Subhas Chandra

Bose

Subhas Chandra Bose (/ʃʊbˈhɑːs ˈtʃʌndrə

ˈboʊs/ ⓘ shuub-HAHSS CHUN-drə

BOHSS;[12] 23 January 1897 – 18 August

1945) was an Indian nationalist whose
defiance of British authority in India made
him a hero among many Indians, but his
wartime alliances with Nazi Germany and
Imperial Japan left a legacy vexed by
authoritarianism, anti-Semitism, and
military failure. The honorific Netaji
(Bengali: "Respected Leader") was first
applied to Bose in Germany in early 1942—
by the Indian soldiers of the Indische
Legion and by the German and Indian
officials in the Special Bureau for India in
Berlin. It is now used throughout India.[h]

Subhas Bose was born into wealth and

privilege in a large Bengali family in Orissa
during the British Raj. The early recipient of
an Anglocentric education, he was sent
after college to England to take the Indian
Civil Service examination. He succeeded
with distinction in the vital first exam but
demurred at taking
Netaji
the routine final
Subhas Chandra
exam, citing
Bose
nationalism as a
higher calling.
Returning to India in
1921, Bose joined
the nationalist
movement led by
Bose, c. 1930s
Mahatma Gandhi
and the Indian 2nd Leader of Indian
National Army[d]
National Congress.
In office
He followed
4 July 1943 – 18
Jawaharlal Nehru to August 1945
leadership in a
group within the
Congress which was Preceded Mohan
less keen on by Singh
constitutional Succeeded Office
reform and more by abolished

open to socialism.[i] President of the

Indian National
Bose became
Congress
Congress president
In office
in 1938. After 18 January 1938 –
reelection in 1939, 29 April 1939
differences arose Preceded Jawaharla
between him and by Nehru
the Congress
Succeeded Rajendra
leaders, including by Prasad
Gandhi, over the President of the All
future federation of India Forward Bloc

British India and

princely states, but In office
also because 22 June 1939 – 16
discomfort had January 1941

grown among the Preceded Office

Congress leadership by created

over Bose's Succeeded Sardul

negotiable attitude by Singh
to non-violence, and Kavishar

his plans for greater 5th Mayor of

Calcutta
powers for
In office
himself.[15] After the
22 August 1930 –
large majority of the
15 April 1931
Congress Working
Preceded Jatindra
Committee
by Mohan
members resigned Sengupta
in protest,[16] Bose
resigned as Succeeded Bidhan
president and was by Chandra
eventually ousted Roy

from the party.[17][18] Personal details

Born Subhas
In April 1941 Bose
Chandra
arrived in Nazi
Bose
Germany, where the 23
leadership offered January
unexpected but 1897
equivocal sympathy Cuttack,
for India's Orissa

independence.[19][20] Division,
Bengal
German funds were
Province,
employed to open a
British
Free India Centre in
India
Berlin. A 3,000- (now in
strong Free India Cuttack

Legion was district,

Odisha,
recruited from
India)
among Indian POWs
Died 18 August
captured by Erwin
1945
Rommel's Afrika
(aged 48)[4][5]
Korps to serve
Army
under Bose.[21][j] Hospital
Although peripheral Nanmon
to their main goals, Branch,
the Germans Taihoku,
inconclusively Japanese

considered a land Taiwan

(present-day
invasion of India
Taipei City
throughout 1941. By
the spring of 1942, Hospital
the German army Heping

was mired in Russia Fuyou

Branch,
and Bose became
Taipei,
keen to move to
Taiwan)
southeast Asia,
Cause of death Third
where Japan had
degre
just won quick
burns
victories.[23] Adolf from
Hitler during his only aircra
meeting with Bose in
Resting Renkō-ji,
late May 1942 place Tokyo,
offered to arrange a Japan
submarine.[24]
Political Indian
During this time, party National
Bose became a Congress
father; his wife,[6][k] All India
or companion,[25][l] Forward

Emilie Schenkl, gave Bloc

birth to a baby Spouse(s) Emilie Sch

girl.[6][m][19] (secretly m
ceremony o
Identifying strongly
unacknowle
with the Axis
Bose)[6]
powers, Bose
Children Anita
boarded a German
Bose
submarine in
Pfaff
February 1943.[26][27]
Parents Janakinath
Off Madagascar, he
Bose
was transferred to a
(father)
Japanese
submarine from
which he
disembarked in Prabhabati
Japanese-held Bose

Sumatra in May (mother)

1943.[26] Education Baptist

Mission's
With Japanese Protestant
support, Bose European
revamped the Indian School,

National Army (INA), Cuttack,

1902–09[7
which comprised
Ravenshaw
Indian prisoners of
Collegiate
war of the British
School,
Indian army who Cuttack,
had been captured 1909–12[8
by the Japanese in Presidency
the Battle of College,
Singapore.[28][29][30] Calcutta,
A Provisional 1912–15

Government of Free February

1916[e][f]
India was declared
Scottish
on the Japanese-
Church
occupied Andaman
College,
and Nicobar Islands Calcutta,
and was nominally 20 July
presided by 1917–
Bose.[31][2][n] 1919
Although Bose was Fitzwilliam

unusually driven and Hall, Non-

Collegiate
charismatic, the
Students
Japanese
Board,
considered him to
Cambridge
be militarily
unskilled,[o] and his 1919–
soldierly effort was 21.[11][g]

short-lived. In late Alma University

1944 and early mater of Calcutta

1945, the British (B.A.,

Philosophy,
Indian Army
1919)
reversed the
University
Japanese attack on
of
India. Almost half of Cambridge
the Japanese forces (B.A.
and fully half of the Mental
participating INA and Moral
contingent were Sciences

killed.[p][q] The Tripos,

1921.[11])
remaining INA was
driven down the
Malay Peninsula Known Indian
and surrendered for independence
with the recapture of movement

Singapore. Bose Signature

chose to escape to
Manchuria to seek a future in the Soviet
Union which he believed to have turned
anti-British. He died from third-degree
burns received when his overloaded plane
crashed in Japanese Taiwan on August 18,
1945.[r] Some Indians did not believe that
the crash had occurred,[s] expecting Bose
to return to secure India's
independence.[t][u][v] The Indian National
Congress, the main instrument of Indian
nationalism, praised Bose's patriotism but
distanced itself from his tactics and
ideology.[w][41] The British Raj, never
seriously threatened by the INA, charged
300 INA officers with treason in the INA
trials, but eventually backtracked in the
face of opposition by the Congress,[x] and
a new mood in Britain for rapid
decolonisation in India.[y][41][44]

Bose's legacy is mixed. Among many in

India, he is seen as a hero, his saga serving
as a would-be counterpoise to the many
actions of regeneration, negotiation, and
reconciliation over a quarter-century
through which the independence of India
was achieved.[z][aa][ab] His collaborations
with Japanese Fascism and Nazism pose
serious ethical dilemmas,[ac] especially his
reluctance to publicly criticize the worst
excesses of German anti-Semitism from
1938 onwards or to offer refuge in India to
its victims.[ad][ae][af]
Biography

1897–1921: Early life

Map 1: The growth of British Bengal

between 1757 and 1803 is shown in
shades of brown. Cuttack is
approximately 225 miles (362 km)
southwest of Calcutta.

Subhas Chandra Bose was born to Bengali

parents Prabhavati Bose (née Dutt) and
Janakinath Bose on 23 January 1897 in
Cuttack—in what is today the state of
Odisha in India, but was then the Orissa
Division of Bengal Province in British
India.[ag][ah] Prabhavati, or familiarly Mā
jananī (lit. 'mother'), the anchor of family
life, had her first child at age 14 and 13
children thereafter. Subhas was the ninth
child and the sixth son.[54] Jankinath, a
successful lawyer and government
pleader,[53] was loyal to the government of
British India and scrupulous about matters
of language and the law. A self-made man
from the rural outskirts of Calcutta, he had
remained in touch with his roots, returning
annually to his village during the pooja
holidays.[55]
Eager to join his five school-going older
brothers, Subhas entered the Baptist
Mission's Protestant European School in
Cuttack in January 1902.[7] English was the
medium of all instruction in the school, the
majority of the students being European or
Anglo-Indians of mixed British and Indian
ancestry.[52] The curriculum included
English—correctly written and spoken—
Latin, the Bible, good manners, British
geography, and British History; no Indian
languages were taught.[52][7] The choice of
the school was Janakinath's, who wanted
his sons to speak flawless English with
flawless intonation, believing both to be
important for access to the British in
India.[56] The school contrasted with
Subhas's home, where only Bengali was
spoken. At home, his mother worshipped
the Hindu goddesses Durga and Kali, told
stories from the epics Mahabharata and
Ramayana, and sang Bengali religious
songs.[7] From her, Subhas imbibed a
nurturing spirit, looking for situations in
which to help people in distress, preferring
gardening around the house to joining in
sports with other boys.[8] His father, who
was reserved in manner and busy with
professional life, was a distant presence in
a large family, causing Subhas to feel he
had a nondescript childhood.[57] Still,
Janakinath read English literature avidly—
John Milton, William Cowper, Matthew
Arnold, and Shakespeare's Hamlet being
among his favourites; several of his sons
were to become English literature
enthusiasts like him.[56]

Janakinath Bose, Prabhavati Bose,

and their family, ca. 1905. Sarat
Chandra Bose (standing, centre) and
Subhas Bose (aged 8, standing,
extreme right).[58]

In 1909 the 12-year-old Subhas Bose

followed his five brothers to the
Ravenshaw Collegiate School in Cuttack.[8]
Here, Bengali and Sanskrit were also
taught, as were ideas from Hindu
scriptures such as the Vedas and the
Upanishads not usually picked up at
home.[8] Although his western education
continued apace, he began to wear Indian
clothes and engage in religious
speculation. To his mother, he wrote long
letters which displayed acquaintance with
the ideas of the Bengali mystic
Ramakrishna Paramahamsa and his
disciple Swami Vivekananda, and the novel
Ananda Math by Bankim Chandra
Chatterjee, popular then among young
Hindu men.[59] Despite the preoccupation,
Subhas was able to demonstrate an ability
when needed to focus on his studies, to
compete, and to succeed in exams. In
1912, he secured the second position in
the matriculation examination conducted
under the auspices of the University of
Calcutta.[60]

Subhas Bose followed his five brothers

again 1913 to Presidency College,
Calcutta, the historic and traditional
college for Bengal's upper-caste Hindu
men.[60][61] He chose to study philosophy,
his readings including Kant, Hegel, Bergson
and other Western philosophers.[62] A year
earlier, he had befriended Hemanta Kumar
Sarkar, a confidant and partner in religious
yearnings.[63] At Presidency, their
emotional ties grew stronger.[63] In the
fanciful language of religious imagery, they
declared their pure love for each other.[63]
In the long vacations of 1914, they traveled
to northern India for several months to
search for a spiritual guru to guide
them.[63] Subhas's family was not told
clearly about the trip, leading them to think
he had run away. During the trip, in which
the guru proved elusive, Subhas came
down with typhoid fever.[63] His absence
caused emotional distress to his parents,
leading both parents to break down upon
his return.[63] Heated words were
exchanged between Janakinath and
Subhas. It took the return of Subhas's
favorite brother, Sarat Chandra Bose, from
law studies in England for the tempers to
subside. Subhas returned to presidency
and busied himself with studies, debating
and student journalism.[63]

In February 1916 Bose was alleged to have

masterminded,[53] or participated in, an
incident involving E. F. Oaten, Professor of
History at Presidency.[9] Before the
incident, it was claimed by the students,
Oaten had made rude remarks about
Indian culture, and collared and pushed
some students; according to Oaten, the
students were making an unacceptably
loud noise just outside his class.[9] A few
days later, on 15 February, some students
accosted Oaten on a stairway, surrounded
him, beat him with sandals, and took to
flight.[9] An inquiry committee was
constituted. Although Oaten, who was
unhurt, could not identify his assailants, a
college servant testified to seeing Subhas
Bose among those fleeing, confirming for
the authorities what they had determined
to be the rumor among the students.[9]
Bose was expelled from the college and
rusticated from University of Calcutta.[64]
The incident shocked Calcutta and caused
anguish to Bose's family.[53] He was
ordered back to Cuttack. His family's
connections were employed to pressure
Asutosh Mukherjee, the Vice-Chancellor of
Calcutta University.[64] Despite this, Subhas
Bose's expulsion remained in place until 20
July 1917, when the Syndicate of Calcutta
University granted him permission to
return, but to another college.[10] He joined
Scottish Church College, receiving his B.A.
in 1918 in the First Class with honours in
philosophy, placing second among all
philosophy students in Calcutta
University.[65]

A coloured-in photograph (1851) of

Presidency College, Calcutta which
Subhas Bose entered in 1913, but
from which he was expelled in 1916
At his father's urging, Subhas Bose agreed
to travel to England to prepare and appear
for the Indian Civil Services (ICS)
examination.[66] Arriving in London on 20
October 1919, Subhas readied his
application for the ICS.[67] For his
references he put down Lord Sinha of
Raipur, Under Secretary of State for India,
and Bhupendranath Basu, a wealthy
Calcutta lawyer who sat on the Council of
India in London.[66] Bose was eager also to
gain admission to a college at the
University of Cambridge.[68] It was past the
deadline for admission.[68] He sought help
from some Indian students and from the
Non-Collegiate Students Board. The Board
offered the university's education at an
economical cost without formal admission
to a college. Bose entered the register of
the university on 19 November 1919 and
simultaneously set about preparing for the
Civil Service exams.[68] He chose the
Mental and Moral Sciences Tripos at
Cambridge,[68] its completion requirement
reduced to two years on account of his
Indian B. A.[69]
 Subhas Bose (standing, right) with
friends in England, 1920

There were six vacancies in the ICS.[70]

Subhas Bose took the open competitive
exam for them in August 1920 and was
placed fourth.[70] This was a vital first
step.[70] Still remaining was a final
examination in 1921 on more topics on
India, including the Indian Penal Code, the
Indian Evidence Act, Indian history, and an
Indian language.[70] Successful candidates
had also to clear a riding test. Having no
fear of these subjects and being a rider,
Subhas Bose felt the ICS was within easy
reach.[70] Yet between August 1920 and
1921 he began to have doubts about
taking the final examination.[71] Many
letters were exchanged with his father and
his brother Sarat Chandra Bose back in
Calcutta.[72] In one letter to Sarat, Subhas
wrote,

"But for a man of my

temperament who has been
feeding on ideas that might be
called eccentric—the line of
 least resistance is not the best
line to follow ... The
uncertainties of life are not
appalling to one who has not, at
heart, worldly ambitions.
Moreover, it is not possible to
serve one's country in the best
and fullest manner if one is
chained on to the civil
service."[72]

