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The Impact of Racism on Group Offending: A South Asian Perspective

Jewel Mathew

301340782

Department of Criminology, Simon Fraser University

CRIM 416 D100: Current Issues in Criminology and Criminal Justice

Dr. Zachary Rowan

April 17, 2023

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The Impact of Racism on Group Offending: A South Asian Perspective

In Canada, South Asians represent one of the largest visible minority groups which has

subjected them to discriminatory and xenophobic attitudes (Islam et al., 2014). The current

research study explores how racism influences group offending among South Asian adolescents

within British Columbia. The data will be collected from a sample of 200 South Asian high

school students who study within BC. The data collection method will consist of an unstructured

interview composed of open-ended and close-ended questions. The main goal of the study is to

determine whether racism against South Asian high school students increases their propensity for

engaging in group crimes. The research suggests that adverse experiences in social spaces can

exacerbate tensions between oppressors and ethnic peers which potentially creates an

opportunity for retaliatory and collective action. By connecting the prevalence of anti-Asian

racism to group offending, effective policies can be implemented to minimize the harms of

discrimination.
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Introduction

Research has indicated that South Asians are one of the largest visible minority groups

within Canada (Islam et al., 2014). With the growing population of South Asians immigrating

into the country, there has been increasing levels of resentment, xenophobia, and racism directed

towards South Asians. As a result, these negative attitudes can contribute to a phenomenon

known as ethnic homophily, which is the tendency for individuals to primarily socialize with

those of the same ethnic background (Grund & Densley, 2015). Although ethnic homophily is

not morally wrong nor dangerous, it may produce negative outcomes if it emerges under adverse

circumstances. As a result, ethnic camaraderie that occurs under negative conditions may

increase the likelihood of group offending in response to discriminatory treatment. Therefore, it

is important to recognize the impacts of racial ridicule and othering towards South Asians.

Connolly’s (2000) study highlighted how South Asian girls as young as 6 years old

experience social exclusion by their White peers. Connolly (2000) stated that previous

ethnographic studies have primarily focused on teacher-student relationships and the role of race

within those interactions. Although these relationships alone are significant, the current study

aims to explore the impact that peers have on each other’s conduct while considering the impact

of teachers on peer socialization. Additionally, research has suggested that South Asian males

engage in disruptive behaviours in school due to being overlooked by educators (Connolly,

2000). As a result, the lack of support from educators may explain why South Asian adolescents

are more inclined to prove their worth to their peers. Samuel (2004) also highlighted how

experiences of social exclusion continue for South Asian students until university.

Acknowledging that South Asians experience differential treatment throughout their educational

career may help to understand their involvement in group offending. As a result, this research
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topic is important as it will consider how adverse experiences within educational spaces

significantly contribute to involvement in group offending.

Further, this research topic is significant as it will consider intersectional perspectives.

There is a tendency for research to exclude marginalized voices or provide limited empirical

knowledge on intersectional populations. Specifically, Manejwala and Abu-Ras (2019) outlined

how discrimination towards Muslim South Asians dramatically rose after 9/11. The level of

Islamophobia that spread across the US contributed to moral panics which exacerbated tensions

and hostility towards Muslim Americans (Manejwala & Abu-Ras, 2019). This highlights how

some South Asians deal with multiple marginalities such as skin colour, ethnicity, disabilities,

gender, sexual orientation, and/or religion (Dunbar, 2017). To add, Ching et al. (2018)

highlighted how intersecting identities suggest that the individual will have unique risks for

stress and trauma, specifically among Asian Americans. It is evident through both studies that

South Asians are subjected to colonial beliefs and subsequent labelling, resulting in damaged

mental health. As a result, this study sheds light on the importance of recognizing the adversities

that intersectional individuals experience and how it relates to their behaviour.

Additionally, this research study will help to address the current gap in research in the

context of South Asian criminality. A vast majority of criminological literature that addresses

South Asian crimes are situated within the context of gangs. Although gang membership is

prominent within the South Asian community (Gordon, 2000), it is important to acknowledge

how unique mechanisms that are bypassed in research, such as racism, increase the likelihood for

South Asians to engage in group offending. Empirical research that investigates the relationship

between the adversities that South Asians face and their subsequent involvement in group
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offending is limited. Therefore, this study is significant as it explores an underdeveloped

research topic and aims to recognize the impact of racism on group offending.

Finally, the main research question that is being examined in this study is framed as: How

does racism influence group offending among South Asian adolescents? This study aims to

establish a relationship between the racial adversities that South Asian adolescents experience

and their subsequent involvement in group offending. By investigating a potential linkage

between racism and offending, social programs can be implemented to both protect and support

ethnic students who experience racial mistreatment. This also highlights the concept of relative

deprivation in which comparisons to other groups lead people into believing that they do not

have what they deserve; this ultimately exacerbates feelings of anger and resentment (Smith et

al., 2012). Given that South Asian adolescents in school are subjected to the detriments of

structural violence, it is evident that they experience relative deprivation when they observe the

conditions of those who are racially privileged. As a result, the study not only aims to examine

the general relationship between racism and offending, but it also considers the unique risk

factors for South Asian adolescents.

Literature Review

The Immigrant Experience and Social Exclusion

Samuel’s (2004) study explored how racism in peer-group interactions negatively

impacts the lives of South Asian university students. It was emphasized that South Asian

immigrants were likely to experience feelings of invisibility within the school context (Samuel,

2004). This worsens feelings of alienation and isolation, especially when White peers actively

exclude ethnic students (Samuel, 2004). Samuel (2004) also highlighted how differential

treatment is evident in predominantly White universities and has direct impacts on academic
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performance. South Asian students often reported how racial harassment on campus not only

damaged their self-perception, but it also contributed to a hostile learning environment (Samuel,

2004). The sample consisted of South Asian men and women who were either immigrants or

children of immigrant parents from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka (Samuel, 2004).

