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Economic Challenges and Coping

Mechanisms in Protracted Displacement:
A Case Study of the Rohingya Refugees in
Bangladesh
a
Kristy Crabtree
a
New York University Center for Global Affairs and Episcopal
Migration Ministries , New York, New York, USA
Published online: 12 Apr 2010.

To cite this article: Kristy Crabtree (2010) Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms in Protracted
Displacement: A Case Study of the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh, Journal of Muslim Mental Health,
5:1, 41-58, DOI: 10.1080/15564901003610073

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 Journal of Muslim Mental Health, 5:41–58, 2010
Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1556-4908 print / 1556-5009 online
DOI: 10.1080/15564901003610073

Economic Challenges and Coping Mechanisms

in Protracted Displacement: A Case Study of the
Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh

KRISTY CRABTREE
New York University Center for Global Affairs and Episcopal Migration Ministries,
New York, New York, USA
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In protracted refugee situations, basic needs are increasingly de-

ficient as humanitarian relief decreases over time. In response to
unmet needs, refugees often seek opportunities for income genera-
tion to meet their basic needs. The objective of this qualitative study
was to explore the desires and concerns of refugee populations sur-
viving without adequate aid in order to explore risks associated with
income-generating activities and the possibilities for livelihood sup-
port. The case study focused on the Rohingya refugees, an ethnic
Muslim minority from Myanmar, residing in southern Bangladesh.
This study, based on 127 interviews, showed that although there is
no legal right to work for refugees in Bangladesh, nearly every
refugee household was engaged in multiple forms of wage-earning
employment as a coping mechanism to economic deprivations.

Keywords livelihood promotion, protracted displacement, refugee

coping mechanisms, refugee livelihoods, refugee warehousing, Ro-
hingya refugees

INTRODUCTION

Life in the Leda unregistered refugee camp has been “day to day,” as Fatima
Shaheen explained.1 For her, “there is no future to plan.” Since fleeing to
Bangladesh 18 years ago, Fatima has been living with 12 other unregistered

Address correspondence to Kristy Crabtree, Episcopal Migration Ministries, 815 Second

Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA. E-mail: kcrabtree@episcopalchurch.org

41
 42 K. Crabtree

refugees in the shelters of friends and family because her farm in Myanmar
was looted and her family members’ lives were threatened.
Fatima is an unregistered refugee and part of an ethnic Muslim minor-
ity, called the Rohingya, from the Arakan (Rhakine) state of Myanmar. For
refugees like Fatima, they fled predominately Buddhist Myanmar because
of regular property confiscation, forced labor, and the inability to travel or
marry without permission from the government. Not being recognized as cit-
izens of Myanmar limits their protection under national legislation. Although
Bangladesh is marked by high poverty, with about 41% living in extreme
poverty, the Rohingya are still fleeing across borders to escape unrelenting
systematic persecution in Myanmar (MDG Monitor, 2000).
As part of this Muslim minority, many Rohingya refugees like Fatima
have been forced to make a decision to either withstand persecution from
the government of Myanmar, languish inside the confines of a refugee camp,
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or live without documentation or legal protection in a foreign nation. For

those who settle in refugee camps, the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified three “durable solutions” to their dis-
placement. The preferred choice is voluntary repatriation; the second is the
option for local integration into the country of refuge; and, finally, there
is the limited opportunity for third-country resettlement. Often the situation
arises when none of these “solutions” are employed and, as a result, refugees
are “warehoused” for years or decades inside refugee camps (Smith, 2004).
The Rohingya are one such group that has been residing in refugee camps
in Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Thailand for over 18 years.
In Bangladesh, the refugee camps have been ranked among the world’s
worst; there have been reports of rape and corporal punishment by the lo-
cal population, and shelters are shoddily maintained by random pieces of
tarp, plastic, and bamboo (United States Committee for Refugees and Immi-
grants [USCRI], 2008). In the unregistered camp, the Rohingya are provided
with one-time food assistance and infrequently available rudimentary med-
ical care. Refugees are also not permitted to travel outside of the camp or
seek work beyond camp borders. Although the camp consists of a majority
of youth, education is only available up to fifth grade (USCRI). For self-settled
refugees, the situation is often more fragile with no access to humanitarian as-
sistance. They are not provided food assistance or medical care, and typically
their income comes from illegal employment in the service sector or through
remittances from relatives. Self-settled refugees often squat illegally in the for-
est or on land owned by the government and are subject to forcible removal.
Expressing their state of desperation as a result of this extended displace-
ment, one Rohingya refugee likened the choice between refugee camps or
Myanmar as a choice between “jumping into the river or the sea.” Ultimately,
this has forced the Rohingya to live in a state of uncertainty—without hope
for any real solution to their displacement and without the tools to pro-
vide for themselves in a safe, sustainable way. The UNHCR defines these
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 43