In April 1921, Subhas Bose made his

decision firm not to take the final
examination for the ICS and wrote to Sarat
informing him of the same, apologizing for
the pain he would cause to his father, his
mother, and other members of his
family.[73] On 22 April 1921, he wrote to the
Secretary of State for India, Edwin
Montagu, stating, "I wish to have my name
removed from the list of probationers in
the Indian Civil Service."[74] The following
day he wrote again to Sarat:

I received a letter from mother

saying that in spite of what
father and others think she
prefers the ideals for which
Mahatma Gandhi stands. I
cannot tell you how happy I
 have been to receive such a
letter. It will be worth a
treasure for me as it has
removed something like a
burden from my mind."[75]

For some time before Subhas Bose had

been in touch with C. R. Das, a lawyer who
had risen to the helm of politics in Bengal;
Das encouraged Subhas to return to
Calcutta.[76] With the ICS decision now
firmly behind him, Subhas Bose took his
Cambridge B.A. Final examinations half-
heartedly, passing, but being placed in the
Third Class.[75] He prepared to sail for
India in June 1921, electing for a fellow
Indian student to pick up his diploma.[76]

1921–1932: Indian National Congress

Bose at the inauguration of the India

Society in Prague in 1926

Subhas Bose, aged 24, arrived ashore in

India at Bombay on the morning of 16 July
1921 and immediately set about arranging
an interview with Mahatma Gandhi.
Gandhi, aged 51, was the leader of the
non-cooperation movement that had taken
India by storm the previous year and in a
quarter-century would evolve to secure its
independence.[ai][aj] Gandhi happened to be
in Bombay and agreed to see Bose that
afternoon. In Bose's account of the
meeting, written many years later, he
pilloried Gandhi with question after
question.[78] Bose thought Gandhi's
answers were vague, his goals unclear, his
plan for achieving them not thought
through.[78] Gandhi and Bose differed in
this first meeting on the question of means
—for Gandhi non-violent means to any end
were non-negotiable; in Bose's thought, all
means were acceptable in the service of
anti-colonial ends.[78] They differed on the
question of ends—Bose was attracted to
totalitarian models of governance, which
were anathematized by Gandhi.[79]
According to historian Gordon, "Gandhi,
however, set Bose on to the leader of the
Congress and Indian nationalism in Bengal,
C. R. Das, and in him Bose found the leader
whom he sought."[78] Das was more
flexible than Gandhi, more sympathetic to
the extremism that had attracted idealistic
young men such as Bose in Bengal.[78] Das
launched Bose into nationalist politics.[78]
Bose would work within the ambit of the
Indian National Congress politics for
nearly 20 years even as he tried to change
its course.[78]
In 1922 Bose founded the newspaper
Swaraj and assumed charge of the
publicity for the Bengal Provincial
Congress Committee.[80] His mentor was
Chittaranjan Das, a voice for aggressive
nationalism in Bengal. In 1923, Bose was
elected the President of Indian Youth
Congress and also the Secretary of the
Bengal State Congress. He became the
editor of the newspaper "Forward", which
had been founded by Chittaranjan Das.[81]
Bose worked as the CEO of the Calcutta
Municipal Corporation for Das when the
latter was elected mayor of Calcutta in
1924.[82] During the same year, when Bose
was leading a protest march in Calcutta,
he, Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi and other
leaders were arrested and imprisoned.[83]
After a roundup of nationalists in 1925,
Bose was sent to prison in Mandalay,
British Burma, where he contracted
tuberculosis.[84]

Subhas Bose (in military uniform) with

Congress president, Motilal Nehru
taking the salute. Annual meeting,
Indian National Congress, 29
December 1928

In 1927, after being released from prison,

Bose became general secretary of the
Congress party and worked with
Jawaharlal Nehru for independence. In late
December 1928, Bose organised the
Annual Meeting of the Indian National
Congress in Calcutta.[85] His most
memorable role was as General officer
commanding (GOC) Congress Volunteer
Corps.[85] Author Nirad Chaudhuri wrote
about the meeting:

Bose organized a volunteer

corps in uniform, its officers
were even provided with steel-
cut epaulettes ... his uniform
was made by a firm of British
tailors in Calcutta, Harman's. A
telegram addressed to him as
GOC was delivered to the British
General in Fort William and was
the subject of a good deal of
malicious gossip in the (British
Indian) press. Mahatma Gandhi
as a sincere pacifist vowed to
non-violence, did not like the
strutting, clicking of boots, and
saluting, and he afterward
described the Calcutta session of
the Congress as a Bertram Mills
circus, which caused a great
deal of indignation among the
Bengalis.[85]
A little later, Bose was again arrested and
jailed for civil disobedience; this time he
emerged to become Mayor of Calcutta in
1930.[84]

1933–1937: Illness, Austria, Emilie

Schenkl

(left) Bose with Emilie S chenkl, in Bad Gastein, Austria, 1936; (right) Bose, INC president-elect, center, in Bad Gastein,
Austria, December 1937, with (left to right) A. C. N. Nambiar (Bose's second-in-command, Berlin, 1941–1945), Heidi Fulop-
Miller, S chenkl, and Amiya Bose.
During the mid-1930s Bose travelled in
Europe, visiting Indian students and
European politicians, including Benito
Mussolini. He observed party organisation
and saw communism and fascism in
action.[86] In this period, he also
researched and wrote the first part of his
book The Indian Struggle, which covered
the country's independence movement in
the years 1920–1934. Although it was
published in London in 1935, the British
government banned the book in the colony
out of fears that it would encourage
unrest.[87] Bose was supported in Europe
by the Indian Central European Society
organized by Otto Faltis from Vienna.[88]
1937–1940: Indian National Congress

In 1938 Bose stated his opinion that the

INC "should be organised on the broadest
anti-imperialist front with the two-fold
objective of winning political freedom and
the establishment of a socialist regime."[89]
By 1938 Bose had become a leader of
national stature and agreed to accept
nomination as Congress President. He
stood for unqualified Swaraj (self-
governance), including the use of force
against the British. This meant a
confrontation with Mohandas Gandhi, who
in fact opposed Bose's presidency,[90]
splitting the Indian National Congress
party.

Bose, president-elect, INC, arrives in

Calcutta, 24 January 1938, after two-
month vacation in Austria.[ak][al]

Bose attempted to maintain unity, but

Gandhi advised Bose to form his own
cabinet. The rift also divided Bose and
Nehru; he appeared at the 1939 Congress
meeting on a stretcher. He was elected
president again over Gandhi's preferred
candidate Pattabhi Sitaramayya.[93] U.
Muthuramalingam Thevar strongly
supported Bose in the intra-Congress
dispute. Thevar mobilised all south India
votes for Bose.[94] However, due to the
manoeuvrings of the Gandhi-led clique in
the Congress Working Committee, Bose
found himself forced to resign from the
Congress presidency.

On 22 June 1939 Bose organised the All

India Forward Bloc a faction within the
Indian National Congress,[95] aimed at
consolidating the political left, but its main
strength was in his home state, Bengal. U
Muthuramalingam Thevar, who was a
staunch supporter of Bose from the
beginning, joined the Forward Bloc. When
Bose visited Madurai on 6 September,
Thevar organised a massive rally as his
reception.

When Subhas Chandra Bose was heading

to Madurai, on an invitation of
Muthuramalinga Thevar to amass support
for the Forward Bloc, he passed through
Madras and spent three days at Gandhi
Peak. His correspondence reveals that
despite his clear dislike for British
subjugation, he was deeply impressed by
their methodical and systematic approach
and their steadfastly disciplinarian outlook
towards life. In England, he exchanged
ideas on the future of India with British
Labour Party leaders and political thinkers
like Lord Halifax, George Lansbury,
Clement Attlee, Arthur Greenwood, Harold
Laski, J.B.S. Haldane, Ivor Jennings, G.D.H.
Cole, Gilbert Murray and Sir Stafford
Cripps.

Bose arriving at the 1939 annual

session of the Congress, where he
was re-elected, but later had to resign
after disagreements with Gandhi and
the Congress High Command

He came to believe that an independent

India needed socialist authoritarianism, on
the lines of Turkey's Kemal Atatürk, for at
least two decades. For political reasons
Bose was refused permission by the
British authorities to meet Atatürk at
Ankara. During his sojourn in England Bose
tried to schedule appointments with
several politicians, but only the Labour
Party and Liberal politicians agreed to
meet with him. Conservative Party officials
refused to meet him or show him courtesy
because he was a politician coming from a
colony. In the 1930s leading figures in the
Conservative Party had opposed even
Dominion status for India. It was during the
Labour Party government of 1945–1951,
with Attlee as the Prime Minister, that India
gained independence.
On the outbreak of war, Bose advocated a
campaign of mass civil disobedience to
protest against Viceroy Lord Linlithgow's
decision to declare war on India's behalf
without consulting the Congress
leadership. Having failed to persuade
Gandhi of the necessity of this, Bose
organised mass protests in Calcutta
calling for the removal of the "Holwell
Monument", which then stood at the corner
of Dalhousie Square in memoriam of those
who died in the Black Hole of Calcutta.[96]
He was thrown in jail by the British, but was
released following a seven-day hunger
strike. Bose's house in Calcutta was kept
under surveillance by the CID.[97]
1941: Escape to Nazi Germany

The Wanderer car Bose used to

escape from his Calcutta home in
1941

Bose's arrest and subsequent release set

the scene for his escape to Nazi Germany,
via Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. A
few days before his escape, he sought
solitude and, on this pretext, avoided
meeting British guards and grew a beard.
Late night 16 January 1941, the night of his
escape, he dressed as a Pathan (brown
long coat, a black fez-type coat and broad
pyjamas) to avoid being identified. Bose
escaped from under British surveillance
from his Elgin Road house in Calcutta on
the night of 17 January 1941,
accompanied by his nephew Sisir Kumar
Bose, later reaching Gomoh Railway
Station (now Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose
Gomoh Station) in the then state of Bihar
(now Jharkhand), India.[98][99][100][101]

He journeyed to Peshawar with the help of

the Abwehr, where he was met by Akbar
Shah, Mohammed Shah and Bhagat Ram
Talwar. Bose was taken to the home of
Abad Khan, a trusted friend of Akbar
Shah's. On 26 January 1941, Bose began
his journey to reach Russia through British
India's North West frontier with
Afghanistan. For this reason, he enlisted
the help of Mian Akbar Shah, then a
Forward Bloc leader in the North-West
Frontier Province. Shah had been out of
India en route to the Soviet Union, and
suggested a novel disguise for Bose to
assume. Since Bose could not speak one
word of Pashto, it would make him an easy
target of Pashto speakers working for the
British. For this reason, Shah suggested
that Bose act deaf and dumb, and let his
beard grow to mimic those of the
tribesmen. Bose's guide Bhagat Ram
Talwar, unknown to him, was a Soviet
agent.[100][101][102]

Supporters of the Aga Khan III helped him

across the border into Afghanistan where
he was met by an Abwehr unit posing as a
party of road construction engineers from
the Organization Todt who then aided his
passage across Afghanistan via Kabul to
the border with the Soviet Union. After
assuming the guise of a Pashtun insurance
agent ("Ziaudddin") to reach Afghanistan,
Bose changed his guise and travelled to
Moscow on the Italian passport of an
Italian nobleman "Count Orlando
Mazzotta". From Moscow, he reached
Rome, and from there he travelled to Nazi
Germany.[100][101][103] Once in Russia the
NKVD transported Bose to Moscow where
he hoped that Russia's historical enmity to
British rule in India would result in support
for his plans for a popular rising in India.
However, Bose found the Soviets' response
disappointing and was rapidly passed over
to the German Ambassador in Moscow,
Count von der Schulenburg. He had Bose
flown on to Berlin in a special courier
aircraft at the beginning of April where he
was to receive a more favourable hearing
from Joachim von Ribbentrop and the
Foreign Ministry officials at the
Wilhelmstrasse.[100][101][104]
1941–1943: Collaboration with Nazi
Germany

(left) Bose with Heinrich Himmler, head of the S S ; (right) Bose meeting Adolf Hitler

In Germany, he was attached to the Special

Bureau for India under Adam von Trott zu
Solz which was responsible for
broadcasting on the German-sponsored
Azad Hind Radio.[105] He founded the Free
India Center in Berlin, and created the
Indian Legion (consisting of some 4500
soldiers) out of Indian prisoners of war
who had previously fought for the British in
North Africa prior to their capture by Axis
forces. The Indian Legion was attached to
the Wehrmacht, and later transferred to
the Waffen SS. Its members swore the
following allegiance to Hitler and Bose: "I
swear by God this holy oath that I will obey
the leader of the German race and state,
Adolf Hitler, as the commander of the
German armed forces in the fight for India,
whose leader is Subhas Chandra Bose".
This oath clearly abrogated control of the
Indian legion to the German armed forces
whilst stating Bose's overall leadership of
India. He was also, however, prepared to
envisage an invasion of India via the USSR
by Nazi troops, spearheaded by the Azad
Hind Legion; many have questioned his
judgment here, as it seems unlikely that
the Germans could have been easily
persuaded to leave after such an invasion,
which might also have resulted in an Axis
victory in the War.[103]

Soon, according to historian Romain

Hayes, "the (German) Foreign Office
procured a luxurious residence for (Bose)
along with a butler, cook, gardener, and an
SS-chauffeured car. Emilie Schenkl moved
in openly with him. The Germans, aware of
the nature of the relationship, refrained
from any involvement."[106] However, most
of the staff in the Special Bureau for India,
which had been set up to aid Bose, did not
get along with Emilie.[107] In particular
Adam von Trott, Alexander Werth and
Freda Kretschemer, according to historian
Leonard A. Gordon, "appear to have
disliked her intensely. They believed that
she and Bose were not married and that
she was using her liaison with Bose to live
an especially comfortable life during the
hard times of war" and that differences
were compounded by issues of class.[107]
In November 1942, Schenkl gave birth to
their daughter.
The Germans were unwilling to form an
alliance with Bose because they
considered him unpopular in comparison
with Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal
Nehru.[108][109] By the spring of 1942, the
German army was mired in the USSR.
Bose, due to disappointment over the lack
of response from Nazi Germany, was now
keen to move to Southeast Asia, where
Japan had just won quick victories.
However, he still expected official
recognition from Nazi Germany. Adolf
Hitler during his only meeting with Bose in
late May 1942 refused to entertain Bose's
requests and facilitated him with a
submarine voyage to East Asia.[24][110][111]
In February 1943, Bose left Schenkl and
their baby daughter and boarded a German
submarine to travel, via transfer to a
Japanese submarine, to Japanese-
occupied southeast Asia. In all, 3,000
Indian prisoners of war signed up for the
Free India Legion. But instead of being
delighted, Bose was worried. A left-wing
admirer of Russia, he was devastated
when Hitler's tanks rolled across the Soviet
border. Matters were worsened by the fact
that the now-retreating German army
would be in no position to offer him help in
driving the British from India. When he met
Hitler in May 1942, his suspicions were
confirmed, and he came to believe that the
Nazi leader was more interested in using
his men to win propaganda victories than
military ones. So, in February 1943, Bose
boarded a German U-boat and left for
Japan. This left the men he had recruited
leaderless and demoralised in
Germany.[103][112]

