Assimilation of the Sámi: Its Unforeseen Effects on the Majority Populations of

Scandinavia
Author(s): John Weinstock
Source: Scandinavian Studies , Vol. 85, No. 4 (Winter 2013), pp. 411-430
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of the Society for the Advancement
of Scandinavian Study
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/scanstud.85.4.0411

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 Assimilation of the Sámi:
Its Unforeseen Effects
on the Majority Populations
of Scandinavia

John Weinstock
University of Texas

T
he Sámi have been subject to relentless assimilation efforts for
centuries.1 Assimilation took different forms, overt and covert,
depending on which nation-state the Sámi happened to inhabit.
What were the results of the ruling authorities’ attempts to get the
Sámi to meld into the majority populations? There are perhaps 80,000
Sámi in the four nations where they live today; some scholars suggest
that up to ten times that number were assimilated. Many studies have
illustrated the effects on the Sámi, but few have shown how assimila-
tion impacted Finns, Norwegians, and Swedes. I demonstrate first
that assimilation has been going on much longer than mid-nineteenth
century to about 1980, during which the main effort focused on Sámi
children in transitional areas where they dwelt among others. They
were forced to attend boarding schools where they were not allowed
to speak their mother tongue, thus threatening not only their language
but their culture. Then I investigate what became of those assimilated
and what sort of relationship there was/is to non-Sámi. Here the
answers are in many ways surprising. For example, intermarriage was
quite common, and this led to admixture (mixing of ancestral, previ-
ously relatively isolated populations) in ensuing generations. Today’s
Scandinavians may not be aware of how much Sámi DNA they carry.
1. Sámi is normally spelled Saami in Sweden, and in Norway with or without the
accent, Sámi and Sami. The endonym, or what the people call themselves, is Sámi. The
exonym Lapp dates back to Viking times and became a derogatory term in later years.
See Hansen and Olsen (2007, 47–51).

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412 Scandinavian Studies

Recently I showed that today’s Sámi population in Scandinavia is

genetically heterogeneous; the genetic profile of Sámi in Troms, for
example, is significantly different from the genetic profile of Sámi in
eastern Finland (Weinstock 2010, 31–45). Though there were migra-
tions into the area after the Last Glacial Maximum, they came from
many directions, along different routes and at various times and rates
depending on where the glaciers disappeared earliest, ecological fac-
tors, and the nature of the flora and fauna. The goal of the present
effort is to broaden the focus, to consider in more detail population
and genetic data for all of the Nordic countries and how assimilation
affected the current majority peoples, Finns, Norwegians, and Swedes.
Phylogeography2 has evolved rapidly in recent years with analyses
based on genome-wide sequencing and allowing new interpretations
previously impossible with classical population genetics.
In nature, humans have generally been gregarious: when members
of one group meet strangers, they communicate; trade; borrow words,
ideas, or technologies from one another; and they frequently marry
outside their ethnic group and often exchange genes. Such cultural
contacts can be seen, for example, in the Venus figurines widespread
over Central and Eastern Europe after 30,000 years ago (Hoffecker
2005, 87). Social networks were much larger than one might imagine.
One should keep in mind when dealing with today’s Nordic peoples
that they are defined primarily on the basis of ethnicity, especially their
mother tongue. In the case of the Sámi, this leads to problems, since
most of the available Sámi genetic data were sampled from those who
“consider” themselves to be Sámi.3 Not included are the many “Sámi”
who were assimilated by the nation-states in the nineteenth century
and first half of the twentieth century, or even earlier, and who left
their Sámi ethnicity behind—but not their genes—when they moved
away to metropolitan areas such as Helsinki, Oslo, or Stockholm: do
the genetic analyses of the majority populations take this into account,
and, if so, what role does this factor play in the results?
2. The study of the historical processes that may be responsible for the contemporary
geographic distributions of individuals.
3. The Sámediggi (Norwegian Sámi parliament) has the following definition for
the approximately 80,000 Sámi in Sápmi: “Everyone who declares that they consider
themselves to be Sámi, and who either has Sámi as his or her home language, or has
or has had a parent, grandparent, or great-grandparent with Sámi as his or her home
language, or who is a child of someone who is or has been registered in the Sámi census,
has the right to be enrolled in the Sámi census in the municipality of residence.” See
http://www.galdu.org/govat/doc/eng_sami.pdf.