circumstances as “protracted refugee situations.” This means that refugees

are living in “a long-lasting and intractable state of limbo” with their “basic
rights and essential economic, social and psychological needs remain[ing]
unfulfilled after years in exile” (Executive Committee on the High Commis-
sioner’s Programme, 2004, para. 3).
The case of the Rohingya refugees is illustrative of refugee coping mech-
anisms on multiple levels. Faced with growing needs, inadequate interna-
tional aid, and little opportunity for a durable solution, a majority of the
Rohingya refugee households are finding ways to cope with prolonged dis-
placement through the utilization of precarious livelihood strategies. Coping
strategies, such as those utilized by the Rohingya, are often the response of
vulnerable populations to various shocks. Without access to human, social,
natural, or financial assets, the immediate response is a short-term survival
strategy. Yet, little research has been conducted on the coping mechanisms
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employed by refugees in response to the economic challenges of protracted

displacement. This study sought to identify these coping mechanisms, the
associated risks, and explore opportunities for more sustainable livelihood
pursuits.

Research Goals
As noted above, one of the consequences of protracted refugee situations is
the economic deprivation that results when the humanitarian relief structure
progressively decreases (Bookman, 2002). To cope with insufficient interna-
tional aid, refugees often seek opportunities for income generation to meet
their basic needs (Jacobsen, 2005). Accordingly, the main goal of this study
was to determine the common coping mechanisms employed by registered,
unregistered, and self-settled refugees in southern Bangladesh. The subor-
dinate goals were to identify economic opportunities and the perception of
local Bangladeshis and non-governmental organization (NGO) staff toward
refugee coping mechanisms. It was predicted that, although registered and
unregistered refugees are restricted to refugee camps and hold no legal right
to work in Bangladesh, they would choose to employ livelihood strategies
that may be unsafe or unsustainable. This research also sought to explore
the potential impact of the introduction of livelihood support programs for
refugees in protracted displacement.

METHOD
Design
This study utilized a method of informal interviews and focus groups, em-
ploying a standard set of questions to gauge the current livelihood strategies
and economic needs of a sample of the adult refugee populations in Cox’s
 44 K. Crabtree

Bazaar, Ukhia, and Teknaf, Bangladesh. The study also employed a sec-
ond set of standard questions to gauge the perception of these economic
challenges and responses to economic needs by a sample of the local adult
Bangladeshi population and local and international NGO employees.

Participants
The selection of participants for this study consisted of 97 Rohingya refugees,
24 local Bangladeshis, and 6 employees from the UNHCR and local NGOs.
Study participants from the refugee camps and the local population were
selected through canvassing of the refugee camp and the surrounding com-
munity. Participants were selected to inform the researcher of camp con-
ditions, economic challenges, and coping strategies. Key informant UNHCR
and NGO staff provided information on current conditions in the camps, the
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perception of local Bangladeshis toward refugees, and the position of the

government of Bangladesh regarding the Rohingya. The registered refugees
selected for the study represent a sample from Kutupalong camp near Ukhia.
Feedback from the interviewees helped the researcher understand levels of
available aid, refugee livelihood strategies, and desired employment oppor-
tunities. The participants from the unregistered camp, Leda, and self-settled
refugees from Cox’s Bazaar were selected to demonstrate coping strategies
particular to groups that are especially vulnerable to shocks without the
safety net of aid. Participants making up the local population sample came
from Cox’s Bazaar and Teknaf. Their interviews provided evidence of local
attitudes toward the presence of the Rohingya in Bangladesh. More informa-
tion on the participants is provided in Table 1.