1943–1945: Japanese-occupied Asia

The crew of Japanese submarine I-29

after the rendezvous with German
submarine U-180 300 sm southeast of
Madagascar; Bose is sitting in the
front row (28 April 1943)
In 1943, after being disillusioned that
Germany could be of any help in gaining
India's independence, Bose left for Japan.
He travelled with the German submarine U-
180 around the Cape of Good Hope to the
southeast of Madagascar, where he was
transferred to the I-29 for the rest of the
journey to Imperial Japan. This was the
only civilian transfer between two
submarines of two different navies in
World War II.[100][101]

The Indian National Army (INA) was the

brainchild of Japanese Major (and post-
war Lieutenant-General) Iwaichi Fujiwara,
head of the Japanese intelligence unit
Fujiwara Kikan. Fujiwara's mission was "to
raise an army which would fight alongside
the Japanese army."[113][114] He first met
Pritam Singh Dhillon, the president of the
Bangkok chapter of the Indian
Independence League, and through Pritam
Singh's network recruited a captured
British Indian army captain, Mohan Singh,
on the western Malayan peninsula in
December 1941. The First Indian National
Army was formed as a result of discussion
between Fujiwara and Mohan Singh in the
second half of December 1941, and the
name chosen jointly by them in the first
week of January 1942.[115]
This was along the concept of, and with
support of, what was then known as the
Indian Independence League headed from
Tokyo by expatriate nationalist leader
Rash Behari Bose. The first INA was
however disbanded in December 1942
after disagreements between the Hikari
Kikan and Mohan Singh, who came to
believe that the Japanese High Command
was using the INA as a mere pawn and
propaganda tool. Mohan Singh was taken
into custody and the troops returned to the
prisoner-of-war camp. However, the idea
of an independence army was revived with
the arrival of Subhas Chandra Bose in the
Far East in 1943. In July, at a meeting in
Singapore, Rash Behari Bose handed over
control of the organisation to Subhas
Chandra Bose. Bose was able to
reorganise the fledgling army and organise
massive support among the expatriate
Indian population in south-east Asia, who
lent their support by both enlisting in the
Indian National Army, as well as financially
in response to Bose's calls for sacrifice for
the independence cause. INA had a
separate women's unit, the Rani of Jhansi
Regiment (named after Rani Lakshmi Bai)
headed by Capt. Lakshmi Swaminathan,
which is seen as a first of its kind in
Asia.[116][117]
 Currency issued by the Azad Hind
Bank with Bose's portrait

Even when faced with military reverses,

Bose was able to maintain support for the
Azad Hind movement. Spoken as a part of
a motivational speech for the Indian
National Army at a rally of Indians in
Burma on 4 July 1944, Bose's most
famous quote was "Give me blood, and I
shall give you freedom!" In this, he urged
the people of India to join him in his fight
against the British Raj. Spoken in Hindi,
Bose's words are highly evocative. The
troops of the INA were under the aegis of
a provisional government, the Azad Hind
Government, which came to produce its
own currency, postage stamps, court and
civil code, and was recognised by nine Axis
states—Germany, Japan, Italian Social
Republic, the Independent State of Croatia,
Wang Jingwei regime in Nanjing, China, a
provisional government of Burma,
Manchukuo and Japanese-controlled
Philippines. Of those countries, five were
authorities established under Axis
occupation. This government participated
in the so-called Greater East Asia
Conference as an observer in November
1943.[118]
The INA's first commitment was in the
Japanese thrust towards Eastern Indian
frontiers of Manipur. INA's special forces,
the Bahadur Group, were involved in
operations behind enemy lines both during
the diversionary attacks in Arakan, as well
as the Japanese thrust towards Imphal
and Kohima.[119]

Bose speaking in Tokyo in 1943

The Japanese also took possession of

Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1942 and
a year later, the Provisional Government
and the INA were established in the
Andaman and Nicobar Islands with Lt Col.
A.D. Loganathan appointed its Governor
General. The islands were renamed
Shaheed (Martyr) and Swaraj
(Independence). However, the Japanese
Navy remained in essential control of the
island's administration. During Bose's only
visit to the islands in early 1944, apparently
in the interest of shielding Bose from
attaining a full knowledge of ultimate
Japanese intentions, Bose's Japanese
hosts carefully isolated him from the local
population. At that time the island's
Japanese administration had been
torturing the leader of the island's Indian
Independence League, Diwan Singh, who
later died of his injuries in the Cellular Jail.
During Bose's visit to the islands several
locals attempted to alert Bose to Singh's
plight, but apparently without success.
During this time Loganathan became
aware of his lack of any genuine
administrative control and resigned in
protest as Governor General, later
returning to the Government's
headquarters in Rangoon.[120][121]

On the Indian mainland, an Indian Tricolour,

modelled after that of the Indian National
Congress, was raised for the first time in
the town of Moirang, in Manipur, in north-
eastern India. The adjacent towns of
Kohima and Imphal were then encircled
and placed under siege by divisions of the
Japanese Army, working in conjunction
with the Burmese National Army, and with
Brigades of the INA, known as the Gandhi
and Nehru Brigades. This attempt at
conquering the Indian mainland had the
Axis codename of Operation U-Go.

During this operation, on 6 July 1944, in a

speech broadcast by the Azad Hind Radio
from Singapore, Bose addressed Mahatma
Gandhi as the "Father of the Nation" and
asked for his blessings and good wishes
for the war he was fighting. This was the
first time that Gandhi was referred to by
this appellation.[122] The protracted
Japanese attempts to take these two
towns depleted Japanese resources, with
Operation U-Go ultimately proving
unsuccessful. Through several months of
Japanese onslaught on these two towns,
Commonwealth forces remained
entrenched in the towns. Commonwealth
forces then counter-attacked, inflicting
serious losses on the Axis led forces, who
were then forced into a retreat back into
Burmese territory. After the Japanese
defeat at the battles of Kohima and
Imphal, Bose's Provisional Government's
aim of establishing a base in mainland
India was lost forever.
Still the INA fought in key battles against
the British Indian Army in Burmese territory,
notable in Meiktilla, Mandalay, Pegu,
Nyangyu and Mount Popa. However, with
the fall of Rangoon, Bose's government
ceased to be an effective political entity. A
large proportion of the INA troops
surrendered under Lt Col Loganathan. The
remaining troops retreated with Bose
towards Malaya or made for Thailand.
Japan's surrender at the end of the war
also led to the surrender of the remaining
elements of the Indian National Army. The
INA prisoners were then repatriated to
India and some tried for treason.
18 August 1945: Death

(left) The last aeroplane journeys of S ubhas Chandra Bose; flight paths: blue (completed), red (not completed); (right) A
memorial to S ubhas Chandra Bose in the Renkōji Temple, Tokyo. Bose's ashes are stored in the temple in a golden
pagoda

Subhas Chandra Bose's death occurred

from third-degree burns on 18 August 1945
after his overloaded Japanese plane
crashed in Japanese-ruled Formosa (now
Taiwan).[123][36][4][5] However, many among
his supporters, especially in Bengal,
refused at the time, and have refused
since, to believe either the fact or the
circumstances of his death.[123][37][38]
Conspiracy theories appeared within hours
of his death and have thereafter had a long
shelf life,[123][am] keeping alive various
martial myths about Bose.[44]

In Taihoku, at around 2:30 pm as the

bomber with Bose on board was leaving
the standard path taken by aircraft during
take-off, the passengers inside heard a
loud sound, similar to an engine
backfiring.[124][125] The mechanics on the
tarmac saw something fall out of the
plane.[126] It was the portside engine, or a
part of it, and the propeller.[126][124] The
plane swung wildly to the right and
plummeted, crashing, breaking into two,
and exploding into flames.[126][124] Inside,
the chief pilot, copilot and Lieutenant-
General Tsunamasa Shidei, the Vice Chief
of Staff of the Japanese Kwantung Army,
who was to have made the negotiations
for Bose with the Soviet army in
Manchuria,[127] were instantly
killed.[126][128] Bose's assistant Habibur
Rahman was stunned, passing out briefly,
and Bose, although conscious and not
fatally hurt, was soaked in gasoline.[126]
When Rahman came to, he and Bose
attempted to leave by the rear door, but
found it blocked by the luggage.[128] They
then decided to run through the flames and
exit from the front.[128] The ground staff,
now approaching the plane, saw two
people staggering towards them, one of
whom had become a human torch.[126] The
human torch turned out to be Bose, whose
gasoline-soaked clothes had instantly
ignited.[128] Rahman and a few others
managed to smother the flames, but also
noticed that Bose's face and head
appeared badly burned.[128] According to
Joyce Chapman Lebra, "A truck which
served as ambulance rushed Bose and the
other passengers to the Nanmon Military
Hospital south of Taihoku."[126] The airport
personnel called Dr. Taneyoshi Yoshimi,
the surgeon-in-charge at the hospital at
around 3 pm.[128] Bose was conscious and
mostly coherent when they reached the
hospital, and for some time thereafter.[129]
Bose was naked, except for a blanket
wrapped around him, and Dr. Yoshimi
immediately saw evidence of third-degree
burns on many parts of the body,
especially on his chest, doubting very
much that he would live.[129] Dr. Yoshimi
promptly began to treat Bose and was
assisted by Dr. Tsuruta.[129] According to
historian Leonard A. Gordon, who
interviewed all the hospital personnel later,
A disinfectant, Rivamol [sic],
was put over most of his body
and then a white ointment was
applied and he was bandaged
over most of his body. Dr.
Yoshimi gave Bose four
injections of Vita Camphor and
two of Digitamine for his
weakened heart. These were
given about every 30 minutes.
Since his body had lost fluids
quickly upon being burnt, he
was also given Ringer solution
intravenously. A third doctor,
 Dr. Ishii gave him a blood
transfusion. An orderly, Kazuo
Mitsui, an army private, was in
the room and several nurses
were also assisting. Bose still
had a clear head which Dr.
Yoshimi found remarkable for
someone with such severe
injuries.[130]

Soon, in spite of the treatment, Bose went

into a coma.[130][126] A few hours later,
between 9 and 10 pm (local time) on
Saturday, 18 August 1945, Bose died aged
48.[130][126]
Bose's body was cremated in the main
Taihoku crematorium two days later, 20
August 1945.[131] On 23 August 1945, the
Japanese news agency Do Trzei
announced the death of Bose and
Shidea.[126] On 7 September a Japanese
officer, Lieutenant Tatsuo Hayashida,
carried Bose's ashes to Tokyo, and the
following morning they were handed to the
president of the Tokyo Indian
Independence League, Rama Murti.[132] On
14 September a memorial service was
held for Bose in Tokyo and a few days
later the ashes were turned over to the
priest of the Renkōji Temple of Nichiren
Buddhism in Tokyo.[133][134] There they
have remained ever since.[134]

Among the INA personnel, there was

widespread disbelief, shock, and trauma.
Most affected were the young Tamil
Indians from Malaya and Singapore, both
men and women, who comprised the bulk
of the civilians who had enlisted in the
INA.[41] The professional soldiers in the
INA, most of whom were Punjabis, faced
an uncertain future, with many fatalistically
expecting reprisals from the British.[41] In
India the Indian National Congress's
official line was succinctly expressed in a
letter Mohandas Karamchand (Mahatma)
Gandhi wrote to Rajkumari Amrit Kaur.[41]
Said Gandhi, "Subhas Bose has died well.
He was undoubtedly a patriot, though
misguided."[41] Many congressmen had not
forgiven Bose for quarrelling with Gandhi
and for collaborating with what they
considered was Japanese fascism. The
Indian soldiers in the British Indian army,
some two and a half million of whom had
fought during the Second World War, were
conflicted about the INA. Some saw the
INA as traitors and wanted them punished;
others felt more sympathetic. The British
Raj, though never seriously threatened by
the INA, tried 300 INA officers for treason
in the INA trials, but eventually
backtracked.[41]

Ideology
Subhas Chandra Bose believed that the
Bhagavad Gita was a great source of
inspiration for the struggle against the
British.[135] Swami Vivekananda's
teachings on universalism, his nationalist
thoughts and his emphasis on social
service and reform had all inspired Subhas
Chandra Bose from his very young days.
The fresh interpretation of India's ancient
scriptures had appealed immensely to
him.[136] Some scholars think that Hindu
spirituality formed an essential part of his
political and social thought.[137] As
historian Leonard Gordon explains "Inner
religious explorations continued to be a
part of his adult life. This set him apart
from the slowly growing number of
atheistic socialists and communists who
dotted the Indian landscape."[138]

Bose first expressed his preference for "a

synthesis of what modern Europe calls
socialism and fascism" in a 1930 speech
in Calcutta.[139] Bose later criticized
Nehru's 1933 statement that there is "no
middle road" between communism and
fascism, describing it as "fundamentally
wrong". Bose believed communism would
not gain ground in India due to its rejection
of nationalism and religion and suggested
a "synthesis between communism and
fascism" could take hold instead.[140] In
1944, Bose similarly stated, "Our
philosophy should be a synthesis between
National Socialism and communism."[141]

Authoritarianism

Bose believed that authoritarianism could

bring liberation and reconstruction of
Indian society.[142] He expressed
admiration for the authoritarian methods
which he saw in Italy and Germany during
the 1930s; he thought they could be used
to build an independent India.[96]

To a large number of Congress leaders,

Bose programme shared enough
similarities with Japanese fascists.[143]
After getting marginalized within Congress,
Bose chose to embrace fascist regimes as
allies against the British and fled
India.[44][144] Bose believed that India "must
have a political system—State—of an
authoritarian character," and "a strong
central government with dictatorial powers
for some years to come".[145]
Earlier, Bose had clearly expressed his
belief that democracy was the best option
for India.[146] However, during the war (and
possibly as early as the 1930s), Bose
seems to have decided that no democratic
system could be adequate to overcome
India's poverty and social inequalities, and
he wrote that a socialist state similar to
that of Soviet Russia (which he had also
seen and admired) would be needed for
the process of national re-building.[an]
Accordingly, some suggest that Bose's
alliance with the Axis during the war was
based on more than just pragmatism and
that Bose was a militant nationalist,
though not a Nazi nor a Fascist, for he
supported the empowerment of women,
secularism and other liberal ideas;
alternatively, others consider he might
have been using populist methods of
mobilisation common to many post-
colonial leaders.[96]

