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Super Rich
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Glossary
Freeports Warehouse complexes (usually located in seaports or airports) where goods may be handled with less intervention
from taxing and customs authorities.
Inequality paradigm An epistemological approach to the study of inequality.
Structural inequality A condition, built into societal institutions, where one category of people experience unequal status in
relation to other categories of people even in the absence of biased individuals.
In recent years, the super rich and wealthy elites have been receiving increasing academic, policy, and public attention. Riding on the
back of socioeconomic structural changes such as decreased economic growth, global financial crises, increased privatization of
welfare services, depleting public resources, and the implementation of austerity measures, the super rich have been seen as the
key culprit of growing wealth inequalities globally and locally. Moreover, they are seen to occupy or buy up luxurious mansions
and second/holiday homes that they then leave empty most times of the year (therefore driving local housing prices upward);
to evade taxes, and to engage in questionable offshore businesses with the help of professional experts (therefore being unethical
and socially irresponsible); and to actively segregate themselves socially and spatially from the rest of the society (therefore not fully
belonging to the local context). These portrayals of the super rich are especially rife in key cities and destinationsdsuch as London,
New York, Hong Kong, and Monacodwhere their presence and influence are distinctly seen and felt. We have therefore seen public
protests against the “1%” who are seen to have taken away what would have been equitably distributed and enjoyed by the “99%.”
At the same time, there has been an “inequality turn” in the social sciences. Notable contributions such as Thomas Piketty’s
Capital in the Twenty-First Century highlight how wealth, not income, has become the key means through which inequality is perpet-
uated across generations. Think, for example, landed gentry and aristocracy in Britain and Europedor what is referred to as “old
money.” Attention on inequality and the super rich also addresses the rise of new wealth in emerging economies such as China
and India (“new money”) that has led to an expansion of luxury products and services brands into these markets. Alongside the
rise of “new money” is the emergence of an aspiring group of “super rich wannabes” with the financial power to consume and
to live almost like the super rich. In sum, the super rich have become an empirical focus through which scholars think through issues
such as wealth, inequality, elite status, and urban social implications.
We have long been fascinated with the rich, the wealthy, and the affluent. Their material wealth, luxurious lifestyles, conspicuous
consumption, elite status, and mobilities seem to set them apart from the rest of the society. Before the 1970s, the English literature
used the terms “rich,” “wealthy,” and “elite” to describe the rich and wealthy. The emergence of this group of wealthy individuals
and families can be traced back to the second Industrial Revolution in America and Britain during the late 19th to early 20th
Century. With technological advances, industrialization, and urbanization, an urban upper class with disposable income, accumu-
lated wealth, and a desire to consume began to emerge.
In the early 21st Century, Forbes started to publish rich lists ranking the 400 richest individuals in America by their net wealth.
Annual national lists later emerged in various countries, published by the Business Review Weekly in Australia (published as Financial
Review since 2016), The Sunday Times in the United Kingdom, Challenges in France, Canadian Business in Canada, the National Business
Review in New Zealand, and the Hurun Report in China. Since 1987, Forbes started publishing the Worlds’ Billionaires on an annual
basisddemonstrating how the focus on the rich and wealthy has now turned global.
The term the “super rich” started gaining popularity in English literature from the late-1960s; however, there is still no conclusive
agreement about who constitutes the super rich. The most obvious and common way of defining this group is through their mone-
tary wealth. Generally, they are equated to the top 1% of the population in terms of net wealth. However, there are further wealth
segmentations within the category of the super rich. The wealth management industry, for example, has used tiers of investible
assets to classify high net worth individuals (HNWIs) (Table 1).
In addition to monetary wealth, the super rich are also associated with characteristics such as the ability and capacity to generate
and accumulate wealth (either through inherited wealth or newly generated wealth), their elite social status, and their transnational
Ultra high net worth individuals (UHNWIs) Ultra high net worth (more than Ultra high net worth (over
(investible assets above US$30 million) US$100 million assets under management) US$100 million private wealth)
Mid-tier millionaires (investible assets The established wealthy (more than Upper high net worth
of US$5–30 million) US$5 million assets under management) (US$20–100 million private wealth)
Millionaire next door (investible assets The emerging wealthy (US$1–5 million Lower high net worth
of US$1 million or more) assets under management) (US$1–20 million private wealth)
– The affluent (US$100,000–US$1 million The affluent (US$250,000–US$1
assets under management) million private wealth)
a
Data source: Capgemini and RBC Wealth Management (2013). World wealth report 2013. Retrieved from https://www.worldwealthreport.com/download/68/b95e0b47.
b
Data source: Boston Consulting Group (2011). Global wealth 2011: Shaping a new tomorrow: How to capitalize on the momentum of change. Boston: Boston Consulting Group.
