chinese rulers saw this as an act of
benevolence.
 Jack Gray called it unconventional to call them unequal treaties. He picks up the
terms of Nanking and other treaties. Like he argued that Hong Kong was only an
islands of rocks to china & chinese version of treaty left Hongkong’s status
ambiguous. He points out that Extra territoriality was a way of chinese policy of
dealing with foreigners. He argued that TREATY OF NANKING was ‘very mild’
treaty as british were in position of asking anything.
 Tan Chung refutes all these things and called the treaties ruthless only meant to
continue opium trade & make huge benefits.

Unit II. Imperialism, Popular Movements and Reforms in the 19th century:

(a)Taiping and Boxer Movements – Causes, Ideology, Nature:

 Taiping Rebellion:The controversy over the interpretation of the nature of the

Taiping movement in the 20th century is over the issue whether it was a rebellion
or revolution. At the beginning of the movement, it impressed the Western world
and was hailed as a revolution. For instance, Karl Marx called it a ‘formidable
revolution’ and predicted that it would affect the fate of entire movement. Marx
conceived of rebellion as a spontaneous upsurge on any particular contentious
issue present at the time of its emergence, and revolution as having a deep-rooted
foundation and an incubation period before its outburst.
 Kung-chuan Hsiao defines rebellion as an ‘open armed opposition to the
established government’ and revolution as ‘aimed not merely at a change of rulers
but at an alteration of the form of government together with the principles at
which it rests’.
 To Western scholars such as Vincent Shih, Barrington Moore Jr., George
Taylor, J.K. Fairbank and others, the Taiping movement appears to be a
‘typical traditional rebellion’ that was bound to fail. According to them for any
movement, to be called a revolution it must be successful in its aims.
 Barrington Moore Jr. argues that the Taiping movement did not alter the basic
structure of society and therefore cannot be called a revolution. In this case
however, even after the Taiping movement, the Manchus, the prevailing socio-
political order and the traditional Confucian system continued.
 Vincent Shih notes, “Certain ideals were borrowed from Christianity and the
West which held a genuine possibility of bringing a real revolution but these
ideals were diluted due to the mixing of native Confucianism, Taoism and
Buddhist principles.” Moreover, he argues that for a movement to be called
revolutionary not only must violence be a means of achieving the objectives but
the leaders must also show the desire to make changes in the nature of the society.
However, in case of the Taiping this does not seem to have happened as the
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

leaders were only interested in taking over the reins of the government but not
bring about any fundamental change in the society.
 This view is criticized by Tan Chung, who points out that there is no evidence to
show that the existence of native cultural aspirations in the Taiping ideology
diluted its revolutionary character, and to say that only Western ideas can form a
revolution is not correct. Moreover, he believes that if one studies the
developments and changes that have taken place in China from the beginning of
the 20th century it becomes amply clear that the myth that only western ideas can
save China is in fact only a myth.
 The second school of thought comprises mainly of Chinese communist historians
such as Holl Wailu, Li Tianyu, Wu Shimo, Tan Chung and Jean Chesneaux.
While accepting its shortcomings, they call the Taiping ‘nothing less than a full-
fledged revolution’ and a ‘precursor to the Communist Revolution of 1949’,
appreciating its revolutionary character. Some have called it “the first great tide of
revolution in the history of modern China”.
 Some scholars avoid joining either the Western or the Communist schools of
thought. Prominent among them is Ssu Yu Teng, according to whom “the first
half of the Taiping rebellion”, lasting from 1851 to 1856, was “a proletarian
revolutionary movement to overthrow the Manchu regime and replace it by a new
rationalist government with a radical economic, social, political and cultural
programme.”
 Historians such as Chesneaux and Tan Chung strongly feel that it was a peasant
revolution. They believe that the peasants dominated the movement and it was
among other things, a social crusade expressing the poor peasants’ desire for
equality and the primitive rural collectivism of the Taiping social organization
was linked with the utopian tradition of Chinese peasant movements.
 Scholars like Jen Yu-Wen have argued that religion was the chief motivating
force behind the Taiping leadership, especially Hung. He lays emphasis on his
mission viz. to rule China and to perform the sacred task of ridding his country of
all pagan idols so as to unite all men in the worship of the one true God.
 BOXER REBELLION: Max Weber emphasized on exploitation as the key
characteristic of prevalent social relations within Chinese society, which led to the
Boxer Rebellion. Weber referred to the Chinese gentry as ‘exploiters’ who
controlled tax collection and administration and derived legitimacy from the
Confucian value system. The peasantry was the ‘exploited’ class, the taxpayers,
who despite the theoretical emphasis on ‘career open to merit’ could rarely attain
gentry status.
 Chesneaux called the Boxer Movement “the crusade of the common man of
China to do something for his country because the government was incapable of
doing it”. “The Boxer Rebellion represented the general sentiment of the people”
as opines Chesneaux
 Western historians describe the Movement as a frenzied outburst or a “blind
xenophobic reaction against all progress and attempts at modernization
introduced under imperialist impact”.
 Chinese Communist historians regard the Movement as a ‘nationalistic patriotic
revolution’ or a ‘peasant movement’ with a strong patriotic leaning based on
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