Anti-semitism

Since before the beginning of the World

War II, Bose was opposed to the attempts
to grant Jewish refugees asylum in
India.[148][149] The great anti-Jewish
pogrom called "the Night of Broken Glass"
happened on 9 November 1938. In early
December, the pro-Hindu Mahasabha
journals published articles lending support
to German anti-Semitism. This stance
brought Hindu Mahasabha into conflict
with the Congress which, on 12 December,
issued statement containing references to
recent European events. Within the
Congress, only Bose opposed this stance
of the party. After some months in April
1939, Bose refused to support the party
motion that Jews can find refuge in
India.[49][150][151][152][153][154]

In 1938, Bose had denounced Nazi racial

policy and persecution of Jews.[155]
However, in 1942 he had published an
article in the journal Angriff, where he
wrote that Indians were true Aryans and
the 'brethren' of the Germans. Bose added
that Swastika (symbol of Nazi Germany)
was an ancient Indian symbol. Bose urged
that anti-Semitism should be part of Indian
liberation movement because the Jews
assisted the British to exploit Indians.[156]
The Jewish Chronicle had condemned
Bose as "India's anti-Jewish Quisling" over
this article.[157]

Roman Hayes describes troubled legacy

of Bose with atrocities related to Jews in
the following words:–
"The most troubling aspect of
Bose's presence in Nazi
Germany is not military or
political but rather ethical. His
alliance with the most genocidal
regime in history poses serious
dilemmas precisely because of
his popularity and his having
made a lifelong career of
fighting the 'good cause'. How
did a man who started his
political career at the feet of
Gandhi end up with Hitler,
Mussolini, and Tojo? Even in the
case of Mussolini and Tojo, the
gravity of the dilemma pales in
comparison to that posed by his
association with Hitler and the
Nazi leadership. The most
disturbing issue, all too often
ignored, is that in the many
articles, minutes,
memorandums, telegrams,
letters, plans, and broadcasts
Bose left behind in Germany, he
did not express the slightest
concern or sympathy for the
millions who died in the
concentration camps. Not one of
his Berlin wartime associates or
colleagues ever quotes him
expressing any indignation. Not
even when the horrors of
Auschwitz and its satellite
camps were exposed to the
world upon being liberated by
Soviet troops in early 1945,
revealing publicly for the first
time the genocidal nature of the
Nazi regime, did Bose react."[48]
Quotes
His most famous quote was "Give me
blood and I will give you freedom".[158]
Another famous quote was Dilli Chalo ("On
to Delhi)!" This was the call he used to give
the INA armies to motivate them. Another
slogan coined by him was "Ittehad,
Etemad, Qurbani" (Urdu for "Unity,
Agreement, Sacrifice"). [159]

Legacy
Bose' defiance of British authority in India
made him a hero among many
Indians,[ao][ap][aq] however his wartime
alliances with Nazi Germany and Imperial
Japan left a legacy fraught with
authoritarianism, anti-Semitism, and
military failure.[ar][162][163][as][at]

Memorials

Bose on 1964 stamps of India

Bose was featured on the stamps in India

from 1964, 1993, 1997, 2001, 2016, 2018
and 2021.[166] Bose was also featured in
₹2 coins in 1996 and 1997, ₹75 coin in
2018 and ₹125 coin in 2021.[167][168][169]
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose International
Airport at Kolkata, Netaji Subhash Chandra
Bose Island, formerly Ross Island, Netaji
Subhash Chandra Bose Junction Gomoh
railway station, Netaji Express (formerly
known as Kalka Mail), a train runs between
Howrah and Kalka and many other
institutions in India are named after him.
On 23 August 2007, Japanese Prime
Minister, Shinzō Abe visited the Netaji
Bhawan in Kolkata.[170][171] Abe, who is
also the recipient of Netaji Award
2022,[172] said to Bose's family "The
Japanese are deeply moved by Bose's
strong will to have led the Indian
independence movement from British rule.
Netaji is a much respected name in
Japan."[170][171]

In 2021, the Government of India declared

23 January as Parakram Divas to
commemorate the birth anniversary of
Subhas Chandra Bose. Political party,
Trinamool Congress and the All India
Forward Bloc demanded that the day
should be observed as 'Deshprem
Divas'.[173] A holographic statue of Bose at
the India Gate to mark his 125th birth
anniversary was installed at India Gate and
a permanent granite statue replaced the
holographic statue later.[174][175]

In popular media

Bose on the tableau of Andaman &

Nicobar in the 2006 Republic Day
Parade in New Delhi

Subhas in Army uniform

Netaji Subhash, a feature documentary
film about Bose was released in 1947, it
was directed by Chhotubhai Desai.[176]
Subhas Chandra is a 1966 Indian
Bengali-language biographical film,
directed by Pijush Basu.[177][178]
Neta Ji Subhash Chandra Bose is a 1966
Indian biographical drama film about
Bose by Hemen Gupta.[176]
In 2004, Shyam Benegal directed the
biographical film, Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose: The Forgotten Hero depicting his
life in Nazi Germany (1941–1943), in
Japanese-occupied Asia (1943–1945)
and the events leading to the formation
of Azad Hind Fauj.[179] The film received
critical acclaim at the BFI London Film
Festival, and has garnered the National
Film Award for Best Feature Film on
National Integration, and the National
Film Award for Best Production Design
for that year.[180][181]
Mahanayak, 2005 published Marathi
historical novel on the life of Subhash
Chandra Bose, written by Marathi author
Vishvas Patil.
His Majesty's Opponent, a biography of
Subhash Chandra Bose, written by
Sugata Bose, published in 2011.
Subhash Chandra Bose: The Mystery, a
2016 documentary film by Iqbal
Malhotra, follows conspiracy theories
regarding Bose's death.[182]
Netaji Bose – The Lost Treasure is a
2017 television documentary film which
aired on History TV18, it explores the
INA treasure controversy.[183]
In 2017, ALTBalaji and BIG Synergy
Media, released a 9-episode web series,
Bose: Dead/Alive, created by Ekta
Kapoor, a dramatised version of the
book India's Biggest Cover-up written by
Anuj Dhar, which starred Bollywood
actor Rajkummar Rao as Subhas
 Chandra Bose and Anna Ador as Emilie
Schenkl. The series was praised by both
audience and critics, for its plot,
performance and production design.[184]
In January 2019 Zee Bangla started
broadcasting the daily television series
Netaji.

Gumnaami is an 2019 Indian Bengali

mystery film directed by Srijit Mukherji,
which deals with Netaji's death mystery,
based on the Mukherjee Commission
Hearings.

See also
Revolutionary movement for Indian
 independence
Japanese occupation of Singapore
Bombing of Rangoon in World War II
Death of Subhas Chandra Bose
Political views of Subhas Chandra Bose
Bengal Volunteers
Bibliography of Subhas Chandra Bose
Subhasji
Qadam Qadam Badhaye Ja
Gumnami Baba

Notes
a. "the Provisional Government of Azad Hind
(or Free India Provisional Government,
 FIPG) was announced on 21 October. It was
based at Singapore and consisted, in the
first instance, of five ministers, eight
representatives of the INA, and eight civilian
advisers representing the Indians of
Southeast and East Asia. Bose was head of
state, prime minister and minister for war
and foreign affairs.[1]

b. "Hideki Tojo turned over all Japan's Indian

POWs to Bose's command, and in October
1943 Bose announced the creation of a
Provisional Government of Free India, of
which he became head of state, prime
minister, minister of war, and minister of
foreign affairs."[2]
c. "Bose was especially keen to have some
Indian territory over which the provisional
government might claim sovereignty. Since
the Japanese had stopped east of the
Chindwin River in Burma and not entered
India on that front, the only Indian territories
they held were the Andaman and Nicobar
Islands in the Indian Ocean. The Japanese
navy was unwilling to transfer
administration of these strategic islands to
Bose's forces, but a face-saving agreement
was worked out so that the provisional
government was given a 'jurisdiction', while
actual control remained throughout with the
Japanese military. Bose eventually made a
visit to Port Blair in the Andamans in
December and a ceremonial transfer took
 place. Renaming them the Shahid (Martyr)
and Swaraj (Self-rule) Islands, Bose raised
the Indian national flag and appointed
Lieutenant-Colonel Loganadhan, a medical
officer, as chief commissioner. Bose
continued to lobby for complete transfer,
but did not succeed."[3]

d. His formal title after 21 October 1943 was:

Head of State, Prime Minister, Minister of
War, and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Provisional Government of Free India, which
was based in Japanese-occupied
Singapore.[a][b] with jurisdiction, but without
the sovereignty of Japanese-occupied
Andaman Islands.[c]
e. Expelled from the college and rusticated
from the university, 15 February 1916;[9]
reinstated in the university 20 July 1917.[10]
f. "When another run-in between Professor
Oaten and some students took place on
February 15 (1916), a group of students
including Subhas Bose, ... decided to take
the law in their own hands. Coming down
the broad staircase from the second floor,
Oaten was surrounded (the) students who
beat him with their sandals—and fled.
Although Oaten himself was not able to
identify any of the attackers, a bearer said
he saw Subhas Bose and Ananga Dam
among those fleeing. Rumors in student
circles also placed Subhas among the
group. An investigation was carried out by
the college authorities, and these two were
expelled from the college and rusticated
from the university.[9]
g. "Upon arriving in Britain, Bose went up to
Cambridge to gain admission. He managed
to gain entry to Fitzwilliam Hall, a body for
non-collegiate members of the University.
Bose took the Mental and Moral Sciences
Tripos."
h. "Another small, but immediate, issue for the
civilians in Berlin and the soldiers in training
was how to address Subhas Bose. Vyas
has given his view of how the term was
adopted: 'one of our [soldier] boys came
forward with "Hamare Neta". We improved
upon it: "Netaji"... It must be mentioned, that
Subhas Bose strongly disapproved of it. He
began to yield only when he saw our
military group ... firmly went on calling him
"Netaji"'. (Alexander) Werth also mentioned
adoption of 'Netaji' and observed
accurately, that it '... combined a sense both
of affection and honour ...' It was not meant
to echo 'Fuehrer' or 'Duce', but to give
Subhas Bose a special Indian form of
reverence and this term has been
universally adopted by Indians everywhere
in speaking about him."[13]
i. "Younger Congressmen, including
Jawaharlal Nehru, ... thought that
constitution-making, whether by the British
with their (Simon) Commission or by
moderate politicians like the elder (Motilal)
Nehru, was not the way to achieve the
fundamental changes in society. Nehru and
Subhas Bose rallied a group within
Congress ... to declare for an independent
republic. (p. 305) ... (They) were among
those who, impatient with Gandhi's
programmes and methods, looked upon
socialism as an alternative for nationalistic
policies capable of meeting the country's
economic and social needs, as well as a
link to potential international support (p.
325)."[14]
j. "Having arrived in Berlin a bruised politician,
his broadcasts brought him—and India—
world notice.[22]

k. "While writing The Indian Struggle, Bose

also hired a secretary by the name of Emilie
Schenkl. They eventually fell in love and
married secretly in accordance with Hindu
rites."[6]
l. "Although we must take Emilie Schenkl at
her word (about her secret marriage to
Bose in 1937), there are a few nagging
doubts about an actual marriage ceremony
because there is no document that I have
seen and no testimony by any other
person. ... Other biographers have written
that Bose and Miss Schenkl were married in
1942, while Krishna Bose, implying 1941,
leaves the date ambiguous. The strangest
and most confusing testimony comes from
A. C. N. Nambiar, who was with the couple
in Badgastein briefly in 1937, and was with
them in Berlin during the war as second-in-
command to Bose. In an answer to my
question about the marriage, he wrote to
me in 1978: 'I cannot state anything definite
about the marriage of Bose referred to by
you, since I came to know of it only a good
while after the end of the last world war ... I
can imagine the marriage having been a
very informal one ...'... So what are we left
with? ... We know they had a close
passionate relationship and that they had a
child, Anita, born 29 November 1942, in
Vienna. ... And we have Emilie Schenkl's
testimony that they were married secretly in
1937. Whatever the precise dates, the most
important thing is the relationship."[25]
m. "Apart from the Free India Centre, Bose also
had another reason to feel satisfied-even
comfortable-in Berlin. After months of
residing in a hotel, the Foreign Office
procured a luxurious residence for him
along with a butler, cook, gardener and an
SS-chauffeured car. Emilie Schenkl moved
in openly with him. The Germans, aware of
the nature of their relationship, refrained
from any involvement. The following year
she gave birth to a daughter.[6]
n. "Tojo turned over all his Indian POWs to
Bose's command, and in October 1943
Bose announced the creation of a
Provisional Government of Azad ("Free")
India, of which he became head of state,
prime minister, minister of war, and minister
of foreign affairs. Some two million Indians
were living in Southeast Asia when the
Japanese seized control of that region, and
these emigrees were the first "citizens" of
that government, founded under the
"protection" of Japan and headquartered on
the "liberated" Andaman Islands. Bose
declared war on the United States and
Great Britain the day after his government
was established. In January 1944 he
moved his provisional capital to Rangoon
 and started his Indian National Army on
their march north to the battle cry of the
Meerut mutineers: "Chalo Delhi!"[2]

o. "At the same time that the Japanese

appreciated the firmness with which Bose's
forces continued to fight, they were
endlessly exasperated with him. A number
of Japanese officers, even those like
Fujiwara, who were devoted to the Indian
cause, saw Bose as a military incompetent
as well as an unrealistic and stubborn man
who saw only his own needs and problems
and could not see the larger picture of the
war as the Japanese had to."[32]
p. "Gracey consoled himself that Bose's Indian
National Army had also been in action
against his Indians and Gurkhas but had
been roughly treated and almost
annihilated; when the survivors tried to
surrender, they tended to fall foul of the
Gurkhas' dreaded kukri."[33]