Retrieved from http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/BCG2011.pdf.
c
Data source: Boston Consulting Group (2017). Global wealth 2017: Transforming the client experience. Boston: Boston Consulting Group. Retrieved from http://image-src.bcg.com/
Images/BCG-Transforming-the-Client-Experience-June-2017_2_tcm9-161685.pdf.
mobility. Despite the lack of a consensus on the definition of “the super rich,” scholars have tended to use relative wealth (i.e., top
1%, top 0.5%, or top 0.1% of the population) in their analysis of the super rich.
100%
87.40% 87.70% 89.10% 87.80%
90% 84.30% 85.60% 85.90%
82.80%
80%
70%
60%
50.00% 50.80% 50.10%
46.40% 48.20%
50% 44.20% 45.80%
43.60%
40%
30%
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
450
388
400
350
300
250
177
200 159
150
92 80
100 61
42
50
0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2016 2017
Figure 2 Number of billionaires with the same wealth as the bottom 50% of the world’s population, 2010–14. Data sources: Oxfam International
(2015). Wealth: Having it all and wanting more. Oxfam Issue Briefing. Oxford: Oxfam International. Oxfam International. (2018). Reward work, not
wealth. Oxfam Briefing Paper. Oxford: Oxfam International.
contributed to rising housing prices in certain cities, making housing increasingly unaffordable and unavailable for local residents.
Oftentimes, such critiques are conflated with racist and nationalist discourses against “wealthy foreign buyers.” A counterargument
is that the super rich participate in the luxury properties market, and not in mass market housing. Furthermore, local buyers (both
the super rich and middle class) are as much involved in the housing market as are foreign super rich buyers.
Building upon these works, an emergent research strand examines the financialization of housing and real estate properties, as
well as the active pursuit of super rich capital by cities and governments. This research strand shifts the focus away from the super
rich (as buyer agents) to the structures and political will that enable and facilitate the conversion of fixed real estate into mobile
financial capital. In this portrayal, certain cities with conducive characteristics (e.g., stable political environments, favorable tax
regimes, protection of property rights, ease of capital transfers, global connectivity, etc.) become safe and desirable places to
park super rich wealth. Global cities such as London, New York, and Singapore come to mind. As these cities morph themselves
toward welcoming the super rich, this development raises a question about social justice and the city. Who is the (elite and pluto-
cratic) city ultimately for?
• Concierge services • Real estate management • Chauffeurs and private • Wealth management • Nannies
• Elite clubs • Tenant management cars • Financial advice • Tutors
• Collectibles (e.g., fine art, wine, • Architecture and interior • Private helicopters • Legal advice • Education and schooling
jewelry) design • Private jets • Tax advice consultants
• Catering and events planning • Surveillance systems • Private yachts • Accounting advice • Matchmakers
• Wedding planning • Insurance products • Super yachts • Immigration advice • Family offices
• Personal assistants • Butlers • Inheritance and wills • Psychiatrists
• Personal trainers • Domestic helpers advice • Counselors
• Personal chefs
• Personal bodyguards
• Personal doctors
• Cosmetic surgery
• Health and medical insurance
Source: The 5 categories are based on Koh, S. Y. and Wissink, B. (2018). Enabling, structuring and creating elite transnational lifestyles: Intermediaries of the super-rich and the elite
mobilities industry. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44(4), 592–609.
new markets. The second point is that in the process of servicing the super rich, the intermediaries are actively educating and enticing
“super rich wannabes” to utilize their products and services.
Looking Forward
The super rich are clearly an empirical manifestation of various social, cultural, economic, and political issues that became prom-
inent in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. What lies ahead for geographical engagements with the super rich, then? Here, I
suggest three research strands to pursue.