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 413

Paleolithic Settlement in Eurasia

and the Last Glacial Maximum
Did modern humans move westward from Central Asia to Europe
during the Paleolithic? One might think that humans arrived in Europe
before northern Eurasia due to the latter’s sparse human habitation,
and its colder and drier climate; surprisingly, that does not seem to be
particularly accurate. Modern humans settled relatively rapidly in many
areas of Eurasia: new radiocarbon curves in the range of 25,000–50,000
BP4 suggest a much speedier dispersal of human populations than origi-
nally thought (Mellars 2006, 933). Between 45,000 and 24,000 years
ago, they reached 71° north latitude, or further north than Europe’s
highest point, Nordkapp.
The post-glacial colonization of Scandinavia began early, from any
direction where the Fennoscandian peninsula was accessible: from
the west, the Ahrensburg cultures, Hensbacka on the west coast of
Sweden, then Fosna on the southwest coast of Norway, and finally
Komsa along the northwest coast of Norway; from the east, the Post-
Swiderian tradition of northeast Russia. The archaeologists Tuija
Rankama and Jarmo Kankaanpää speak about an Early Mesolithic,
non-hostile interface zone in eastern Finnmark and northern Finnish
Lapland between the western (Komsa) and eastern traditions by c.
10,000 BP (Rankama and Kankaanpää 2011, 183, 205–7). What were
the humans arriving in Scandinavia like, and when and from whence
did they come? In fact, the genetic analyses of the Sámi, though based
on very recent samples, suggest that admixture from the mixing of
ancestral, previously relatively isolated populations followed by range
expansion or migration has been the norm for many millennia. To cite
but one example of contact between Sámi, or rather Sámi forebears,
and others, Pekka Sammallahti discusses the history of Finno-Ugric
loanwords from Proto-Indo-European (PIE): it begins c. 5,000 BCE
when Sámi and Samoyed share around 100 stems, a number of which
were borrowed from PIE (Sammallahti 1998, 118). Implicit in this
extensive contact between language groups is the intermarriage and
admixture that occurred.
And when did farming come to Fennoscandia? Conventional
wisdom would have agriculture coming to the south coast of Finland

4. All prehistoric dates in this paper are approximate and given in 14C BP (Before
Present).

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414 Scandinavian Studies

and south Sweden around 5,300 BP, mainly via cultural diffusion:
“When farming arrived in the north along with Indo-European lan-
guages the peoples remained largely the same, adopting Germanic,
Baltic or Slavic languages, or they kept their Finno-Ugric tongues”
(Weinstock 2010, 34–35). Pontus Skoglund et al. found the DNA
from 5,000-year-old bones of three hunter-gatherers to be signifi-
cantly different from the DNA in comparably aged remains of one
farmer, hence suggesting demic diffusion.5 A closer examination of
the genetic data can shed some light on these and other issues, but
first a closer look at assimilation.

Assimilation
No one denies the existence of long-term, indefatigable efforts to
assimilate the Sámi—and the Kvens6 of Norway—into the mainstream
cultures of Scandinavia. When did assimilation occur, and what was its
impact on the Sámi and, for that matter, on Norwegians, Swedes, and
Finns? During the nineteenth century, nationalism was the prevalent
ideology; Norway and Sweden focused on state building. Henry Minde
gives 1850–1980 for Norwegianization (fornorsking), the government-
sponsored program in Norway to turn the Sámi and Kvens into reliable
Norwegian citizens (Minde 2003, 6). A multifaceted series of actions
were implemented to deprive the Sámi of their language and culture,
most importantly, boarding schools for Sámi children, subsidizing
colonization (settlers) in Sámi territory in the north, and restricting
property ownership to those who mastered the Norwegian language
and had a Norwegian name (many Norwegian Sámi today have two
names). This effort was aimed especially at those living in transitional
or mixed areas such as the sea/coastal Sámi, areas where there were
also many Norwegians.
Lars Elenius points out that in Sweden the focus was rather on
segregation (2002, 105). During much of the nineteenth century,
a paternalistic attitude toward the “Sámi” prevailed in the Swedish
Riksdag: Sámi were slowly dying out, allegedly because they were at
a lower stage of evolution and could not successfully compete with

5. See Skoglund et al. (2012) who argue in favor of migration of farmers into Fen-
noscandia.
6. Finnish settlers in Northern Norway and their descendants. Originally from the
Gulf of Bothnia coming as agriculturalists to Troms and Finnmark mainly from the
eighteenth century on.