q. Initially, INA troops in the Arakan stayed

loyal to the INA and their IJA masters.
However, as starvation and defeat began to
take their toll, loyalties began to waver, and
two companies from the Bose Brigade
surrendered en masse to British forces in
July 1944.[34]
r. "The good news Wavell reported was that
the RAF had just recently flown enough of
its planes into Manipur's capital of Imphal
to smash Netaji ("Leader") Subhas Chandra
Bose's Indian National Army (INA) that had
advanced to its outskirts before the
monsoon began. Bose's INA consisted of
about 20,000 of the British Indian soldiers
captured by the Japanese in Singapore,
who had volunteered to serve under Netaji
Bose when he offered them "Freedom" if
they were willing to risk their "Blood" to gain
Indian independence a year earlier. The
British considered Bose and his "army of
traitors" no better than their Japanese
sponsors, but to most of Bengal's 50
million Indians, Bose was a great national
hero and potential "Liberator". The INA was
stopped before entering Bengal, first by
monsoon rains and then by the RAF, and
forced to retreat, back through Burma and
down its coast to the Malay peninsula. In
May 1945, Bose would fly out of Saigon on
an overloaded Japanese plane, headed for
Taiwan, which crash-landed and burned.
Bose suffered third-degree burns and died
in the hospital on Formosa."[35]
s. "The retreat was even more devastating,
finally ending the dream of gaining Indian
independence through military campaign.
But Bose still remained optimistic, thought
of regrouping after the Japanese surrender,
contemplated seeking help from Soviet
Russia. The Japanese agreed to provide
him transport up to Manchuria from where
he could travel to Russia. But on his way, on
18 August 1945 at Taihoku airport in
Taiwan, he died in an air crash, which many
Indians still believe never happened."[36]
t. "There are still some in India today who
believe that Bose remained alive and in
Soviet custody, a once and future king of
Indian independence. The legend of 'Netaii'
Bose's survival helped bind together the
defeated INA. In Bengal it became an
assurance of the province's supreme
importance in the liberation of the
motherland. It sustained the morale of
many across India and Southeast Asia who
deplored the return of British power or felt
alienated from the political settlement
finally achieved by Gandhi and Nehru.[37]
u. "On 21 March 1944, Subhas Bose and
advanced units of the INA crossed the
borders of India, entering Manipur, and by
May they had advanced to the outskirts of
that state's capital, Imphal. That was the
closest Bose came to Bengal, where
millions of his devoted followers awaited
his army's "liberation". The British garrison
at Imphal and its air arm withstood Bose's
much larger force long enough for the
monsoon rains to defer all possibility of
warfare in that jungle region for the three
months the British so desperately needed
to strengthen their eastern wing. Bose had
promised his men freedom in exchange for
their blood, but the tide of battle turned
against them after the 1944 rains, and in
 May 1945 the INA surrendered in Rangoon.
Bose escaped on the last Japanese plane
to leave Saigon, but he died in Formosa
after a crash landing there in August. By
that time, however, his death had been
falsely reported so many times that a myth
soon emerged in Bengal that Netaji Subhas
Chandra was alive—raising another army in
China or Tibet or the Soviet Union—and
would return with it to "liberate" India.[38]

v. "Subhas Bose was dead, killed in 1945 in a

plane crash in the Far East, even though
many of his devotees waited—as
Barbarossa's disciples had done in another
time and in another country—for their hero's
second coming."[39]
w. "The thrust of Sarkar's thought, like that of
Chittaranjan Das and Subhas Bose, was to
challenge the idea that 'the average Indian
is indifferent to life', as R. K. Kumaria put it.
India once possessed an energised,
Machiavellian political culture. All it needed
was a hero (rather than a Gandhi-style
saint) to revive the culture and steer India to
life and freedom through violent
contentions of world forces (vishwa shakti)
represented in imperialism, fascism and
socialism."[40]
x. As cases began to come to trial, the Indian
National Congress began to speak out in
defence of INA prisoners, even though it
had vocally opposed both the INA's
narrative and methods during the war. The
Muslim League and the Punjab Unionists
followed suit. By mid-September, Nehru
was becoming increasingly vocal in his view
that trials of INA defendants should not
move forward.[42]
y. "The claim is even made that without the
Japanese-influenced 'Indian National Army'
under Subhas Chandra Bose, India would
not have achieved independence in 1947;
though those who make claim seem
unaware of the mood of the British people
in 1945 and of the attitude of the newly-
elected Labour government to the Indian
question."[43]
z. "Despite any whimsy in implementation, the
clarity of Gandhi's political vision and the
skill with which he carried the reforms in
1920 provided the foundation for what was
to follow: twenty-five years of stewardship
over the freedom movement. He knew the
hazards to be negotiated. The British must
be brought to a point where they would
abdicate their rule without terrible
destruction, thus assuring that freedom
was not an empty achievement. To
accomplish this he had to devise means of
a moral sort, able to inspire the disciplined
participation of millions of Indians, and
equal to compelling the British to grant
freedom, if not willingly, at least with
resignation. Gandhi found his means in non-
 violent satyagraha. He insisted that it was
not a cowardly form of resistance; rather, it
required the most determined kind of
courage.[45]

aa. What he is remembered for is his vigor, his

militancy, his readiness to trade blood (his
own if necessary) for nationhood. In large
parts of Uttar Pradesh, the historian
Gyanendra Pandey has recently remarked,
independence is popularly credited not to
'the quiet efforts at self¬regeneration
initiated by Mahatma Gandhi,' but to 'the
military daring of Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose.'[46]
ab. " 'The transfer of power in India ,' Dr
Radhakrishnan has said, 'was one of the
greatest acts of reconciliation in human
history.'"[47]
ac. "The most troubling aspect of Bose's
presence in Nazi Germany is not military or
political but rather ethical. His alliance with
the most genocidal regime in history poses
serious dilemmas precisely because of his
popularity and his having made a lifelong
career of fighting the 'good cause'. How did
a man who started his political career at the
feet of Gandhi end up with Hitler, Mussolini,
and Tojo? Even in the case of Mussolini and
Tojo, the gravity of the dilemma pales in
comparison to that posed by his
association with Hitler and the Nazi
leadership. The most disturbing issue, all
too often ignored, is that in the many
articles, minutes, memorandums,
telegrams, letters, plans, and broadcasts
Bose left behind in Germany, he did not
express the slightest concern or sympathy
for the millions who died in the
concentration camps. Not one of his Berlin
wartime associates or colleagues ever
quotes him expressing any indignation. Not
even when the horrors of Auschwitz and its
satellite camps were exposed to the world
upon being liberated by Soviet troops in
early 1945, revealing publicly for the first
time the genocidal nature of the Nazi
regime, did Bose react."[48]
ad. Between 1938 and 1939 the reactions of
the Anti-Nazi League, the Congress, and the
progressive press toward German anti-
Semitism and German politics showed that
Indian public opinion and the nationalist
leaders were fairly well informed about the
events in Europe. If Bose, Savarkar and
others looked favourably upon racial
discrimination in Germany or did not
criticise them, it cannot be said, to justify
them, that they were unaware of what was
happening. The great anti-Jewish pogrom
known as "the Night of Broken Glass" took
place on 9 November 1938. In early
December, pro-Hindu Mahasabha journals
published articles in favour of German anti-
Semitism. This stance brought the Hindu
Mahasabha into conflict with the Congress
which, on 12 December, made a statement
containing clear references to recent
European events. Within the Congress, only
Bose opposed the party stance. A few
months later, in April 1939, he refused to
support the party motion that Jews might
find refuge in India.[49]
ae. Leaders of Indian National Congress (INC),
which led the anti-colonial movement,
responded in different ways to the plight of
Jews. In 1938, Gandhi, the nationalist icon,
advised the Jews to engage in non-violent
resistance by challenging "the gentile
Germal" to shoot him or cast him in
dungeon. Jawaharlal Nehru, the future first
prime minister of independent India, was
sympathetic towards the Jews. The militant
nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose,
who escaped to German in 1941 with the
aim of freeing India through military help
from the Axis nations, remained predictably
reticent on this issue.[50]
af. Jawaharlal Nehru called the Jews 'People
with a home or nation' and sponsored a
resolution in the Congress Working
Committee. Although the exact date is not
known, yet it can be said that it probably
happened in December 1938 at the Wardha
session, the one that took place shortly
after Nehru returned from Europe. The draft
resolution read: 'The Committee sees no
objection to the employment in India of
such Jewish refugees as are experts and
specialists and who can fit in with the new
order in India and accept Indian standards.'
It was, however, rejected by the then
Congress President Subhas Chandra Bose,
who four years later in 1942 was reported
by the Jewish Chronicle of London as
 having published an article in Angriff, a
journal of Goebbels, saying that "anti-
Semitism should become part of the Indian
liberation movement because Jews had
helped the British to exploit Indians (21
August 1942)" Although by then Bose had
left the Congress, he continued to
command a strong influence within the
party.[51]

ag. "On 23 January 1897 at Cuttack, Orissa,

was born Subhas Chandra Bose, ninth child
of Janakinath and Prabhavati Bose.
Janakinath was a lawyer of a Kayastha
family, and was wealthy enough to educate
all his children well. By Indian standards
this family of Bengali origin was well-to-
do."[52]
ah. Bose was born into a prominent Bengali
family on 23 January 1897 in Cuttack in the
present-day state of Orissa. His father was
a government pleader who was appointed
to the Bengal Legislative Council in
1912."[53]
ai. "Despite any whimsy in implementation, the
clarity of Gandhi's political vision and the
skill with which he carried the reforms in
1920 provided the foundation for what was
to follow: twenty-five years of stewardship
over the freedom movement. He knew the
hazards to be negotiated. The British must
be brought to a point where they would
abdicate their rule without terrible
destruction, thus assuring that freedom
was not an empty achievement. To
accomplish this he had to devise means of
a moral sort, able to inspire the disciplined
participation of millions of Indians, and
equal to compelling the British to grant
freedom, if not willingly, at least with
resignation. Gandhi found his means in non-
 violent satyagraha. He insisted that it was
not a cowardly form of resistance; rather, it
required the most determined kind of
courage.[45]

aj. Rt. Hon. C. R. Attlee, Prime Minister of Great

Britain. Broadcast from London after the
assassination of Mahatma Gandhi, 30
January 1948: "For a quarter of a century,
this one man has been the major factor in
every consideration of the Indian
problem."[77]
ak. "On 4 November 1937, Subhas sent a letter
to Emilie in German, saying that he would
probably travel to Europe in the middle of
November. "Please write to Kurhaus
Hochland, Badgastein," he instructed her,
"and enquire if I (and you also) can stay
there" He asked her to mention this
message only to her parents, not to reply,
and wait for his next airmail letter or
telegram. On 16 November, he sent a cable:
"Starting aeroplane arriving Badgastein
twenty second arrange lodging and meet
me. ... He spent a month and a half—from
22 November 1937, to 8 January 1938—
with Emilie at his favourite resort of
Badgastein."[91]
 al. "On 26 December 1937, Subhas Chandra
Bose secretly married Emilie Schenkl.
Despite the obvious anguish, they chose to
keep their relationship and marriage a
closely guarded secret."[92]

am. "Rumours that Bose had survived and was

waiting to come out of hiding and begin the
final struggle for independence were
rampant by the end of 1945."[123]
an. "The Fundamental Problems of India" (An
address to the Faculty and students of
Tokyo University, November 1944): "You
cannot have a so-called democratic system,
if that system has to put through economic
reforms on a socialistic basis. Therefore we
must have a political system—a State—of
an authoritarian character. We have had
some experience of democratic institutions
in India and we have also studied the
working of democratic institutions in
countries like France, England, and the
United States of America. And we have
come to the conclusion that with a
democratic system we cannot solve the
problems of Free India. Therefore, modern
 progressive thought in India is in favour of a
State of an authoritarian character"[147]

ao. "His romantic saga, coupled with his defiant

nationalism, has made Bose a near-mythic
figure, not only in his native Bengal, but
across India."[44]

ap. "Bose's heroic endeavor still fires the

imagination of many of his countrymen. But
like a meteor which enters the earth's
atmosphere, he burned brightly on the
horizon for a brief moment only."[160]

aq. "Subhas Bose might have been a renegade

leader who had challenged the authority of
the Congress leadership and their
principles. But in death he was a martyred
patriot whose memory could be an ideal
tool for political mobilization."[36]
ar. (p.117) the INA was raised during the
Second World War, with the support of the
Imperial Japanese Army (IJA); lasted less
than three years; and went through two
different configurations during that period.
In total, it numbered some 40,000 men and
women, half of whom are estimated to
have been recruited from Indian Army
prisoners of war (POWs). The INA's
battlefield performance was quite poor
when assessed either alongside the IJA or
against the reformed Fourteenth Army on
the battlefields of Assam and Burma.
Reports of its creation in 1942/3 caused
consternation among the political and
military leadership (p. 118) of the GOI, but
in the end its formation did not constitute a
 legitimate mutiny, and its presence had a
negligible impact on the Indian Army.[161]

as. "The (Japanese) Fifteenth Army,

commanded by ... Maj.-General Mutuguchi
Renya consisted of three experienced
infantry divisions—15th, 31st and 33rd—
totalling 100,000 combat troops, with the
7,000 strong 1st Indian National Army (INA)
Division in support. It was hoped the latter
would subvert the Indian Army's loyalty and
precipitate a popular rising in British India,
but in reality the campaign revealed that it
was largely a paper tiger."[164]
 at. "The real fault, however, must attach to the
Japanese commander-in-chief Kawabe.
Dithering, ... prostrated with amoebic
dysentery, he periodically reasoned that he
must cancel Operation U-Go in its entirety,
but every time he summoned the courage
to do so, a cable would arrive from Tokyo
stressing the paramount necessity of
victory in Burma, to compensate for the
disasters in the Pacific. ... Even more
incredibly, he still hoped for great things
from Bose and the INA, despite all the
evidence that both were busted
flushes."[165]