Procedures
Prior to participating in the study, all participants were informed by oral
statement (translated into Bengali and the Chittagong dialect) about the goal

Table 1 Classification of Participants by Status, Location, and Gender

Groups interviewed n Men Women

Registered refugees (Kutupalong 49 18 36.7% 31 63.3%

camp)
Unregistered refugees (Leda camp) 33 13 39.0% 20 60.0%
Self-settled refugees (Cox’s Bazaar, 9 6 66.7% 3 33.3%
Teknaf)
UNHCR and nonprofit employees 6 4 66.7% 2 33.3%
(Cox’s Bazaar, Teknaf)
Local population (Cox’s Bazaar, 24 17 70.8% 7 29.2%
Teknaf)
Note. UNHCR = United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 45

of the study and content of the questions as well as risks and benefits, vol-
untariness, and confidentiality. Ultimately, none of the participants selected
for the study refused to participate; all provided their verbal consent. The
questions asked during the study were translated into Bengali and the local
dialect of the Chittagong region, and because many of the refugees are not
literate in this written dialect, a method of oral interviews was employed to
reach out to the largest possible sample.
During the interview process, the researcher asked six questions about
the background of the interviewee including location of residence, age, gen-
der, number of people living in the household, length of time at the cur-
rent residence, and common concerns in the refugee camp or community.
Then, for individuals identified as refugees (registered, unregistered, and
self-settled), nine open-ended questions were asked about how individuals
earned an income, skills and employment background prior to fleeing to
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Bangladesh, desired employment, self-sufficiency promotion in the camps,

changes in camp conditions, and their perception of the local population. For
members of the local population, seven open-ended questions were asked
about the motivation of the Rohingya refugees to come to Bangladesh, gov-
ernment assistance provided to refugee camps, the refugees’ right to work,
opportunities for the integration of refugees into the local economy, ways
the Rohingya currently earned an income, and where the Rohingya should
live. For employees of NGOs and the UNHCR working in or around the
refugee camp, 13 questions were asked to assess the conditions of the camp
and their opinion on the potential impact of refugees working outside the
camp. The results of the study were categorized according to identified liveli-
hood strategies, challenges, and potential obstacles for the implementation
of livelihood intervention programs.

Analysis
Data were analyzed through the qualitative data analysis method of “con-
stant comparison” (Strauss, 1987). The researcher’s analysis began through
observation and data collection from the interviews. Through this collection
and review of data categories were formed. In creating categories, data from
registered refugees was compared to data from unregistered and self-settled
refugees to find consistencies and search for insights. Through the initial col-
lection of data, categories were continually refined and the analysis process
adjusted to appropriately present feedback from participants. To ensure data
was valid, the researcher compared categories to global desktop research that
revealed similar categorizations in refugee livelihoods. Overall, the collec-
tion of qualitative data allowed the researcher to observe the phenomenon of
refugee coping mechanisms and understand the perspective of the refugee
population as well as the local population. Participants were selected to
 46 K. Crabtree

provide new information, rather than represent a sample of the population.

In this study, male and female registered, unregistered, self-settled, elderly,
female-headed households, and refugees with disabilities were interviewed
to capture a wide variety of perspectives.

RESULTS

In interviewing refugee households, it was clear that the propensity of

refugees to find opportunities for income generation depended on their le-
gal status in Bangladesh. Unregistered and self-settled refugees, not receiving
aid or services from UNHCR, were completely dependent on finding wage-
earning opportunities, and this often involved more than one person in each
household. Registered refugees, who received housing and food assistance
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from UNHCR, were also relying on at least one wage earner per household.
The study showed that at least one member of every refugee household in-
terviewed was engaged in an income-generating activity. Because a majority
of the income generated by the Rohingya refugees was obtained outside of
the aid regime, this case study is a useful example of the mechanisms that
refugees employ to cope with prolonged displacement. The study found that
refugee households were employing the livelihood strategies detailed below.
The researcher also noted risks associated with these employed strategies as
identified by participants.