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 415

Swedish farmers. According to Lennart Lundmark, the Riksdag felt

its duty was to delay the demise of reindeer herding (2002, 31, 40).
By the end of the century, “lapp skal vara lapp” (Sámi shall be Sámi)
became governmental policy, meaning that Sámi reindeer herders
were to be isolated from the majority population (Lundmark 2002,
63–75). An odlingsgräns (cultivation boundary) had been proposed at
the beginning of the nineteenth century with reindeer herders north of
the boundary, farmers south (Lundmark 2006, 135–61). After years of
discussions, this boundary was implemented in 1890; it also included
hunting and fishing rights for the Sámi. But the flow of farmers settling
north of the cultivation boundary continued unabated, and settlers/
farmers felt free to hunt and fish on land reserved for the Sámi. Other
bizarre proposals were enacted: reindeer herders were not allowed
to supplement their herding income through a mixed economy with
small-scale agriculture, fishing, or the like; they were not to live in
“ordinary” houses but in traditional turf huts or tents. Oddly, those
Sámi not involved in herding lost their ethnic identity: by law, they
were now Swedes!
These Norwegian and Swedish policies were deliberate; though
created through different means and with different ends in mind, they
served to assimilate Sámi into their respective nations and cultures.
But was there no assimilation before the nineteenth century? In her
MA thesis, Bente Persen argues that the roots of Norwegianization
lay in the missionary period of the eighteenth century, with the
(Lutheran) Church and the Sámi mission collaborating to eradicate
the Sámi pre-Christian worldview (Persen 2008). Placards issued
by the Swedish Crown in the late seventeenth century encouraged
agricultural settlement on Sámi lands. As Veli-Pekka Lehtola points
out, many Sámi became colonists on their own tax lands and were
even considered to be “Finns”; their new farms were registered with
Finnish names, which then became the surnames of their descendants
(Lehtola 2004, 31–2). The Strömstad treaty of 1751, setting the border
between Norway and Sweden, forced the Sámi to choose between
Norwegian and Swedish citizenship. As early as the fourteenth century,
the Birkarls (Finnish merchants) received royal franchises for trading
and collecting taxes from the Sámi. The above examples are but a few
of many that suggest an unintentional, often clandestine assimilation
of the Sámi underway for many centuries.
Over the long haul, the harsh measures of the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries were successful. Racism and social Darwinism

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416 Scandinavian Studies

tainted much of what occurred. For example, Johan Evert Rosberg

measured a group of Sámi in Finnish Lapland in 1910. He claimed he
could distinguish between nomadic and coastal Sámi, with the former
being the racially purest group: “[T]hey are still original Mongolian
Lapps,” and by implication, inferior (Rosberg 1910). Boarding schools
(Nor. internat, Swed. nomadskolor) were particularly effective in the
assimilation effort. Sámi children were taken from their parents and
put in schools where they were not allowed to speak their mother
tongue (Lehtola 2004, 44–6; Lundmark 2006, 76–94). The Sámi
language in Norway was strongest in the so-called core areas such as
Kautokeino and Karasjok in mid-nineteenth century. Here there were
fewer Norwegians percentage-wise than in transitional areas; these core
areas were best able to resist Norwegianization until the Second World
War. However, a new difficulty cropped up for Sámi language toward the
end of World War II. Many Sámi in transitional communities in Norway
and Finland were evacuated to the south. While there—sometimes for
more than a year—they tended to speak Norwegian or Finnish and
continued to do so when they returned home (Trosterud 2008, 97).
So, many coastal Sámi simply disappeared from the census records; a
good example of this is Kvænangen in Norway, where according to
Ivar Bjørklund, the proportion of Sámi went from 44 percent to zero
between 1930–50 (Minde 2003, 24).
The pressure to assimilate was substantial. In his article on the coastal
Sámi and their problems with the Norwegian fisheries, Einar Eythórsson
illustrates the dilemma they faced. The Norwegian majority considered
the fjord fishermen a pariah caste and ignored their interests because
the coastal Sámi were unable to communicate their collective identity
(Eythórsson 2003, 157). “Being Sámi was not [considered] to be a
legitimate basis for interaction” (Nilsen 2003, 168). If they chose to
assimilate, they could escape the pariah role, but this would eliminate
any possibility of engaging the majority and reacting collectively to
the exercise of power against them. To make inroads against domina-
tion, they had to break the taboo of coastal Sámi identity, but this was
emotionally painful for them. Although the Norwegians have granted
the Sámi a voice in the fisheries arena over the past decade, little has
been achieved.
In the face of the relentless assimilation pressure, many Sámi were
marginalized; they capitulated, moved away from Sápmi, and aban-
doned their ethnic identity. It is difficult to estimate how many Sámi
became assimilated, in part because the few studies carried out have