the traditional patterns. For these scholars, the Boxer Rebellion served as a model
for future movements directed against the Manchus and the foreigners.
 Fairbank regards the Uprising as a “direct response to the deepening crisis in
the lives of the Chinese people”.

(b) Self-Strengthening Movement; Hundred Days Reforms of 1898:

 Historians are generally divided into two camps: those such as Michael Gasster
(1972) and Kwang-Ching Liu who perceive the self-strengthening movement as
an inadequate reform program that was doomed to failure because of its
conservative ideology, and those such as Li Chien Nung, Samuel Chu, and
Benjamin Elman who focus on the political struggles in the Qing government.
 While another view was presented by Luke S. K. Kwong (1984) who argued that
the movement has been wrongly perceived as a failure because it was not meant
to be a defense strategy to ward off further military losses; he argues that it was
only meant to be an adaptive reform, and it succeeded in that Western ideas did
spread through trade, building of academies and overseas education.
 Sterling Seagrave, in his book "The Dragon Lady", argues that there were
several reasons why the reforms failed. Chinese political power at the time was
firmly in the hands of the ruling Manchu nobility. The highly xenophobic iron hats
faction dominated the Grand Council and were seeking ways to expel all Western
influence from China.

Unit III: Emergence of Nationalism

(a). The Revolution of 1911: Nature and Significance
 According to Mary C. Wright, the emergent Chinese nationalism had two
dimensions- anti-Manchuism and anti-Imperialism. Anti-Manchu sentiments
had existed ever since the inception of the dynasty. Manchus were looked
upon as foreigners by the Han race and their attempts to strengthen their
position by ruling autocratically had made them extremely unpopular. It soon
became clear that the Manchus were not ready to surrender any of their
claims to rule over China.
 Chesneaux states that it was these very reforms which sounded the death knell
for the Manchus, for they gave rise to new revolutionary currents and
succeeded in intensifying the nationalist sentiments.
 According to I.Y. Hsu, modern and western ideas like human rights,
democracy, equality, independence, freedom etc were gaining currency in
China. Nationalism, democracy and republicanism had become the motivating
forces for revolutionary change in China.
(b) May Fourth Movement of 1919
 According to Immanuel CY Hsu, externally, sentiments of nationalism and
democracy were particularly strong during the World War I and the Wilsonian
ideals of national self-determination and abolition of secret diplomacy
appealed to Chinese intellectuals. And China was plagued by chaos and war
lordsim. Chinese intellectuals felt deeply committed to revive their strife
ridden civil war-torn country.
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 Scholars like, Die Aufklarung called it a Chinese version of European