Livelihood Strategies Employed by the Refugees in This Study

ENGAGING IN DAY LABOR
According to the study conducted, 88% of adult male refugees in Bangladesh
were engaged in day labor, which includes potentially fatal occupations
such as construction or illegal logging on the unstable Bangladesh-Myanmar
border. This common form of employment is accompanied by significant
risks. First, there is the risk of harm due to unsafe work conditions. Of
the adult male refugees interviewed, five households reported one or more
family members injured or permanently disabled from day labor. Second,
there is little demand for labor in relation to the high supply of employable
individuals between the Leda, Kutupalong, and Nayapara refugee camps.
This high supply of labor has driven wages down to an average of $0.70 per
day even though two to three times that amount is needed for a small family
to survive. According to the International Food Policy Research Institute,
day labor is a common form of employment for 24% of the rural poor in
Bangladesh, which places the Rohingya refugees in direct competition with
the local population. This creates an unsafe working environment that, on
occasion, has escalated into violence against refugee populations (Davis,
2008). Finally, theft of wages by the local population that employs day
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 47

laborers is also not uncommon. One refugee noted that “sometimes I work
all day, then the employer refuses to pay. Who can I tell? I am not supposed
to leave the camp to work. There is nothing that can be done.”

SELLING PRODUCTS IN THE LOCAL MARKETS

In other circumstances, refugees found ways to support themselves by selling
products in the local markets. Interestingly, of the refugees interviewed, this
was a strategy primarily employed by vulnerable groups of refugees such
as female-headed households, minors, and persons with disabilities. One
elderly refugee produced nets for fishing, which she sold to local fishermen.
More commonly, however, livelihood strategies in the camps were unsus-
tainable and unsafe such as the collection and sale of firewood. Not only
does this practice render the gatherers susceptible to dangerous risks such as
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robbery or sexual assault, it also threatens the long-term sustainability of the

surrounding environment. Still other refugees engaged in negative coping
strategies such as the selling of aid rations. This practice places refugees in
a vulnerable position by jeopardizing their food security.

SURVIVING OFF THE AID OF FRIENDS AND RELATIVES IN THE REGISTERED CAMPS
One reason that aid does not adequately cover refugee needs is because
many households provide for undocumented refugees. Only a small group
(9%) of the registered refugee households interviewed openly admitted this
but, based on interviews with self-settled and unregistered refugees, it is
clear that sharing rations and shelters with family members and friends who
are not registered refugees is a common practice.

SURVIVING OFF REMITTANCES

Of those interviewed, only three households were surviving off remittances
from relatives residing in countries such as Malaysia or Saudi Arabia. This is
an unreliable practice because remittances are not dependable and there is
only a meager safety net of aid to rely on in their absence. As one refugee
recognized, “money from my husband in Saudi Arabia pays for our meals,
but if he does not get paid or does not send money, I must go out to beg
for food.”

LOCAL INTEGRATION AS A RESOURCE

A small group (4%) of refugees was employing even more precarious coping
mechanisms such as intermixing with the local Bangladeshi population to
meet their basic needs. For female refugees, this may represent a way to find
a more stable lifestyle by marrying into the local population. This strategy is
 48 K. Crabtree

dangerous because these women are not granted citizenship, which inhibits
their protection under the national laws of Bangladesh. Interviews with NGO
staff indicated this may be more common than was reported by refugees.

COMMERCE IN THE CAMP

Based on the study’s findings, self-employment in the informal sector was
the most desirable (87%) form of employment for many refugees. In the
refugee camps, it is evident that refugees were engaged in the informal sector
from haircutting to working in tailor shops, which are placed throughout the
registered and unregistered camps inside partially converted refugee shelters.
The distinction is made between commerce in the camp and selling products
in the local market because commercial activities in the camp are legal and
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safe whereas selling products in the local market puts refugees at risk when
leaving and returning to the camp.