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 417

been limited to local areas. And, as Minde points out, it was individu-
als who were assimilated, individual Sámi who felt fear and shame and
were not eager to talk about their experiences. In 1978, Vilhelm Aubert
Båkt’e published his comprehensive analysis of the Sámi in Northern
Norway, Den samiske befolkning i Nord-Norge. The data came from a
supplementary survey to the 1970 census. He writes: “Sámi who live in
Southern Norway or in cities in Troms and Nordland, fall outside the
scope of the census.” He continues: “Vi har få opplysninger fra andre
kilder som sier noe om deres antall og sammensetning for øvrig. Et
forsøk på å kartlegge samer i Oslo kunne tyde på at Oslo er en av de
større samekommunene i landet” (Båkt’e 1978, 17) [For that matter,
we have little information from other sources saying anything about
their number and composition. An attempt to map the Sámi in Oslo
might indicate that Oslo is one of the larger Sámi communities in the
country]. In other words, there is almost no information about Sámi
who have left traditional Sámi areas and become assimilated in the
south. A similar situation prevailed in Sweden and Finland.
Lars Ivar Hansen and Bjørnar Olsen write: “[F]angstbefolkningen i
nordre Fennoskandia [velger] å adoptere samisk etnisitet, fordi dette er
økonomisk fordelaktig” (Hansen and Olsen 2007, 34) [(T)he trapper
population in northern Fennoscandia (chooses) to adopt Sámi ethnicity,
because this is economically advantageous], and a bit later: “det [gir]
mening å snakke om samisk etnisitet . . . fra slutten av siste årtusen
f.Kr. . . . [når vi kan] for første gang dokumentere at fangstsamfun-
nene i det indre, nordre og østlige Fennoskandia var involvert i mer
omfattende eksterne transaksjoner” (Hansen and Olsen 2007, 41) [it
(makes) sense to speak about Sámi ethnicity . . . from the end of the
last millennium BC . . . (when we can) for the first time document that
the trapper communities in inner, northern and eastern Fennoscandia
were involved in more extensive external transactions]. These social
and economic transactions were buttressed by marriage alliances and
kinship ties. How might this be demonstrated? Until relatively recently
there has been very little statistical data on this issue. According to
Båk’te’s 1970 census analysis, mixed marriages make up approximately
20 percent of all marriages in Sámi core areas but 80 percent of all
marriages in the rest of Northern Norway (Båk’te 1978, Tables 12–13).
If there were so many mixed marriages in Northern Norway, how many
were there in the south where so many Sámi had become assimilated?
Trond Trosterud discusses the effects of mixed marriages on the sur-
vival of Sámi language (2008, 101). Marriage between ­Sámi-speaking

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418 Scandinavian Studies

and Norwegian-speaking partners often led to a loss of Sámi language.

These ethnically mixed, child-producing relationships have left traces
in the genetic profiles of many contemporary Scandinavians.

Scandinavian Phylogeographic
Data I: mtDNA
The frequency distribution of mtDNA (maternal) haplogroups7 in
Fennoscandia and Europe as a whole is laid out in Table 1.8 (Super)
haplogroup U consists of the subclades9 U1-U8; U originated in
Western Asia from haplogroup R in the form of a common female
ancestor. Haplogroup U5 and its subclades U5a and U5b, though found
throughout Europe, have their highest concentrations in the far north,
in Estonians, Finns, and Sámi. U5b1b, including U5b1b1, the so-called
“Sámi motif,” is very old and goes back to the Franco-Cantabrian
glacial refuge where it spread after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM)
to Eastern Europe and then to the north and west to Fennoscandia.10
Martin Richards et al. give an age range for U in the Early Upper
Paleolithic at c. 50,000 BP. For Scandinavia as a whole, they suggest
that 79.3 percent of the migration events are Paleolithic, 11.7 percent
Neolithic, and 7.4 percent Bronze Age/recent (Richards et al. 2000,
1266, 1268). Haplogroup K is descended from the U8 subclade and
goes back approximately 12,000 years.
H is easily the largest haplogroup in Europe, as evident in Table 1,
though much less frequent among the Sámi.11 Subclades H1 and H3 as
well as sister haplogroup V took refuge during the LGM in the Franco-
Cantabrian area, while other subclades of H went to the Ukrainian
and Italian refuges after the LGM carriers of H1 headed north from
the Iberian refuge and crossed the North Sea—at this time a narrow
body of water—to southwestern Sweden and southern Norway in

7. A haplogroup is a group of haplotypes that share a common ancestor.

8. For the complete phylogenetic mtDNA tree, see http://www.phylotree.org.
9. A clade may be thought of as a branch on the “tree of life.”
10. During the LGM, the extreme cold forced humans (and most flora and fauna) to
retreat to warmer areas, glacial refuges. In Europe these were the Franco-Cantabrian
between France and Spain, northern Italy, Balkan Peninsula, and the Ukrainian near
the Black Sea. See Tambets et al. (2004, 677).
11. Superhaplogroup HV and its descendants H and V originated in Western Eurasia
some 30,000 years ago when one branch of HV ancestors moved north across the
Caucasus and then north and west. Richards et al. (2000) give an age range for HV,
the parent of V, of Middle Upper Paleolithic.