References
1. Gordon 1990, p. 502.
2. Wolpert 2000, p. 339.
3. Gordon 1990, pp. 502–503.
4. * Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar (204), From
Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern
India, Hyderabad and Delhi: Orient
Longmans, p. 427, ISBN 81-250-2596-0,
"The Japanese agreed to provide him
transport up to Manchuria from where he
could travel to Russia. But on his way, on 18
August 1945 at Taihoku airport in Taiwan,
he died in an air crash, which many Indians
still believe never happened."
Gilbert, Martin (2009), The Routledge
Atlas of the Second World War
(2nd ed.), Routledge, p. 227, ISBN 978-
0-415-55289-9, "Bose died in a plane
crash off Taiwan, while being flown to
Tokyo on 18 August 1945, aged 48.
For many millions of Indians,
especially in Bengal, he remains a
revered figure"
Huff, Gregg (2020), World War II and
Southeast Asia: Economy and Society
under Japanese Occupation (https://b
ooks.google.com/books?id=waECEAA
AQBAJ&pg=PR26) , Cambridge
University Press, p. xvi, ISBN 978-1-
107-09933-3, LCCN 2020022973 (http
s://lccn.loc.gov/2020022973) ,
archived (https://web.archive.org/web/
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"Chronology of World War II in the
Pacific: 18 August 1945 Subhas
Chandra Bose killed in a plane crash in
Taiwan."
Satoshi, Nakano (2012), Japan's
Colonial Moment in Southeast Asia
1942–1945: The Occupiers'
Experience, London and New York:
Routledge, p. 211, ISBN 978-1-138-
54128-3, LCCN 2018026197 (https://lc
cn.loc.gov/2018026197) , "18 August
1945. Upon hearing of Japan's defeat
in the Pacific War, Chandra Bose, who
had dedicated his life to the anti-British
Indian independence struggle,
immediately decided to head for the
Soviet Union, "out of my commitment
to ally with any country that regards
the US and Britain as their enemies."
The Japanese Foreign Ministry and the
military cooperated in Bose's exile,
placing him aboard a Japanese plane
headed for Dalian (Yunnan) from
Saigon to put him in touch with the
Soviet army. After a stopover in Taipei,
however, the passenger plane crashed
immediately after takeoff. Despite
freeing himself from the wreckage,
Bose was engulfed in flames and
breathed his last."
Blackburn, Kevin; Hack, Karl (2012),
War Memory and the Making of
Modern Malaysia and Singapore,
Singapore: NUS Press, National
University of Singapore, p. 185,
ISBN 978-9971-69-599-6, "Even before
the INA memorial was completed, it
became the focus of mourning for
Singapore's Indian community. The
cause of this premature use was news
that Bose had died in a plane crash at
Taipei, on 18 August. He had been
trying to escape capture after the
surrender of Japan on 15 August.
Singapore and Malaya remained under
Japanese control until 5 September
when British forces returned. On 26
August 1945, meanwhile, wreaths
were laid at the INA memorial in
honour of Bose. A large group
gathered at the memorial and
speeches on Bose's life were made by
Major-General M.Z. Kiani and Major-
General S.C. Alagappan of the INA, and
ITL members. The Japanese
newspaper, the Syonan Shimbun,
reported that "during the ceremony
which lacked nothing in solemnity and
dignity, many husky warriors—Sikhs,
Punjabis, and others from the Central
Provinces—soldiers who had taken
part in the actual war operations were
seen to shed tears as they saluted for
the last time a giant portrait of Netaji
which occupied a prominent position in
front of the War Memorial"."

Sandler, Stanley, ed. (2001), "Bose,

Subhas Chandra (1897–1945)", World
War II in the Pacific: An Encyclopedia,
Garland Publishing/Routledge, p. 185,
ISBN 0-8153-1883-9, "Even after the
Japanese surrender, Bose was
determined to carry on the Free India
movement and planned to return to the
Subcontinent, despite his renegade
status among the British. But on
August 18, 1945, the airplane carrying
him from Darien to Manchukuo
crashed on take off from an airfield in
Formosa, and Bose was killed."
Bennet, Brad (1997), "Bose, Subhas
Chandra (1897–1945)", in Powers,
Roger S.; Vogele, William B. (eds.),
Protest, Power, and Change: An
Encyclopedia of Nonviolent Action
from ACT-UP to Women's Suffrage,
London and New York: Routledge,
p. 48, ISBN 0-8153-0913-9, "Bose,
Subhas Chandra (1897–1945):
Charismatic socialist member of the
Indian National Congress and radical
anti-imperialist. Bose was born on
January 23, 1897, in Cuttack, Bengal,
India, and was killed in a plane crash
on August 18, 1945."
Markovits, Claude (2021), India and the
World: A History of Connections, c.
1750–2000 (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=aAEbEAAAQBAJ&pg=PR
19) , Cambridge University Press,
p. xix, doi:10.1017/9781316899847 (h
ttps://doi.org/10.1017%2F978131689
9847) , ISBN 978-1-107-18675-0,
LCCN 2021000608 (https://lccn.loc.go
v/2021000608) , S2CID 233601747 (h
ttps://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusI
D:233601747) , archived (https://web.
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bEAAAQBAJ&pg=PR19) from the
original on 12 July 2023, retrieved
28 January 2022, "Chronology 1945:
Indian Army play a major role in the
liberation of Burma and Malaya from
Japanese occupation; Indian troops
sent to receive Japanese capitulation
in the Dutch East Indies involved in
clashes in Surabaya with Indonesian
nationalists opposed to the return of
the Dutch; in Indochina, Indian troops
help the French re-establish control
over Saigon and the south of Vietnam;
death of Subhas Bose in a plane crash
in Taiwan."
Bayly, Christopher; Harper, Timothy
(2007), Forgotten Wars: Freedom and
Revolution in Southeast Asia (https://b
ooks.google.com/books?id=0M4Pl_VC
ExgC) , Harvard University Press, p. 2,
ISBN 978-0-674-02153-2, "If all else
failed (Bose) wanted to become a
prisoner of the Soviets: 'They are the
only ones who will resist the British.
My fate is with them. But as the
Japanese plane took off from Taipei
airport its engines faltered and then
failed. Bose was badly burned in the
crash. According to several witnesses,
he died on 18 August in a Japanese
military hospital, talking to the very last
of India's freedom. British and Indian
commissions later established
convincingly that Bose had died in
Taiwan. These were legendary and
apocalyptic times, however. Having
witnessed the first Indian leader to
fight against the British since the great
mutiny of 1857, many in both
Southeast Asia and India refused to
accept the loss of their hero. Rumours
that Bose had survived and was
waiting to come out of hiding and
begin the final struggle for
independence were rampant by the
end of 1945."
5. Gordon, Leonard A. (1990), Brothers
Against the Raj: A Biography of Indian
Nationalists Sarat and Subhas Chandra
Bose, New York and Oxford: Columbia
University Press, pp. 539–542, ISBN 0-231-
07443-3, "On the plane were: Bose, Shidei,
Rahman. Also: Lt. Col. Tadeo Sakai; Lt. Col.
Shiro Nonogaki; Major Taro Kono; Major
Ihaho Takahashi, Capt. Keikichi Arai, an air
force engineer; chief pilot Major Takizawa;
co-pilot W/O Ayoagi; navigator Sergeant
Okishta; radio-operator NCO Tominaga. The
crew was in the front of the aircraft and the
passengers were wedged in behind ... there
were no proper seats on this aircraft. The
plane finally took off (from Saigon)
between 5:00 and 5:30 pm on August 17.
Since they were so late in starting, the pilot
decided to land for the night at Tourane,
Vietnam. ... The take-off from Tourane at
about 5:00 am was normal ... and they flew
to Taipei (Japanese: Taihoku) ...At Taipei ...
the crew and passengers took their places
... and they were ready to go at 2:30. ... Just
as they left the ground—barely thirty meters
up and near the edge of the airfield—there
was a loud noise. ... With an enormous
crash they hit the ground. ... The injured,
including Bose and Rahman and the
surviving Japanese officers, were taken to
Nanmon Army Hospital. Ground personnel
at the airfield had already called the
hospital shortly before 3:00 pm and notified
Dr. Taneyoshi Yoshimi, the surgeon in
 charge of the hospital, to prepare to receive
the injured. ... Upon arrival the doctor
noticed that Bose ... had third degree burns
all over his body, but they were worst on his
chest. ...Bose and Rahman were quickly
taken to the treatment room and the doctor
started working on Bose, the much more
critically injured man. Dr Yoshimi was
assisted by Dr. Tsuruta. ... An orderly, Kazuo
Mitsui, an army private, was also in the
room, and several nurses were also
assisting. ... Bose's condition worsened as
the evening darkened. His heart grew
weaker. Finally between 9.00 and 10.00 pm,
Bose succumbed to his terrible burns."

6. Hayes 2011, p. 15.

7. Gordon 1990, p. 32.
 8. Gordon 1990, p. 33.
9. Gordon 1990, p. 48.
10. Gordon 1990, p. 52.
11. The_Open_University.
12. Bose, Subhas Chandra (26 June 1943).
"Speech of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose,
Tokyo, 1943" (https://www.youtube.com/w
atch?v=8n9c9qdZoVI) . Prasar Bharati
Archives. Archived (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20210130153342/https://www.yout
ube.com/watch?v=8n9c9qdZoVI) from the
original on 30 January 2021. Retrieved
26 January 2021.

13. Gordon 1990, pp. 459–460.

14. Stein 2010, pp. 305, 325.
15. Matthews, Roderick (2021), Peace, Poverty,
and Betrayal: A New History of British India,
Oxford University Press, "By this point the
Congress leadership was in turmoil after
the election of Subhas Chandra Bose as
president in 1938. His victory was taken,
principally by Bose himself, as proof that
Gandhi's star was in decline, and that the
Congress could now switch to his personal
programme of revolutionary change. He set
no store by non-violence and his ideals
were pitched a good deal to the left of
Gandhi's. His plans also included a large
amount of leadership from himself. This
autocratic temperament alienated virtually
the whole Congress high command, and
when he forced himself into the presidency
again the next year, the Working Committee
revolted. Bose, bitter and broken in health,
complained that the 'Rightists' had
conspired to bring him down. This was true,
but Bose, who seems to have had a talent
for misreading situations, seriously
overestimated the strength of his support—
a significant miscalculation, for it led him to
resign in order to create his own faction, the
Forward Bloc, modelled on the kind of
revolutionary national socialism
fashionable across much of Europe at the
time."
16. Haithcox, John Patrick (1971), Communism
and Nationalism in India: M. N. Roy and
Comintern Policy, 1920–1939, Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 282–
283, ISBN 0-691-08722-9, LCCN 79120755
(https://lccn.loc.gov/79120755) , "One of
the principal points of dispute between
Bose and the Congress high command was
the attitude the party should take toward
the proposed Indian federation. The 1935
Constitution provided for a union of the
princely states with the provinces of British
India on a federal basis. This was to take
place after a certain number of states had
indicated their willingness to join. This part
of the constitution never came into effect
for it failed to secure the assent of the
required number of princes, but
nevertheless the question of its acceptance
in principle was hotly debated for some
time within the party. In opposing
federation, Bose spoke for many within the
Congress party. He argued that under the
terms of the constitution the princes would
have one-third of the seats in the lower
house although they represented only one-
fourth of India's population. Moreover, they
would nominate their own representatives,
whereas legislators from British India, the
nominees of various political parties, would
not be equally united. Consequently, he
reasoned, the princes would have a
reactionary influence on Indian politics.
Following his election for a second term,
 Bose charged that some members of the
Working Committee were willing to
compromise on this issue. Incensed at this
allegation, all but three of the fifteen
members of the Working Committee
resigned. The exception was Nehru, Bose
himself, and his brother Sarat. There was
no longer any hope for reconciliation
between the dissidents and the old guard."

17. Low 2002, pp. 297, 313.

18. Gordon 1990, pp. 420–428.
19. Hayes 2011, pp. 65–67.
20. Hayes 2011, p. 152.
21. Hayes 2011, p. 76.
22. Hayes 2011, p. 162.
23. Hayes 2011, pp. 87–88.
24. Hayes 2011, pp. 114–116.
25. Gordon 1990, pp. 344–345.
26. Hayes 2011, pp. 141–143.
27. Bose 2005, p. 255.
28. Lebra 2008a, pp. vii–ix, xvi–xvii, 210–
212 From the Abstract (pp vii–ix): It (the
book) covers the beginnings of the Indian
National Army, as part of a Japanese
military intelligence operation under Major
Iwaichi Fujiwara, ... From the Introduction
(pp xvi–xvii): Major Fujiwara brought India
to the attention of IGHQ (Imperial General
Headquarters, Tokyo) and helped organize
the INA. Fujiwara established the initial
sincerity and credibility of Japanese aid for
the Indian independence struggle. Captain
Mohan Singh, a young Sikh POW from the
British-Indian cooperated with Fujiwara in
the inception of the INA. From pages 210–
212: Two events forced India on the
attention of IGHQ once hostilities broke out
in the Pacific: Japanese military successes
in Malaya and Thailand, particularly the
capture of Singapore and with it thousands
of Indian POWs, and reports by Major
Fujiwara of the creation of a revolutionary
Indian army eager to fight the British out of
India. Fujiwara presided at the birth of the
Indian National Army, together with a young
Sikh, Captain Mohan Singh. Two generals
sent by IGHQ to review Fujiwara's project
reported favourably on his proposals to
step up intelligence activities through the
civilian and military arms of the
independence movement.
29. Lebra 2008b, p. 100 Hot-headed young
Bengali radicals broke into the convention
hall where Fujiwara, the founder of the INA,
was to address the assemblage and
shouted abuse at him.
30. Gordon, Leonard (2008), "Indian National
Army" (http://philosociology.com/UPLOAD
S/_PHILOSOCIOLOGY.ir_INTERNATIONAL%
20ENCYCLOPEDIA%20OF%20THE%20SOCI
AL%20SCIENCES_Second%20Edition_%20D
arity_5760%20pgs.pdf) (PDF), in William A.
Darity Jr. (ed.), International Encyclopedia
of the Social Sciences, 2nd Edition, Volume
3, pp. 610–611, archived (https://web.archi
ve.org/web/20211101012423/http://philos
ociology.com/UPLOADS/_PHILOSOCIOLOG
Y.ir_INTERNATIONAL%20ENCYCLOPEDIA%
20OF%20THE%20SOCIAL%20SCIENCES_S
econd%20Edition_%20Darity_5760%20pgs.
pdf) (PDF) from the original on 1
November 2021, retrieved 1 November
2021, "The Indian National Army (INA) was
formed in 1942 by Indian prisoners of war
captured by the Japanese in Singapore. It
was created with the aid of Japanese
forces. Captain Mohan Singh became the
INA's first leader, and Major Iwaichi
Fujiwara was the Japanese intelligence
officer who brokered the arrangement to
create the army, which was to be trained to
fight British and other Allied forces in
Southeast Asia."
31. Low 1993, pp. 31–32 But there were others
who took a different course, perhaps out of
expediency, perhaps in an effort to hold on
to their existing gains, perhaps because
they could see no end to the Japanese
occupation. Thus as early as 1940, the
erstwhile Chinese revolutionary and one-
time leftist leader, Wang Ching-wei, became
premier of a Japanese puppet government
in Nanking. A few months later Subhas
Bose, who had long been Nehru's rival for
the plaudits of the younger Indian
nationalists, joined the Axis powers, and in
due course formed the Indian National
Army to support the Japanese. In the
Philippines, Vargas, President Quezon's
former secretary, very soon headed up a
Philippines Executive Commission to
cooperate with the Japanese; in Indonesia
both Hatta and Sukarno, now at last
released, readily agreed to collaborate with
them; while shortly afterwards Ba Maw,
prime minister of Burma under the British,
agreed to serve as his country's head of
state under the Japanese as well. ... As the
war turned against them so the Japanese
attempted to exploit this situation further. In
August 1943 they made Ba Maw prime
minister of an allegedly more independent
Burma. In October 1943 they established a
new Republic of the Philippines under the
presidency of yet another Filipino oligarch,
José Laurel. In that same month Subhas
Bose established under their auspices a
 Provisional Government of Azad Hind (Free
India)

32. Gordon 1990, p. 517.

33. McLynn 2011, pp. 295–296.
34. Marston 2014, p. 124.
35. Wolpert 2009, p. 69.
36. Bandyopādhyāẏa 2004, p. 427.
37. Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 22.
38. Wolpert 2000, pp. 339–340.
39. Chatterji 2007, p. 278.
40. Bayly 2012, p. 283.
41. Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 21.
42. Marston 2014, p. 129.
43. Allen 2012, p. 179.
44. Metcalf & Metcalf 2012, p. 210.
45. Stein 2010, p. 297.
46. Fay 1995, p. 522.
47. Corbett, Jim; Elwin, Verrier; Ali, Salim
(2004), Lives in the Wilderness: Three
Classic Indian Autobiographies, Oxford
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48. Hayes 2011, p. 165.