FINDING LOCAL EMPLOYMENT

Although self-settled refugees were not receiving assistance from any NGOs
or the government of Bangladesh, they found ways to earn wages living
in cities such as Teknaf and Cox’s Bazaar working as cooks, tailors, and
rickshaw pullers. These refugees are more likely to achieve self-sufficiency
because they are not dependent on aid, and are therefore forced to find
ways to earn a living. The refugees who find local employment are in highly
vulnerable positions, however, without legal protections. One of the refugees
interviewed was employed as a cook for a local tourist hotel in Cox’s Bazaar.
She recognized she was at risk because she was not legally able to work and
thus would have no recourse if her employer refused to pay her wages.

SEEKING OPPORTUNITIES FOR EDUCATION

For refugees in the Leda, Kutupalong, and Nayapara camps, opportunities for
education were limited. For many refugees (32%), education was a serious
and desired investment, which some households were depending on as a
future livelihood. Although this may mean that the family had to engage
in negative coping strategies or seek more financial reserves to pay for
education, it was still a high livelihood priority.

RELIEF SUBSTITUTION
For other refugees, there was the limited option of working in the refugee
camp. When projects arise in the camp and there is a need for labor, it is
an option for United Nations agencies or NGOs to employ refugees. This
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 49

practice is typically called relief substitution. For example, in Kutupalong

camp, new shelters were built throughout the camp, and refugees were em-
ployed to construct these shelters. It is common for many refugees, working
outside the camp in day labor, to also utilize sporadic opportunities to work
in the camp. Although this type of work is not sustainable, it provides a safe
way for refugees to generate an income. Although these positions typically
are not paid with cash, they do provide the household with needed goods
such as rice.
This analysis shows the multiple ways refugees were meeting the eco-
nomic challenges of prolonged displacement. Although a majority of partic-
ipants employed multiple means to earn an income, the strategies detailed
above were ranked as the most frequently utilized per individual.
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Complexities in Implementation of Livelihood Support Programs

One option for humanitarian agencies looking to assist refugees in pro-
tracted situations is to introduce programs supporting refugee independence
and self-reliance. In the absence of a durable solution, and in order for
refugees to meet the economic challenges accompanying prolonged dis-
placement, livelihood support can be promoted to avoid negative coping
strategies. Livelihood support programs such as enterprise development, vo-
cational education, and microfinance are some examples of programs that
can stave off unsafe pursuits of income generation and prepare refugees for
repatriation, local integration, or third-country resettlement.2 Confidence in
wage-earning capabilities is particularly important because, even if refugees
are allowed to repatriate or integrate into the local community, they may still
be reluctant to do so because of livelihood insecurities (Jacobsen, 2005).
From the perspective of the hosting government, providing for refugees
can be problematic. Although many states generally respect the principle
of nonrefoulement and allow foreign nationals to enter their borders, there
are several dilemmas in hosting refugees. Their presence, accompanied by
significant security challenges, places a strain on local resources, and adds to
the already present problems of poverty, unemployment, and underdevelop-
ment. Under the host country view, the costs of hosting refugees in addition
to the fear that they will seek permanent residence outweigh the potential
benefits of hosting refugees. Host governments may also be hesitant to im-
plement the refugee right to work for fear of creating tension between local
national communities and refugee populations who receive a majority of
international aid.
Table 2 presents the common risks of livelihood pursuits as identified
by this study’s participants. Based on the findings, the risks associated with
the livelihood pursuits of refugees can be grouped into several categories,
which will be discussed below.
 Downloaded by [New York University] at 16:06 06 May 2015

50
Table 2 Common Identified Risks Associated With Livelihood Pursuits

Interaction with Tension with the Exploitation and

Groups interviewed n Security Resource scarcity local authorities local population vulnerability