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 419

Table 1. Contemporary mtDNA Data for the Nordic Countries

Country\
Haplogroup U5 K H V T Z
Finland
Finland1 27.5 6.5 40 4.5 (HV0) 6 1.56
Finland2 27.9 2.5 40.1 5.1 2.5 2.5
Central Finland3
Northern Ostrobothnia 34 3 34 6 8
Kainuu 36 2 37 9 1
Country\Haplogroup U K H V T Z
Northern Savo 17 4 53 4 1
Central Ostrobothnia 25 3 39 3 0
Southern Finland1
Häme 16.7 13.3 43.3 6.7 (HV0) 6.7
Karjala 43.3 3.3 30 3.3 (HV0) 3.3
Pohjanmaa 33.3 6.7 40 6.7 (HV0) 3.3
Satakunta 23.3 0 46.7 10 (HV0) 6.7
Savo 26.7 3.3 43.3 0 6.7
Varsinais-Suomi 13.3 13.3 33.3 3.3 (HV0) 10
Karelia 2
26.9 1.6 46.7 5.5 3.8 .4
Norway4 16 29 4 9 .66
Sápmi--Norway5 56.8 0 4.7 33.1 .4 0
Norway6 57.6 4.7 33.1 .4 0
Finland 5
40.6 0 2.9 37.7 0 7.2
Finland6 43.5 0 2.9 37.7 0 7.2
N. Sweden5 35.5 0 2.6 58.6 .7 .7
S. Sweden5 18.8 9.4 34.8 18.1 2.2 4.3
S. Swed. Traditional5
23.9 4.3 15.2 37 2.2 10.9
S. Swed. Non-traditional5 16.3 12 44.6 8.7 2.2 1.1
Sweden6 26.5 3.1 68.4 0 1.0
Sweden2 21 7.5 45.6 1.3 10.1 .3
Sweden 7
17.9 5.9 41.2 2.8 7.8 .46
Norrland7 25.8 4.5 39.2 2.6 5.2 .4*
Svealand7 18.3 5.6 39.3 2.2 7.5 1.1*
Götaland7 14.2 6.7 39.6 3.4 9.1 .9*
Continental Europe5 2.6 9.3 46.9 4.4 10.8 0

Notes: Empty cell = no data for this haplogroup. * = C in 7; CZ (C, Z); in 2 C = .3, Z = .3,
hence, C in 7 might be in part Z. Sources: 1Hedman et al. 2007; 2Lappalainen et al. 2008;
3Meinilä et al. 2001; 4Passarino et al. 2002; 5Ingman and Gyllensten 2007; 6Tambets et al. 2004;
7Lappalainen et al. 2009; Meinilä et al. (2001) point out that much of what had been assigned to
macrohaplogroup M and haplogroup V belonged to haplogroup Z.

the early Mesolithic (see Glørstad et al. 2012; and Spinney 2012). V
descendants seem to have followed a similar path as U5b1b, moving
to Eastern Europe and then northwest to Fennoscandia (Tambets et
al. 2004, 676). Richards et al. estimate the age of H at approximately
16,500 (2000, 1266). Eva-Liis Loogväli et al. provide coalescence
ages for haplogroup H subclusters ranging from 23,800 to 6,000 BP
(2004, 2014). Haplogroup T, which appeared about 10,000 BP, is

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420 Scandinavian Studies

common in eastern and northern Europe. It is also found in the Indus

Valley and the Arabian Peninsula, and may be tied to the Neolithic
expansion of farmers.
Haplogroup Z stems from Central Asia between the Caspian Sea
and Lake Baikal. It has its highest frequency in Russia and among
some Sámi groups. The Sámi Z lineage shares a common ancestor
with groups in Finland and the Volga-Ural area of Russia and must
be quite recent (2,700 BP) because it differs from Northeast Asian Z
representatives (Ingman and Gyllensten 2007, 115, 119). In a forth-
coming paper (Weinstock), I argue that Z was brought to southern
Finland by Pre-/Proto-Sámi groups at the onset of the Iron Age who
then moved throughout inland Fennoscandia assimilating the Palaeo-
European hunting bands already there.
Clio Der Sarkissian et al., analyzing ancient mtDNA (aDNA) from
c. 7,500 BP and 3,500 BP, recently found high frequencies of U (incl.
U5a) in the earlier, Mesolithic samples but more C, D, and Z in the
later Early Metal Age individuals. Hence, there must have been post-
Mesolithic migrations as well as genetic influx from central/eastern
Siberia (Der Sarkissian et al. 2013, 1, 11).
What can be gleaned from the mtDNA table (Table 1)? First of all,
haplogroup U, which includes the so-called Sámi motif U5b1b1, displays
significant variation both within the majority populations of Scandinavia
as well as within the various Sámi groups—see Map 1 for the Sámi varia-
tion. There is a cline or geographical gradient running north to south
with the highest U in the north: among majority Swedes, the frequency
is 25.7 percent in Norrbotten, falling to 14.8 percent in Götaland; the
frequency goes from 57.6 percent for Norwegian Sámi to 18.8 percent
for Southern Swedish Sámi nontraditional (do not herd reindeer). Finns
and Karelians have a frequency of roughly 27 percent. The Norwegian
U frequency is 16 percent. Comparing this to the Continental European
U frequency of 2.6 percent, a substantial amount of admixture—mixing
or mingling blood—can be seen among all the Scandinavian popula-
tions. How is this to be explained? Maria Meinila et al. conclude: “The
high frequency of certain mtDNA haplotypes considered to be Saami
specific in the Finnish population suggests a genetic admixture, which
appears to be more pronounced in northern Finland” (Meinila 2001,
160). Max Ingman and Ulf Gyllensten attribute admixture among
southern Swedish Sámi to their stratification on the basis of occupation
(2007, 117). The extent of the admixture in the majority populations
adumbrates assimilation as discussed above. The most suitable outcome