Enlightenment.For example, in the latter, a feudal aristocracy was dethroned
by a rising middle class, while in China the middle class did not play such a
role independently, but rather there was a coalition of various rising social
forces against the older groups.
 According to Mao Zedong leader of the Communist Party, the initiation of
the May Fourth Movement was a cultural reform movement but was also a
form of expression of China’s anti-imperialist and anti-feudal bourgeois-
democratic revolution
Unit IV: Nationalism and Communism

(a). 1921-1927: Formation of the CCP and The First United Front
 Chalmer Johnson argues that the triumph of the Communists was based on their
acknowledgement as patriotic nationalists by the masses including the peasantry.
However, a more palatable assertion is that the Communists succeeded because the
peasantry was convinced that the defeat of the Japanese at the hands of the Communists
would usher them in an era of actual democracy as demonstrated by the CCP in their
areas of influence and control. This conviction made them support all the programmes
and actions of the Communists including their army operations.
 Jean Chesneaux observes that even though the temporary needs of political strategy led
to a postponement of agrarian revolution during Japanese intervention, in the eyes of the
peasants of north China the CCP remained the party of the poor with a new 'social model'
demonstrated at Yunnan and other border regions. Bianco, too, considers the Japanese
aggression to be only a contributory factor.
 The formation of the First United Front in Chinese history, which brought together the
Nationalists (Kuomintang) and the Communists, has been the subject of various
interpretations by historians. Chen Duxiu, one of the founders of the Chinese
Communist Party, believed in the importance of the united front to combat warlordism
and foreign imperialism.
 Wang Sheng, a historian, argued that the united front was primarily a tactical move by
the Nationalists and Communists to strengthen their positions.

(b). 1928-1949: Evolution of Maoist Strategy and Revolutionary Measures; the kiangsi and
Yenan Phase; Communist Victory
 In their controversial biography "Mao: The Unknown Story," Chang and Halliday
present a highly critical view of Mao's leadership, portraying him as a ruthless and
power-hungry dictator. They argue that Mao's strategies were primarily about
consolidating his personal control over the Communist Party.

 Lucien Bianco: In "Origins of the Chinese Revolution, 1915-1949," Bianco examines

the social and economic factors that influenced Mao's revolutionary strategies. He
emphasizes the importance of the rural peasantry and land reform in Mao's thinking.

 As an authority on Chinese history, Roderick MacFarquhar has contributed extensively

to the historiography of the Chinese Communist Party and its leadership. His works,
Historiography :HISTORY OF MODERN CHINA

including "The Origins of the Cultural Revolution" and "Mao's Last Revolution,"
shed light on Mao's evolving strategies and his impact on the party's direction.

 The Kiangsi and Yenan phase: In his influential work "Red Star Over China" (1937),
Edgar Snow provided one of the earliest Western accounts of the Chinese Communist
movement. His on-the-ground reporting offered a firsthand look at the early days of the
Red Army in Kiangsi and its struggle for survival. Snow's sympathetic portrayal of Mao
Zedong and the CCP contributed to a romanticized view of the revolutionary movement.

 Jonathan Spence, in his book "Mao Zedong" (1999), delves into Mao's role and
leadership during the Kiangsi and Yan'an Phases. He explores Mao's tactics, political
maneuvering, and vision for the Chinese Communist movement during these critical
years.

The historiography of the evolution of the communist victory in China is a complex and
multifaceted field, with historians offering various interpretations and analyses of the events
leading to the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) rise to power in 1949.
 Historians like Maurice Meisner have highlighted the role of class struggle and
Marxist ideology in the CCP's rise. They emphasize the CCP's success in mobilizing
peasants and workers against the Nationalists and landlords.
 The "New Left" or revisionist historians, including Mobo Gao, challenge the
traditional narrative. They argue that the CCP's victory was not solely due to ideology
but was influenced by complex social, economic, and political factors.
 Historians like Gail Hershatter have explored the role of women in the communist
movement and the changes brought about by the revolution.