Registered refugees 49 18 36.7% 31 63.3% 18 36.7% 16 32.7% 5 10.2%

Unregistered refugees 33 27 81.8% 16 48.5% 21 63.6% 19 57.6% 6 18.2%
Self-settled refugees 9 — 0 6 66.7% 4 44.4% 4 44.4% 2 22.2%
Nonprofit employees 6 4 66.7% 3 50.0% 1 16.7% 4 66.7% 5 83.3%
Local population 24 12 40.0% 23 76.6% 2 6.6% 7 23.3% 9 30.0%
Note. Those interviewed were asked to identify the risks associated with the livelihood pursuits of refugees. Many responded with more than one answer.
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 51

Common Risks of Livelihood Pursuits Identified by Participants

SECURITY
One of the primary challenges to the safe pursuit of wage-earning em-
ployment is security concerns. The concentration of people, supplies, and
resources in the camps can bring additional security problems from the local
population (Jacobsen, 2003). These security concerns are routinely used as a
reason to advocate for the removal of refugees. Researchers have confirmed
this, stating that there are in fact significant security concerns that refugees
bring with them, but it “is also true, however, that refugees are often blamed
for pre-existing social or economic problems such as rises in crime and in-
security, declining standards of living, and public and health crises such as
AIDS” (Jacobsen, 2003, para. 15).
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RESOURCE SCARCITY
Another challenge is the concern of the local government and population
over resource scarcity. The fear of host governments is that, if refugees are
allowed to participate in the local economy, they will be competing for
already limited resources and infrastructure. As noted earlier, in Bangladesh,
refugees and the rural poor compete for the same limited opportunities in day
labor. It is worth recognizing that the success of programs such as livelihood
promotion depends on the attitude and reception of the local population
and host government.

INTERACTION WITH LOCAL AUTHORITIES

Some refugees noted that the most challenging obstacles to safe livelihood
pursuits were interactions with local police. There is a constant threat of
being imprisoned or forced to pay bribes if caught working outside the
camp. One refugee noted that

we are only allowed to leave the camp sometimes. If I am attacked I lose

my money. If the CIC [camp-in-charge] finds out, they cut my name from
the list, and if this happens two times there will be a longer wait to be
registered again. For this reason, there is fear to leave the camp.

TENSION WITH THE LOCAL POPULATION

The local population can present one of the largest obstacles to the integra-
tion of refugees if their attitude toward the refugee population is negative.
For example, the local Bangladeshi population interviewed in this study re-
vealed a high level of unfamiliarity about refugee issues and reasons for
the Rohingya presence in Bangladesh, which may have been linked to fears
 52 K. Crabtree

about overpopulation, resource scarcity, and heightened crime. Even though

there were articles in local newspapers that defined the difference between
migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, there remained confusion about
the Rohingya (Al Imran, 2005; Bikash, 2008a, 2008b; Rahman, 2005; Rashid,
2005). For example, participants from the local populations in Teknaf and
Cox’s Bazaar openly stated the following when asked about their perception
of the presence of refugees in southern Bangladesh:
Why should we take care of them? We are a poor people–already we
can’t eat; no jobs. I think it will be best if they return to their country.

They only bring problems. They bring HIV/AIDS into Bangladesh and
they also start many security problems, and there is criminal activity.
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They are here because they have no food and no jobs—we also don’t
have—why should we help them?

We are born here, but special care is taken of refugees, but villagers are
also needy and nobody helps villagers.

In local media reports, there were also widespread negative attitudes

toward the Rohingya and, in particular, their livelihood strategies. For many
adult male Rohingya refugees, logging is a source of employment but, ac-
cording to a local newspaper, this takes jobs from the local population,
contributes to environmental degradation, and creates a pull factor for ter-
rorist groups to enter Bangladesh (“Rohingya Villages Springing Up,” 2007).
This article even suggested that the local population may support the pro-
tection of “the valuable forest by destroying the villages of the Rohingya and
obstructing further infiltration [of the Rohingya]” (“Rohingya Villages Spring-
ing Up”). Language such as “destroy” and “infiltration” support the idea that
the Rohingya are seen as a threat to the Bangladeshi way of life.

EXPLOITATION AND VULNERABILITY

For many refugees, there has been a shared experience of worker exploita-
tion. One refugee commented of his experiences, “I worked for 3 weeks,
and then no money. I have no one to tell.” Because refugees are working
illegally, there is a very real threat that employers will not be punished for
refusing to pay wages, paying extremely low wages, or forcing employees
to work under unsafe conditions.