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 421

for many Sámi was internal migration to majority areas. Often this
led to intermarriage and the subsequent exchange of genes. Genetic
studies of the majority Scandinavian populations do not often discuss
this issue. For example, Giuseppe Passarino et al. collected their DNA
from seventy-four young men drafted into the Norwegian army. They
do not go into details about their sample in the extensive discussion of
their results (Passarino et al. 2002, 522–6, 528). But there are hints in
the literature: Tuuli Lappalainen et al. mention the special relationship
between Norrland and Northern Finland as well as Finnish immigrants
in Eastern Sweden (2009, 62, 71). In Norrland approximately 10 percent
of the population is made up of Sámi (Lappalainen et al. 2009, 62).
Addressing language shift from Sámi to Norwegian, Trosterud writes:
“[T]he number of mixed marriages for the different areas gives rise to
a 17% language shift in the inner core area, a 47% shift in the outer core
area, and 75% language shift elsewhere” (2008, 101). In other words,
language shift occurs mostly in families where one parent speaks Sámi
and the other Norwegian, especially where the mother is Norwegian.
Assuming a population of approximately 1.5 million in Norrland, 10
percent would be Sámi or approximately 150,000. Multiplying this by
the 47 percent of Trosterud’s language shift percentages would suggest
there are about 70,000 mixed marriages in Norrland alone. Lappalainen
et al. do discuss (internal) migration: “The Swedish population has . . .
been shaped by internal migration from remote regions to large cities”;
they add: “[T]he biggest cities harbored clear traces of immigration from
all over the world” (2009, 62). When sampling majority populations of
the countries where the Sámi reside, it would seem essential to consider
their recent and earlier socio-political history.
Haplogoup K distribution is clinal in Finland and Sweden, with
smaller frequencies to the north, though the sample size is possibly
not statistically significant for Finns. Haplogroup H, the most common
mtDNA haplogroup in Europe at an average frequency of 46.9 percent,
is, as expected, much lower among Sámi except for Southern Swedish
nontraditional Sámi. The frequency of H among Norwegians is rather
low at 29 percent; whether this is due to sample size or admixture
cannot be determined from the available data. Haplogroup V, on the
contrary, has a high frequency among Sámi groups except for Southern
Swedish nontraditional Sámi and shows clinal behavior, highest in the
north and lowest in the south. V among the Sámi is primarily due to
expansion from the Franco-Cantabrian glacial refuge through central/
eastern Europe (Tambets et al. 2004, 676).

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422 Scandinavian Studies

Map 1. Sámi mtDNA. (Norga = Norway; Ruoŧŧa = Sweden; Suopma = Finland; Guoládat
= Kola peninsula of Russia; Gárjil = Karelia in Russia).

T has its highest frequencies in Southern Scandinavia where farming

first arrived. Though T is present during the Paleolithic, it arrived in
Eurasia from the southeast beginning 10,000 BP and is mainly thought
of as a Neolithic agro/pastoralism expansion. Haplogroup Z originated
in Siberia and spread from there in several directions. The spread west-
ward was originally thought to have come to a halt around the Ural
Mountains, but Ingman and Gyllensten found substantial frequencies
of Z among the Finnish Sámi and Southern Swedish traditional Sámi,
suggesting that some Sámi lineages shared a common ancestor with
lineages from the Volga-Ural region as recently as 2,700 years ago

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 423

(2007, 115, 119).12 Yet, the distribution of Z throughout Scandinavia

seems to have implications beyond its presence in the Sámi. Although
the percentages of Z in the majority populations are quite small, rang-
ing from .3–.4 percent for Sweden to 2.5 percent for Finland, this
compares to no Z whatsoever in Germany, Poland, the Balkans, and
all of Western Europe (Lappalainen et al. 2008; Tambets et al. 2004).
Hence, the Finns, Norwegians, and Swedes likely acquired Z through
assimilation of the Sámi and subsequent admixture. Looking at the
numbers, a very crude estimate of the number of Swedes carrying Z
mtDNA is 275,000, which is at least an order of magnitude greater
than the number of Sámi in Sweden.