First, Michael Savage has argued that the emergence of a new “inequality paradigm” in the social sciences is opportune for
scholars to examine the issue of inequalitydfor which the concept of the super rich is one obvious investigative lensdwithout
being delimited by the baggage of political approaches. Indeed, as much as the super rich concept has exemplified and assisted
in visualizing the problems of global wealth inequality, we need to shift the focus from the super rich as the only culprits, to
examine the roles of structural factors, other actors (e.g., intermediaries), and government policies. The super rich do not operate
in a timeless and placeless world of their own. They are as much grounded in particular eras and contexts that shape their social
actions.
Second, we could look into how elites and the super rich are made and produced through schools (particularly private elite insti-
tutions and programs), family inheritances, and social networks that are grounded in particular geographies and temporalities. This
examination into the production of the super rich should also take into account other categories of difference and their intersec-
tionalities such as gender, ethnicity, age, etc. This approach could then inform a better understanding of the diversities and
Super Rich 131
variations within the “super rich” that go beyond their economic wealth. The super rich, after all, are not a homogenous groupd-
even if they may share some commonalities.
Finally, we could explore further the transnational mobilities of the super rich and their capital through various perspectives.
From a political perspective, we could question the meanings and relevance of citizenship, territorial borders and boundaries, legal-
ities, and social justice. From a socioeconomic perspective, we could examine the flows of capital and the consequent impacts for
places and societies across various scales. This examination could include capital in the form of investments, philanthropic contri-
butions, knowledge, and social initiatives. From a sociocultural perspective, we could investigate the experiences of living a trans-
nationally mobile life and the implications on the individual, families, and communities.
See Also: Capital and Space; Capitalism; Equity; Gentrification; Housing; Inequality; Poverty; Privilege; Social Class; Transnational Elites.
Further Reading
Atkinson, R., 2016. Limited exposure: social concealment, mobility and engagement with public space by the super-rich in London. Environ. Plan. 48, 1302–1317.
Beaverstock, J.V., 2012. The privileged world city: private banking, wealth management and the bespoke servicing of the global super rich. In: Derudder, B., Hoyler, M., Taylor, P.J.,
Witlox, F. (Eds.), International Handbook of Globalization and World Cities. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham; Northampton, pp. 378–389.
Beaverstock, J.V., Hall, S., Wainwright, T., 2011. Servicing the super-rich: new financial elites and the rise of the private wealth management retail ecology. Reg. Stud. 47,
834–849.
Beaverstock, J.V., Hubbard, P., Short, J.R., 2004. Getting away with it? Exposing the geographies of the super-rich. Geoforum 35, 401–407.
Dorling, D., 2014. Inequality and the 1%. Verso, London; New York.
Forrest, R., Koh, S.Y., Wissink, B. (Eds.), 2017. Cities and the Super-rich: Real Estate, Elite Practices, and Urban Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
Harrington, B., 2016. Capital without Borders: Wealth Managers and the One Percent. Harvard University Press, Harvard.
Hay, I. (Ed.), 2013. Geographies of the Super-rich. Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham.
Hay, I., Beaverstock, J.V. (Eds.), 2016. Handbook on Wealth and the Super-rich. Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham.
Hay, I., Muller, S., 2012. ‘That tiny, stratospheric apex that owns most of the world’– Exploring geographies of the super-rich. Geogr. Res. 50, 75–88.
Keister, L.A., 2014. The one percent. Annu. Rev. Sociol. 40, 347–367.
Pow, C.P., 2017. Courting the ‘rich and restless’: Globalisation of real estate and the new spatial fixities of the super-rich in Singapore. Int. J. Hous. Policy 17, 56–74.
Savage, M., Holmwood, J. (Eds.), 2014. Focus: Social Change in the 21st Century: The New Sociology of ‘wealth Elites’, vol. 15. Discover Society. Retrieved from: http://www.
discoversociety.org/2014/12/01/focus-social-change-in-the-21st-century-the-new-sociology-of-wealth-elites/.
Short, J.R., 2004. Global Metropolitan: Globalizing Cities in a Capitalist World. Routledge, London; New York.
Urry, J., 2014. The super-rich and offshore worlds. In: Birtchnell, T., Caletrío, J. (Eds.), Elite Mobilities. Routledge, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, pp. 226–240.
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