DISCUSSION
Recommendations
Developing programs to promote positive coping strategies for refugees in
protracted situations is essential to avoid refugee warehousing. However, the
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 53

execution of livelihood support programs is complicated by several barriers

to implementation, including tension between refugees and the local pop-
ulation, lack of economic opportunities, and lack of legal protections such
as the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention (United Nations General
Assembly, 1951) and the 1967 Protocol (United Nations General Assembly,
1967). To address these issues and make livelihood support programs most
effective, programming needs to be: (a) inclusive of the local population,
(b) focused on benefits to refugees and the host state or community, (c)
aware of the impact of international aid, (d) market based, (e) creating sus-
tainable economic opportunities, (f) highlighted on the productive capacity
of refugees, and (g) integrating laws that protect refugees.

INCLUSIVE OF THE LOCAL POPULATION

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To lessen tension with the local population, programs should be pursued that
focus on providing resources and services to the local population in addition
to refugees. Development-assisted integration is one potential model for in-
clusive programming (Dryden-Peterson, 2004). This refers to the connection
between assistance to the refugee population and a focus on the economic
development of the local community. In this way, programming will benefit
both populations, lessening tension and creating more sustainable liveli-
hood opportunities by integrating refugees into the local community while
also providing support and funding for the local host population (Feldman,
2007).

FOCUSED ON BENEFITS TO REFUGEES AND THE HOST STATE OR COMMUNITY

To make advocacy for improved refugee policy and legislation effective, sup-
porters should clarify the benefits to both refugees and the host government.
By demonstrating the productive capacity of refugees, host countries may be
more accepting of advocacy for the adoption of international standards for
refugee protection if it is demonstrated that the local economy will benefit
by refugee inclusion.

AWARE OF THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL AID

Although there are many benefits to the promotion of livelihoods for
refugees, the extension of aid may make refugee populations more vul-
nerable. In particular, providing assistance such as livelihood support can
often make the recipients a target for exploitation or manipulation. Similarly,
providing assistance for the most vulnerable groups in society “is always
challenging, particularly when the aid criteria are at odds with local resource-
sharing traditions” (Guarneiri, 2004, p. 17). This can be alleviated by tracking
 54 K. Crabtree

the effects of aid on the vulnerability of recipients, and further documenta-

tion of livelihood strategies. By tracking aid recipients, researchers may have
a greater understanding of the challenges refugees face in receiving aid that
the local population does not.

MARKET BASED
To ensure programming is sustainable and helps refugees become self-
reliant, programming should be based on an assessment of the market
and economic opportunities. Using this assessment, programming can be
designed that focuses on the needs of the market. By responding to a rec-
ognized need in the market, refugees and the local economy will benefit
simultaneously. A value chain assessment and analysis is a helpful tool for
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programmers to employ to look for activities that will add product value.

CREATING SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES

One of the largest obstacles to economic security and local integration may
be the lack of economic opportunities surrounding the camps. This con-
straint can be addressed through the promotion of enterprise development.
Enterprise development services are livelihood interventions designed to over-
come constraints in the market through interventions that address individual
business development; improve productivity, quality, and market access;
and assist individuals in acquiring the essential components for successful
businesses such as training, technology, and marketing (Women’s Refugee
Commission, 2009). This helps refugees acquire new skills and access to
the market while reducing dependency on aid, which is essential for their
self-sufficiency. Even though refugee camps may have adequate amounts
or inputs from international aid, refugees will likely not achieve a level of
self-reliance without access to the “natural” market.