Scandinavian Phylogeographic
Data II: Y-Chromosome
The frequency distribution of Y-chromosome haplogroups in Fen-
noscandia and Europe as a whole is laid out in Table 2.13 The main
haplogroups represented are I1, N1c (the old N3) and R1. Haplogroup I1
is common in Europe and has its highest frequency in Scandinavia and
the Balkans. It originated at the beginning of the LGM some 22,000
BP, probably when some groups went to the Ukrainian refuge near the
Black Sea and others to the refuge in the Balkans. Michael Hammer and
Stephen Zegura give an age of mutation for I at 5,950±2,450 (2002,
314). Siiri Rootsi et al. have times since divergence of 15.9±5.2 for I1a,
10.7±4.8 for I1b* and 14.6±3.8 for I1c (2004, 135). When the ice began
to melt, those carrying the I haplogroup expanded to the northwest
in the form of three subclades I1a (most common in Scandinavia), I1b
(common in the Balkans and Eastern Europe), and I1c (which has its
highest frequency in Germany at approximately 11 percent). “[C]lade
I is widespread in Europe and mostly absent elsewhere.”14
Haplogroup N first appeared in Southeast Asia 15,000–20,000 BP,
and today it is “mainly found in Northern Eurasia but is absent or
only marginally present in other regions of the globe.”15 The subclade

12. See Weinstock, “At the Frontier: Sámi Linguistics Gets a Boost from Outside”
(forthcoming), for a discussion of a possible connection between Haplogroup Z1a and
the Proto-Sámi language.
13. For the latest phylogenetic Y-chromosome tree, see http://www.isogg.org/tree.
14. Karafet et al. (2008, 834), under Clade I. The approximate dates for I and R are
given in Table 1 in Karafet et al. (2008).
15. Karafet et al. (2008), under Clade N.

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424 Scandinavian Studies

Table 2. Contemporary Y-chromosomal Data for the Nordic Countries

Country\Haplogroup I1 N1c R1a R1b
Finland1 28.9 63.2 7.9
Eastern Finland3 19.7 70.9 5.9 2.6
Western Finland3 41.3 41.3 8.7 5.2
Österbotten4 20 65 7.5 2.5
Karelia3 17.5 53 25 .8
Norway1 40.3 6.9 23.6 27.8
Country\Haplogroup I N1c R1a R1b
Norway5 37.3 3.8 26.3 31.3
North Norway5 34.7 10.6 27.1 26.8
Middle Norway5 39.7 trace 31.5 27.1
South Norway5 42.1 trace 13.2 44.7
Sápmi--Sámi1 25.9 47.2 11 3.9
Finnish Sámi1 40.6 55.1 2.9 1.4
Kola Sámi1 17.4 39.1 21.7 8.7
Swedish Sámi1 31.4 37.1 20 5.7
Swedish Sámi4 31.6 44.7 15.8 7.9
Sweden3 37.5 14.4 24.4 13.1
Sweden1 48.2 2.8 18.4 22
Sweden2 45 5.9 15.7 20
Sweden4 37.5 9.5 11.8 23.6
Norrland2 48.8 6.5 13 16.3
Västerbotten4 41.4 19.5 12.5 15
Svealand2 41.4 7.9 13.2 19.8
Gotland4 50 10 12.5 15
Götaland2 47.5 3.6 14.2 21.6
Notes: Empty cell = no data for this haplogroup. Sources: 1Tambets et al. 2004; 2Lappalainen
et al. 2009; 3Lappalainen et al. 2008; 4Karlsson et al. 2006; 5Dupuy et al. 2006; Dupuy et al.
have P*(xR1a) and BR(xDE, J, N3, P) as two of the four major Y-chromosomal haplogroups in
Norway. The former is mainly R1b and the latter mainly I1b. The figures for Continental Europe
are a very crude estimate that does not take population size into consideration.