49. Casolari 2020, pp. 89–90.
50. Roy, Baijayanti (2019), "The Past is Indeed a
Different Country: Perception of Holocaust
in India", in Ballis, Anja; Gloe, Markus (eds.),
Holocaust Education Revisited, Wiesbaden,
Germany: Springer VS, p. 108, ISBN 978-3-
658-24204-6
51. Aafreedi, Navras J. (2021), "Holocaust
education in India and its challenges", in
Aafreedi, Navras J.; Singh, Priya (eds.),
Conceptualizing Mass Violence:
Representations, Recollections, and
reinterpretatons, Abington and New York:
Routledge, p. 154, ISBN 978-1-00-314613-1

52. Lebra 2008a, pp. 102–103.

53. Hayes 2011, p. 1.
54. Gordon 1990, pp. 9, 14.
55. Gordon 1990, pp. 12, 13.
56. Gordon 1990, p. 11.
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60. Gordon 1990, pp. 19, 37.
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77. C. R. Attlee (30 January 1948), Speech on
the Assassination of Mahatma Gandhi (http
s://www.cbc.ca/archives/entry/india-the-as
sassination-of-mahatma-gandhi) , London,
UK: Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
(CBC) Archives, archived (https://web.archiv
e.org/web/20210225183920/https://www.
cbc.ca/archives/entry/india-the-assassinati
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78. Gordon 1990, p. 69.

79. Hayes 2011, p. 2.
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81. Chakraborty & Bhaṭṭācārya 1989.
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83. Ministry of Culture, Government of India.
"Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi" (https://amritmah
otsav.nic.in/unsung-heroes-detail.htm?13
8) . amritmahotsav.nic.in. Archived (https://
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84. Vipul 2009, p. 116.

85. Gordon 1990, p. 190.
86. "Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Birth
Anniversary: History and significance" (http
s://www.hindustantimes.com/more-lifestyl
e/netaji-subhas-chandra-bose-birth-anniver
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CfA9gI5EbZyXZI.html) . Hindustan Times.
22 January 2020. Archived (https://web.arc
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87. Bose & Bose 1997.

88. Faltis, Otto (1936). "India and Austria" (http
s://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.277
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89. Bose 2004.

90. Josh 1992.
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92. Bose 2011, pp. 129–130.
93. Chattopadhyay 1989.
94. Phadnis 2009, p. 185.
95. Padhy 2011, p. 234.
96. Sen 1999.
97. Durga Das Pvt. Ltd 1985.
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101. Markandeya 1990.
102. James 1997, p. 554.
103. Thomson 2004.
104. Majumdar 1997, pp. 10–14.
105. Encyclopædia Britannica 2016.
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107. Gordon 1990, p. 446.
108. Virender Grover (1998). Subhash Chandra
Bose: A Biography of His Vision and Ideas
(https://books.google.com/books?id=0HY
wAQAAIAAJ) . Deep & Deep Publications.
p. 408. ISBN 9788176290050. Archived (htt
ps://web.archive.org/web/2023022107440
9/https://books.google.com/books?id=0HY
wAQAAIAAJ) from the original on 21
February 2023. Retrieved 21 February
2023. "Woermann recommended the
indefinite postponing of any announcement
of Bose's presence in Germany and
cautioned the Foreign Minister Joachim von
Ribbentrop that the time had not yet come
to recognize Bose's government in-exile.
Woermann specifically feared that any such
step would alienate both Gandhi and Nehru,
 the real leaders of Indian nationalism, and
the representatives of the political forces
with which Germany would have to deal
when her army reached the Khyber Pass."

109. Hayes 2011, pp. 111.

110. Ashis Ray (2018). Laid to Rest: The
Controversy over Subhas Chandra Bose's
Death (https://books.google.com/books?id
=raohEAAAQBAJ) . Roli Books. p. 55.
ISBN 978-81-936260-5-4. Archived (https://
web.archive.org/web/20230221074411/htt
ps://books.google.com/books?id=raohEAA
AQBAJ) from the original on 21 February
2023. Retrieved 21 February 2023.
111. John J. Dunphy (2018). Unsung Heroes of
the Dachau Trials: The Investigative Work of
the U.S. Army 7708 War Crimes Group,
1945-1947 (https://books.google.com/boo
ks?id=6tt8DwAAQBAJ) . McFarland,
Incorporated, Publishers. p. 116. ISBN 978-
1-4766-3337-4. Archived (https://web.archi
ve.org/web/20230712061753/https://book
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21 February 2023.

112. Hauner 1981, pp. 28–29.

113. Fay 1995, pp. 74–75.
114. Lebra 2008a, pp. 21–23.
115. Lebra 2008a, pp. 24–25.
116. Bose 2002.
117. Tarique.
118. Goto & Kratoska 2003, pp. 57–58.
119. "It is forgotten that the toughest land battle
of the Second World War was fought on
Indian soil" (https://indianexpress.com/artic
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-battle-of-kohima-world-war-2-japan-germa
ny-indian-national-army-a-forgotten-battle-5
782571/) . The Indian Express. 16 June
2019. Archived (https://web.archive.org/we
b/20220120125011/https://indianexpress.
com/article/opinion/columns/subhash-cha
ndra-bose-battle-of-kohima-world-war-2-jap
an-germany-indian-national-army-a-forgotte
n-battle-5782571/) from the original on 20
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120. Singh, p. 249.

121. Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 325.
122. "Father of Our Nation" (Address to
Mahatma Gandhi over the Rangoon Radio
on 6 July 1944) Bose & Bose 1997a,
pp. 301–302

123. Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 2.

124. Gordon 1990, p. 540.
125. Fay 1995, p. 384.
126. Lebra 2008a, pp. 196–197.
127. Lebra 2008a, pp. 195–196.
128. Gordon 1990, p. 541.
129. Gordon 1990, pp. 541–542.
130. Gordon 1990, p. 542.
131. Gordon 1990, p. 543.
132. Gordon 1990, p. 544–545.
133. Lebra 2008a, pp. 197–198.
134. Gordon 1990, p. 545.
135. Narangoa & Cribb 2003.
136. Bose et al. 1996.
137. Chaudhuri 1987.
138. Gordon 1990.
139. Pasricha 2008, pp. 64–65.
140. Bose 2011, p. 98.
141. Shanker Kapoor 2017.
142. Deka, Meeta (2013), Women's Agency and
Social Change: Assam and Beyond, SAGE
Studies on India's North East, New Delhi
and Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE
Publications, ISBN 978-81-321-1138-2, "
(pp. 134–135) Bose was convinced that his
ideology could bring about the liberation of
India and a total reconstruction of Indian
society along authoritarian-socialist lines,
envisaging gender equality therein. As
mayor of Calcutta, he believed that his
policy and programme was a synthesis of
socialism and fascism, on the lines of
modern Europe. In the early 1930s, he
stated, 'We have here the justice, the
equality, the love, which is the basis of
Socialism as it stands in Europe today.' In
 the late 1930s, he reiterated his belief in the
efficacy of authoritarian government and a
synthesis of fascism and socialism, while in
1944 when addressing the students at
Tokyo University, he asserted that India
must have a political system 'of an
authoritarian character ... [and] our
philosophy should be a synthesis between
National Socialism and Communism'."

143. Stein 2010, pp. 345.

144. Louro, Michele L (2021), "Anti-fascism and
anti-imperialism between the world wars:
The perspective from India", in Braskin,
Kasper; Featherstone, David; Copsey, Nigel
(eds.), Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective:
Transnational, Routledge, ISBN 978-1-138-
35218-6
145. Harrison, Selig S. (1960), India: The Most
Dangerous Decades, Princeton Legacy
Library, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press, p. 314, LCCN 60005749 (https://lcc
n.loc.gov/60005749) , "The most
categorical and unabashed program for
dictatorship in India's political heritage,
finally, was laid down by the late Subhas
Chandra Bose. He argued that India "must
have a political system—State—of an
authoritarian character," "a strong central
government with dictatorial powers for
some years to come," "a government by a
strong party bound together by military
discipline ... as the only means of holding
India together." The next phase in world
history, Bose predicted, would produce "a
 synthesis between Communism and
Fascism, and will it be a surprise if that
synthesis is produced in India?" "

146. Roy 2004, pp. 7–8.

147. Bose & Bose 1997a, pp. 319–320.
148. Hayes 2011, pp. 165–166.
149. Kumaraswamy, P. R. (2020), Squaring the
Circle: Mahatma Gandhi and the Jewish
National Home, Routledge, p. 153, "In his
presidential address, Subhas Chandra Bose
highlighted the contradictory nature of the
British Empire and its inconsistent policy
over Palestine. As a heterogeneous empire,
Bose observed, the British had to be pro-
Arab in India and pro Jewish elsewhere,
and accused that London "has to please
Jews because she cannot ignore Jewish
high finance. On the other hand, the India
Office and Foreign Office have to placate
the Arabs because of the Imperial interests
in the Near East and India."' While his
reasoning was logical, Bose's anti-Jewish
slur was no different from the anti-Semitic
remarks in the (Muslim) League
deliberations referred to earlier. Bose also
opposed Nehru's efforts to provide asylum
to a limited number of European Jewish
refugees who were fleeing from Nazi
persecution. Despite the opposition led by
Bose, Nehru "was a strong supporter of
inviting (Jewish refugees) to settle down in
India... (and felt that) this was the only way
by which Jews could be saved from the
wrath of the Nazis... Between 1933 and the
outbreak of the War, Nehru was
instrumental in obtaining the entry of
several German Jewish refugees into
India" "
150. Bruckenhaus, Daniel (2017), Policing
Transnational Protest: Liberal Imperialism
and the Surveillance of Anticolonialists in
Europe, 1905–1945, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, p. 213, ISBN 978-0-19-
066001-7, LCCN 2016042217 (https://lccn.l
oc.gov/2016042217) , "Epilogue and
conclusion: Finally, however, the example of
Germany also demonstrates that their work
in Europe frequently forced anticolonialists
to make difficult moral choices, as their
presence in that continent required them to
take a position not only on colonialism
worldwide, but also on inner-European
political and ideological conflicts. This was
true, especially, during World War II. The
war situation brought to stark light, one last
time, the contradictions within the western
political model of rule, leading to a rift
among the anticolonialists then present in
Europe. As the western empires fought
against Nazi Germany, most anticolonialists
felt that they could no longer support,
simultaneously, the emancipatory projects
of anticolonialism and antifascism. Some,
such as Subhas Chandra Bose, began to
cooperate with the radically racist Nazis
against colonialism, while others decided to
work against Nazism with the very western
authorities who had been engaged, over the
previous decades, in creating a widespread
network of trans-national surveillance
against them."
151. Roland, Joan G. (2017), Jewish
Communities in India: Identity in a Colonial
Era, Routledge, p. 342, ISBN 978-0-7658-
0439-6, "On 21 August 1942 the Jewish
Chronicle of London reported that Bose
was anti-Semitic and had published an
article in Angriff, the organ of Goebbels, in
which he described Indians as the real
ancient Aryans and the brethren of the
German people. He had said that the
swastika was an old Indian sign and that
anti-Semitism must become a part of the
Indian freedom movement, since the Jews,
he alleged, had helped Britain to exploit and
oppress the Indians. The Jewish Advocate
expressed horror at Bose's statement about
a Jewish role in India's exploitation but
added, "one may expect anything from one
who has traveled the road to Berlin in
search of his country's salvation." Norman
Shohet pointed out how insignificant a part
in the economic and political life of the
country the Jews of India actually played.
He also mentioned that other Indian leaders
had so far not shown any anti-Semitic
leanings, but that on the contrary, Gandhi,
Nehru, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, and others had
been positively friendly to the Jews."
152. Aafreedi, Navras J. (2021), "Holocaust
education in India and its challenges", in
Aafreedi, Navras J.; Singh, Priya (eds.),
Conceptualizing Mass Violence:
Representations, Recollections, and
reinterpretatons, Abington and New York:
Routledge, p. 154, ISBN 978-1-00-314613-
1, "Jawaharlal Nehru called the Jews
'People without a home or nation' and
sponsored a resolution in the Congress
Working Committee. Although the exact
date is not known, yet it can be said that it
probably happened in December 1938 at
the Wardha session, the one that took place
shortly after Nehru returned from Europe.
The draft resolution read: 'The Committee
sees no objection to the employment in
India of such Jewish refugees as are
experts and specialists and who can fit in
with the new order in India and accept
Indian standards.' It was, however, rejected
by the then Congress President Subhas
Chandra Bose, who four years later in 1942
was reported by the Jewish Chronicle of
London as having published an article in
Angriff, a journal of Goebbels, saying that
"anti-Semitism should become part of the
Indian liberation movement because Jews
had helped the British to exploit Indians (21
August 1942)" Although by then Bose had
left the Congress, he continued to
command a strong influence within the
party."
153. Weinberg, Gerhard L. (2011), A World at
Arms: A Global History of World War II,
Cambridge and New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2nd Edition, p. xx,
ISBN 978-0-521-61826-7, "None of the
works that deal with ... Subhas Chandra
Bose, or his Indian National Army has
engaged either Bose's reaction to German
mass killing of Sinti and Roma (Gypsies)
because their ancestors came from India or
the reaction of the soldiers in his army to
the sex slaves kidnapped in Japanese-
occupied lands and held in enclosures
attached to the camps in which they were
being trained to follow their Japanese
comrades in the occupation of India."
154. Shindler, Colin (2010), Israel and the
European Left: Between Solidarity and
Deligitimization, New York: Bloomsbury
Publishing, Continuum, p. 112, ISBN 978-1-
4411-8898-4, "Bose requested a
declaration from the Germans that they
supported the movement for freedom in
India—and in Arab countries. He had
opposed Nehru in permitting political
asylum to Jews fleeing Europe in 1939. He
was prepared to ingratiate himself with
Nazi ideology by writing for Goebells's Der
Angriff in 1942. He argued that anti-
Semitism should become a factor in the
struggle for Indian freedom since the Jews
had collaborated with British imperialism to
exploit the country and its inhabitants."
155. Bose to Dr. Thierfelder of the Deutsche
Academie, Kurhaus Hochland, Badgastein,
25 March 1936 Bose & Bose 1997a, p. 155

156. Egorova, Yulia (2008). Jews and India:

Perceptions and Image (https://books.goog
le.com/books?id=1m_okSx7ds4C) .
Routledge Jewish Studies Series. Taylor &
Francis. p. 39. ISBN 978-1-134-14655-0.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/202
30222193716/https://books.google.com/b
ooks?id=1m_okSx7ds4C) from the original
on 22 February 2023. Retrieved
22 February 2023.
157. "Bose & the Nazis" (https://frontline.thehind
u.com/other/article30166212.ece) .
Frontline. 28 June 2012. Archived (https://
web.archive.org/web/20230222193717/htt
ps://frontline.thehindu.com/other/article30
166212.ece) from the original on 22
February 2023. Retrieved 22 February
2023.