HIGHLIGHTING THE PRODUCTIVE CAPACITY OF REFUGEES

In order to alter national and international frameworks pertaining to the
issue of the refugee right to work, there needs to be a shift in the attitude
toward refugees. Primarily, organizations advocating for rights of refugees
need to contribute to the perception that refugees can positively contribute
to the development of the local host economy instead of the perception that
their presence is straining the host government. If refugee employment is
based on progressive policies that are contingent on recognized needs in
the market, it will contribute to the host economy as well as to the dignity
of refugees (De Vriese, 2006).
 Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 55

INTEGRATING LAWS PROTECTING REFUGEES

Access to gainful employment is an essential human right, not yet wholly
represented in many domestic laws pertaining to refugees. This fundamen-
tal right should be defended by governments through national legislation
that takes into consideration the context particular to each nation and their
potential refugee population.

Limitations of the Study and Recommendations for Future Research

This study explored the various livelihood strategies of registered, unreg-
istered, and self-settled refugees in southern Bangladesh. Primarily, it is
important to note that the number of individuals interviewed may not be
representative of the entire refugee population in Bangladesh, but the study
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documented the reality of life for many Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.

Although the information collected cannot be directly compared to infor-
mation on different refugee populations, those interviewed helped the re-
searcher understand common coping strategies of refugees in protracted
displacement.
There has been a renewed interest by researchers in narratives of the
displaced, which some believe provide “a wider socio-political and cultural
context [and] can provide insights into how forced migrants seek to make
sense of displacement and violence, [and] re-establish identity” (Eastmond,
2007, p. 248). By documenting the narratives of the Rohingya, this infor-
mation will provide a greater context into coping mechanisms and provide
future research with a framework for understanding the gaps between aid
and basic needs and the ways refugees are managing aid inadequacies in
long-term displacement.
Future research is needed to identify quantifiable economic benefits
and consequences of refugee integration from the perspective of the host
country. This information will be useful in advocating for the extension of
livelihood support programs and the economic integration of refugees in the
local economy of their host country.3

CONCLUSIONS

As refugees like Fatima Shaheen languish in refugee camps for nearly two
decades, not only are they denied many basic economic and social rights but
their lives are in an endless state of uncertainty, inhibiting their productive
capacity (Smith, 2004). The system of perpetual relief aid is not a durable
solution to the problem of displacement, and the denial of opportunities to
practice safe livelihood strategies also hinders the ability to care for oneself
and one’s family, which is intimately linked to self-worth and dignity.
 56 K. Crabtree

In an effort to address these concerns, this study focused on livelihood

support as a possible solution to refugee warehousing. The researcher ar-
gued that, by supporting livelihoods, refugees would be able to integrate into
the local community and have access to markets. This is significant because
not only are livelihood supports integral to the ability of refugees to attain
self-sufficiency, but they allow for reprieve from the declining aid regime. To
support this argument, the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh were used as a
case study to demonstrate the opportunities for durable solutions to refugee
crises. It was argued that, due to declining humanitarian aid and lack of food,
clothing, and education, refugee livelihoods should be protected to provide
a way for refugees to work toward self-reliance. Through the livelihood anal-
ysis of the Rohingya refugees, evidence was provided evidence that not only
are refugees already engaging in wage-earning employment, but their desire
is for more economic opportunities. Although the strategies employed by the
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Rohingya refugees are not universal to all refugee populations, this is still
a valuable case study to show the coping mechanisms of refugees in pro-
longed displacement. Furthermore, this study is useful in sharing knowledge
of refugee coping mechanisms, which may help prescribe more effective
international assistance such as livelihood support programs, advocacy for
legal protections, or development-assisted integration.
At the foundation of calls for a solution to refugee warehousing is the
recognition that the protection of human dignity is deficient in protracted
refugee situations around the world. Having restrictions on economic and
social desires limits one’s ability to exercise the most basic human rights
and stifles prospects beyond survival. To live inside a few kilometers of
space for nearly a lifetime with limited opportunities to meet basic needs,
establish roots, or make improvements for the next generation is as one
refugee recognized, “an uncertain life.” Livelihood support to refugees in
protracted displacement can stave off negative coping strategies and create
a more “certain” existence for refugees languishing in camps.

NOTES

1. In order to protect anonymity of the study participants, pseudonyms were assigned.

2. For more information on livelihood promotion, see Women’s Refugee Commission (2009).
3. For more information on economic integration, see Kuhlman (1991).

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