N1c1 is especially frequent among Finns and Lithuanians. It is likely

that the carriers of maternal haplogroup Z also carried N1c1 when
they arrived in southern Finland (cf. above under Z). Rootsi et al.
give a convergent time estimate for N (with data combined from the
old designations N1–N3) of 19.4±4.8 (evolutionary time) and 5.8±1.4
(pedigree-based time) (see Rootsi et al. 2004, 135).16 Haplogroup R
dates back to just after the onset of the last ice age at 26,800 BP. The
subclade R1a is most common in the Eurasian steppe and may have
emanated from the Ukrainian refuge. Subclade R1b expanded from

16. Pedigree-based rates are about ten times faster than coalescent/evolutionary rates.

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 425

the Franco-Cantabrian refuge after the LGM and is very common

in Western Europe, among other areas. The coalescent time for R is
16,300±4,430, according to Hammer and Zegura (2002, 314).
What patterns can be observed? In the case of I, there appears to
be a cline running northeast to southwest with the highest values
generally to the southwest: Western Finland with a frequency of 40
percent, Gotland 45 percent, and South Norway 42.1 percent, though
Norrland in Sweden is an exception, perhaps due to ethnic association
with Northern Finland (Lappalainen et al. 2009, 62). The figures for
the Western Finnish Sámi and Swedish Sámi are c­ omparable to those

Map 2. Sámi Y chromosomes. (Norga = Norway; Ruoŧŧa = Sweden; Suopma = Finland;

Guoládat = Kola peninsula of Russia; Gárjil = Karelia in Russia).

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426 Scandinavian Studies

for the majority populations, whereas Eastern Sámi in Kola and the
Karelians are significantly lower. Croats, Germans, and Hungarians
also have relatively high levels of I. Map 2 displays Sámi Y chromo-
somal variation.
Haplogroup N seems to have arisen in Northern China/Mongolia,
from where it spread into Siberia and the Baltic. Its descendant N1c
is widespread in the Baltic region and was brought by small groups
of males speaking an early Uralic language. Lappalainen et al. speak
of “migration waves to the Baltic Sea region” (2008, 337). There is a
clear distinction between the Eastern Finns and the Sámi versus those
living further to the west, with the former having high values of N1c.
Österbotten in Western Finland, though, has a very high frequency
too; this could be related to contacts with Norrland as above. North
Norway has a higher value than most other majority groups, with the
exception of Finland, and this may be due to admixture with the Sámi.
Three areas of Sweden show fairly high values with an east-west cline,
3.6 percent for Götaland to the south and 7.9 percent for Svealand,
just north of Götaland, and Gotland off the east coast of Sweden
with 10 percent. Surprisingly, perhaps, the figure for Norrland is only
6.5 percent whereas Västerbotten has 19 percent. Lappalainen et al.
suggest historical ties to Finland where N1c is very common (2008,
70). Berit Myhre Dupuy et al. mention that the Y-chromosome N3
(N1c) in Norway “is observed at 4% in the overall population and
at 11% in the northern region corresponding to 150,000 and 50,000
inhabitants, respectively (2005, 6). These numbers exceed the total
number of Saami inhabitants.” Dupuy et al. continue: “There is thus
a considerable pool of Saami and/or Finnish [Kven] Y-chromosomes
in the Norwegian population and particularly in the north” (2005, 6,
8). Four percent of Norway’s population of approximately 5 million
would be 190,000, the number of Norwegians carrying N1c. The R1a
frequency is lowest among the Finns and the Sámi, though the Kola
Sámi and the Swedish Sámi have values comparable to most of the
majority population in Sweden. R1a is highest in Middle and North
Norway with South Norway similar to most of Sweden, but there
are insufficient data to come to any firm conclusions. R1b has a much
higher frequency in Southern Norway than in Sweden; this might
indicate some admixture between the Swedes and Sámi of Sweden.
A few scholars have rightly urged caution interpreting genetic data.
After all, most DNA samples come from living humans, and yet con-
clusions are drawn about what happened thousands of years ago. The

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 Assimilation of the Sámi 427

Sámi as well as the other Nordic populations are quite small and were
relatively isolated; this can lead to genetic drift17 skewing the results.
The studies cited in this paper take pains to deal with this issue. Another
factor working in favor of the genetic analyses is that ancient DNA
is now being successfully retrieved and analyzed (cf. Skoglund et al.
2012, as one example).

Conclusions
Geographical heterogeneity among the Sámi is readily apparent
in the mtDNA and Y-chromosomal data in the tables above; such
heterogeneity is also to be found among the majority populations in
Scandinavia. Compare with Maps 1 and 2. Discussing the Norwegian
population, Dupuy et al. observe that the “[h]eterogeneity in major
founder groups, geographical isolation, severe epidemics, historical
trading links and population movements may have . . . contributed to
the observed regional differences in distribution of haplotypes within
two of the major haplogroups” (2006, 1). Ingman and Gyllensten
(2007, 117) present one of the best examples to date of admixture,
namely the Southern Swedish Sámi nontraditional who are much
more “Swedish” than Sámi. This heterogeneity surely had much to
do with the harsh, official Norwegian assimilation policy, the Swedish
segregation policy that led to many Swedish Sámi being assimilated,
and comparable policies in Finland. But human groups have oftentimes
been in contact with one another, and this has inevitably resulted in
genetic admixture, for which Scandinavia provides plenty of evidence.

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