158. Kumar 2010b.

159. Roy 1996, pp. 51ff.
160. Kulke & Rothermund 2004, p. 311.
161. Marston 2014, pp. 117–118.
162. "At the same time that the Japanese
appreciated the firmness with which Bose's
forces continued to fight, they were
endlessly exasperated with him. A number
of Japanese officers, even those like
Fujiwara, who were devoted to the Indian
cause, saw Bose as a military incompetent
as well as an unrealistic and stubborn man
who saw only his own needs and problems
and could not see the larger picture of the
war as the Japanese had to."[32]
163. *Markovits, Claude (2021), India and the
World: A History of Connections, c. 1750–
2000, Cambridge and New York:
Cambridge University Press, pp. 79, 113,
114, doi:10.1017/9781316899847 (https://
doi.org/10.1017%2F9781316899847) ,
ISBN 978-1-107-18675-0,
LCCN 2021000609 (https://lccn.loc.gov/20
21000609) , S2CID 233601747 (https://api.
semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:23360174
7) , "(p. 79) This was owing to Japan's own
ambivalent attitude towards Indians: on the
one hand, the Japanese saw them as
potential allies in the fight against Britain,
and they made an alliance with the
dissident nationalist leader Subhas Chandra
Bose; on the other hand, they despised
them as a 'subject race' enslaved by the
British. Thanks to this alliance, however, the
Indians escaped some of the harshest
measures that the Japanese took against
the Chinese population in the region. That
said, 100,000 Indian coolies, mostly
Tamilian plantation workers, were
conscripted as forced labour and put to
work on various infrastructure projects for
the Japanese Imperial Army. Some were
sent from Malaya to Thailand to work on
the infamous Thailand–Burma railway
project, resulting in 30,000 deaths of fever
and exhaustion (Nakahara 2005).
Thousands of war prisoners who had
refused to join the Indian National Army
(INA) of Subhas Bose were sent to faraway
New Guinea, where Australian troops
discovered them hiding in 1945."
Markovits, Claude (2021), India and the
World: A History of Connections, c.
1750–2000, Cambridge and New York:
Cambridge University Press, pp. 79,
113, 114,
doi:10.1017/9781316899847 (https://
doi.org/10.1017%2F978131689984
7) , ISBN 978-1-107-18675-0,
LCCN 2021000609 (https://lccn.loc.go
v/2021000609) , S2CID 233601747 (h
ttps://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusI
D:233601747) , "(p. 113) y. Amongst
the 16,000 Indian prisoners taken by
the Axis armies in North Africa, some
3,000 joined the so-called 'Legion of
Free India' ('Freies Indien Legion'), in
fact the 950th Infantry Regiment of the
Wehrmacht, formed in 1942 in
response to the call of dissident Indian
nationalist leader Subhas Chandra
Bose (1897–1945), who had escaped
from India, where he was under house
arrest, in 1940 and reached Germany
in 1941 after a long trek via
Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. The
soldiers of that regiment swore
allegiance both to Hitler and to Subhas
Bose and wore special insignia over
their German uniforms. A few German
officers were detached to command
the regiment (Hartog 2001). As a
fighting force, however, the legion
proved singularly ineffective. First
stationed in the Netherlands, it was
moved in 1943 to south-west France,
where it did garrison duties along the
'Mur de l'Atlantique', not a very onerous
task. Following the Allied landing in
June 1944, it was incorporated into the
Waffen SS and followed the German
army in its gradual retreat from France,
occasionally engaging in skirmishes
with the French Résistance. There was
a breakdown of discipline, some men
took to looting and raping, and twenty-
nine 'légionnaires' captured by the
Résistance were publicly executed on
Poitiers' main square in September
1944. The remains of the force ended
up in Germany, and the legion was
officially dissolved in March 1945. The
men then tried to reach Switzerland,
but most of them were caught by
British and French troops. A few were
summarily executed by Moroccan
troops of the French army, but the
majority were transferred to India
where they were imprisoned awaiting
trial, which eventually did not take
place. They were not allowed to re-
enlist in the army after the war but
were awarded pensions by
independent India."
Markovits, Claude (2021), India and the
World: A History of Connections, c.
1750–2000, Cambridge and New York:
Cambridge University Press, pp. 79,
113, 114,
doi:10.1017/9781316899847 (https://
doi.org/10.1017%2F978131689984
7) , ISBN 978-1-107-18675-0,
LCCN 2021000609 (https://lccn.loc.go
v/2021000609) , S2CID 233601747 (h
ttps://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusI
D:233601747) , "(p. 114) Part of the
INA participated in the Japanese
invasion of March 1944, but its entry
into India failed to trigger the rising
that Bose had hoped for, and the INA
soldiers met with a determined
response from their ex-comrades in
the Indian army. Many were taken
prisoner, and the rest retreated into
Burma, where they soon faced an
invasion from India. While, from a
strictly military point of view, Bose's
attempt was a total fiasco, the political
outcome of his adventure was more
significant"
Roy, Kaushik (2019), The Battle for
Malaya: The Indian Army in Defeat,
1941–1942, Twentieth-Century Battles
series, Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, p. 222, ISBN 978-0-253-04415-
0, "And not all the Indian PoWs who
joined the first INA were volunteers.
Between April and December 1942,
those Indian commissioned officers,
with the aid of some VCOs who had
joined the INA, used violence to force
the jawans to change sides. Those
jawans who refused to join the INA
were denied medical treatment and
food and were even sent to work in the
Japanese "death camps" (labor
camps) in New Guinea. One example is
that of John Baptist Crasta, who was
born on 31 March 1910 near
Mangalore in South India. He was an
Indian Christian. In 1933, he joined the
Indian Army in the noncombatant
branch. In March 1941, the 12th Field
Battalion in which Crasta was serving
was ordered to Singapore. As head
clerk, Crasta was in charge of
supplying rations to the 11th Indian
Division. According to him, torture of
the nonvolunteers started under
Mohan Singh's direction from late
March 1942 onwards. In Crasta's own
words: "Near Bidadare, a camp was
created to torture non-volunteers.
Although given the innocent name of
Separation Camp, it was actually a
concentration camp where the most
inhuman atrocities were committed by
the INA men on their non-volunteer
Indian brethren. Subedars Sher Singh
and Fateh Khan were put in charge of
this notorious prison. High ranking
officers who refused to have anything
to do with the INA were thrown into it
without clothing or food, made to carry
heavy loads on their heads, and to
double up on the slightest sign of
slackness. ... They would be caned,
beaten, and kicked." However, Subhas
Bose never used violence to compel
the PoWs to join the second INA.
Nevertheless, the Indian PoWs were
 subjected to virulent propaganda in
order to ensure their compliance to
join the INA."

164. Moreman 2013, pp. 124–125.

165. McLynn 2011, p. 429.
166. Media related to Subhas Chandra Bose at
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www.telegraphindia.com. Archived (https://
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s) . The Times of India. 14 November 2018.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/202
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sue-rupee-125-coin-to-mark-125th-annivers
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Further reading
Aldrich, Richard J. (2000), Intelligence and the
War Against Japan: Britain, America and the
Politics of Secret Service (https://books.googl
e.com/books?id=D86lnjjU7PIC) , Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-
521-64186-9, archived (https://web.archive.or
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e.com/books?id=D86lnjjU7PIC) from the
original on 12 July 2023, retrieved
26 September 2016
Bayly, Christopher; Harper, Timothy (2005),
Forgotten Armies: The Fall of British Asia,
1941–1945 (https://books.google.com/book
s?id=qXH9xGCWjYUC) , Harvard University
Press, ISBN 978-0-674-01748-1, archived (htt
ps://web.archive.org/web/20230712062737/
https://books.google.com/books?id=qXH9xG
CWjYUC) from the original on 12 July 2023,
retrieved 26 September 2016
Bose, Madhuri (10 February 2014), "Emilie
Schenkl, Mrs Subhas Chandra Bose" (https://
www.outlookindia.com/magazine/story/emili
e-schenkl-mrs-subhas-chandra-bose/28936
3) , Outlook, archived (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20181228223303/https://www.outloo
kindia.com/magazine/story/emilie-schenkl-mr
s-subhas-chandra-bose/289363) from the
original on 28 December 2018, retrieved
28 December 2018
Brown, Judith Margaret (1994), Modern India:
the origins of an Asian democracy (https://bo
oks.google.com/books?id=Eq7tAAAAMAAJ) ,
Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-
873112-2, archived (https://web.archive.org/
web/20230702121919/https://books.google.
com/books?id=Eq7tAAAAMAAJ) from the
original on 2 July 2023, retrieved
26 September 2016
Chauhan, Abnish Singh (2006), Speeches of
Swami Vivekananda and Subhash Chandra
Bose: A Comparative Study (https://books.go
ogle.com/books?id=IdjPPgAACAAJ) ,
Prakash Book Depot, ISBN 978-81-7977-149-
5, archived (https://web.archive.org/web/202
30712062729/https://books.google.com/boo
ks?id=IdjPPgAACAAJ) from the original on
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Copland, Ian (2001), India, 1885–1947: the
unmaking of an empire (https://books.google.
com/books?id=Dw1uAAAAMAAJ) , Longman,
ISBN 978-0-582-38173-5, archived (https://w
eb.archive.org/web/20230712062755/http
s://books.google.com/books?id=Dw1uAAAA
MAAJ) from the original on 12 July 2023,
retrieved 26 September 2016
Gordon, Leonard A. (2006), "Legend and
Legacy: Subhas Chandra Bose", India
International Centre Quarterly, 33 (1): 103–
112, JSTOR 23005940 (https://www.jstor.or
g/stable/23005940)
Lebra, Joyce Chapman (2008b), Women
Against the Raj: The Rani of Jhansi Regiment
(https://books.google.com/books?id=fuw1Wt
1-O7EC) , Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, ISBN 978-981-230-809-2,
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712062429/https://books.google.com/book
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books?id=ZR9GAwAAQBAJ) , Cambridge
University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-89975-8,
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712062720/https://books.google.com/book
s?id=ZR9GAwAAQBAJ) from the original on
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Pelinka, Anton (2003), Democracy Indian
Style: Subhas Chandra Bose and the Creation
of India's Political Culture (https://books.googl
e.com/books?id=prfVHxySTf4C) ,
Transaction Publishers, ISBN 978-1-4128-
2154-4, archived (https://web.archive.org/we
b/20230712063217/https://books.google.co
m/books?id=prfVHxySTf4C) from the
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Morris, Paul; Shimazu, Naoko; Vickers,
Edward (2014), Imagining Japan in Post-war
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oks?id=_DUsAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA195) ,
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"Wearing the mantle with grace" (https://web.
archive.org/web/20131203061356/http://ww
w.hindu.com/2001/03/01/stories/1301078a.
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01078a.htm) on 3 December 2013, retrieved
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India, Penguin Random House India Private
Limited, ISBN 978-93-5305-200-3
 Talbot, Ian (2016), A History of Modern South
Asia: Politics, States, Diasporas (https://book
s.google.com/books?id=eNg_CwAAQBAJ) ,
Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-19694-
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External links
Netaji Research Bureau Subhas Chandra
(http://www.netaji.or Bose
at Wikipedia's
g/) sister projects
Declassified papers at
the National Archives Media from
Commons
of India (http://www.net
ajipapers.gov.in/all-pap Quotations
from
ers?page=1) Wikiquote
Texts from
Subhas Chandra Bose Wikisource
family Tree (http://india Data from
Wikidata
today.intoday.in/story_i
mage.jsp?img=/image
s/stories/2015April/letterenlarge_04101
5092714.jpg) Archived (https://web.arc
hive.org/web/20210224144047/http://in
diatoday.intoday.in/story_image.jsp?img
=%2Fimages%2Fstories%2F2015April%2
Fletterenlarge_041015092714.jpg) 24
February 2021 at the Wayback Machine
Works by or about Subhas Chandra
Bose (https://archive.org/search.php?qu
ery=%28%28subject%3A%22Bose%2C%
20Subhas%20Chandra%22%20OR%20su
bject%3A%22Bose%2C%20Subhas%20
C%2E%22%20OR%20subject%3A%22Bo
se%2C%20S%2E%20C%2E%22%20OR%2
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ubhas%20Bose%22%20OR%20descripti
on%3A%22Subhas%20Chandra%20Bos
e%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Sub
has%20C%2E%20Bose%22%20OR%20d
escription%3A%22S%2E%20C%2E%20B
ose%22%20OR%20description%3A%22B
ose%2C%20Subhas%20Chandra%22%2
0OR%20description%3A%22Bose%2C%2
0Subhas%20C%2E%22%20OR%20descri
ption%3A%22Subhas%20Bose%22%20O
R%20description%3A%22Bose%2C%20S
ubhas%22%29%20OR%20%28%221897-
1945%22%20AND%20Bose%29%29%20
AND%20%28-mediatype:software%29)
at Internet Archive
 Subhas Chandra Bose (https://www.imd
b.com/name/nm0097865/) at IMDb
Newspaper clippings about Subhas
Chandra Bose (http://purl.org/pressema
ppe20/folder/pe/002232) in the 20th
Century Press Archives of the ZBW

Retrieved from
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title=Subhas_Chandra_Bose&oldid=1186391386"

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