The major findings of this study included participants’ doubts about status and abilities; repeated

experiences of minimization, silencing, exclusion, and segregation; being the only student of

colour in certain spaces; and intangible, vicarious feelings of visibility/invisibility (Samuel,

2004). In general, Samuel’s (2004) findings suggested that although attainment of higher

education is associated with lower levels of deviance, the discriminatory conditions they are

exposed to creates an opportunity for negative reactions.

Siddiqui (2022) developed an American study that expanded on the discussion of social

exclusion and well-being. Siddiqui (2022) conducted a study in Texas to investigate the

relationship between acculturative stress, anti-Asian racism, and mental health (p. 1). The study

utilized a survey method and drew from a sample of 200 South Asians within Texas (Siddiqui,

2022). The findings of the study demonstrated that racism against South Asians was strongly

correlated with high levels of anxiety-related and depressive symptoms (Siddiqui, 2022). As

South Asians attempt to adopt values of the “dominant” culture, they begin to experience stress

and anxiety derived from their inability to be accepted by peers and adapt to a new environment

(Siddiqui, 2022). As a result, it is evident that South Asian immigrants struggle with contrasting

values and ways of life which damages the process of identity creation (Siddiqui, 2022). This is

especially concerning for South Asian immigrants in school who must navigate through an

unwelcoming social space while simultaneously constructing a sense of self. Siddiqui (2022)

emphasized that some South Asians may be viewed as the “model minority” group but they are
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still subjected to mistreatment due to being hyper-visible targets. This concept of

visibility/invisibility was also found in Samuel’s (2004) study in which some respondents

reported intangible experiences of racism that may not have been overt, making it difficult to

communicate their mistreatment in words. Further, the dichotomy of visibility and invisibility

has strong impacts on South Asians; their highly visible nature contributes to their experiences of

social exclusion and ultimately contribute to feelings of invisibility. These discussions will aid in

the current research study by highlighting not only the prevalence of racism against South

Asians, but also establishing a relationship between social exclusion and deviant behaviour.

Comparatively, Daga and Raval (2018) investigated the model minority myth in relation

to South Asians in the US. South Asians are a unique ethnic group who are largely invisible in

psychological research (Daga & Raval, 2018). In their examination of the model minority myth,

it was highlighted that many Americans believe that South Asians are a model minority given

their academic and employment success (Daga & Raval, 2018). The findings of their study

demonstrated that South Asians accepted their characterization as a model minority but also

considered it unfair (Daga & Raval, 2018). The findings respond to Siddiqui’s (2022) discussion

of the model minority myth by expanding on the perceptions of South Asians in competitive

spaces. Despite South Asians being considered successful in these social spaces, respondents

noted they continued to face extreme levels of racism and discrimination (Daga & Raval, 2018).

This is particularly problematic for South Asian students who are not academically inclined

because it not only places performance pressure on them, but it can also impact the way their

educators perceive them. As a result, this study helps to inform the current research by

highlighting the stressors that South Asians are uniquely subjected to.
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Ridicule and Othering

Mulvey et al. (2016) analyzed inappropriate race-based humour and bystander

intervention in a high school. It was noted that humour plays a significant role in creating

positive affect and social bonds (Mulvey et al., 2016). The method utilized in the study was an

experiment where participants were exposed to race-based jokes told by a group member and

they were asked to rate the acceptability of the act (Mulvey et al., 2016). The sample consisted of

mainly European-American students between eighth and tenth grade (Mulvey et al., 2016). The

findings suggested that although some peers did not support race-based humour, they also did

not expect high rates of intervention from their peers knowing the threat of social exclusion

(Mulvey et al., 2016). Typically, older adolescents were more likely to accept race-based humour

compared to younger adolescents (Mulvey et al., 2016). Additionally, peers who did not

intervene were more likely to experience exclusion (Mulvey et al., 2016).

As the study emphasized, humour is usually a positive process that reinforces social

bonds; however, when an individual challenges an unacceptable joke, they are subjected to social

exclusion (Mulvey et al., 2016). To add, it demonstrates how race can be used in a

discriminatory way to assert power dynamics. This also alludes to the idea that a lack of

intervention allows for racist and discriminatory behaviours to persist. This contributes to the

victim’s frustration which may escalate into dangerous behaviours against the oppressors. Those

who did oppose the discriminatory jokes were adolescents who were less aware or less sensitive

to group norms which emphasizes how those who are less “valued” in the group are more likely

to intervene. Due to the interveners having less value within the group, the intervention will have

little impact on the oppressor’s conduct. The current study will aim to address the lack of support

that South Asian youth have and how this may contribute to retaliatory collective action.
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Kornienko et al. (2022) also emphasized how teasing and gaslighting is used amongst

peers to avoid being held accountable for interpersonal racism. The study illustrated how peers

play an imperative role in the perpetration, mitigation, and amplification of interpersonal racism

(Kornienko et al., 2022). Kornienko et al. (2022) highlighted how interpersonal racism

influences group dynamics, specifically influencing peer group segregation, racial hierarchy

structure, and norms. The framework used in the study combined various peer relationship

models to understand how interpersonal racism is entrenched in peer relationships (Kornienko et

al., 2022). The findings of the study suggested that various forms of racism contributed to the

emergence of microaggressions, segregation, and power hierarchies (Kornienko et al., 2022). To

add, it was found that gaslighting was frequently used to absolve the oppressor of their

wrongdoings (Kornienko et al., 2022).

This research is significant in relation to the current study given that it highlights

different forms of racism and discriminatory behaviours that are present in peer relationships.

These forms include overt racism, harassment, teasing, gaslighting, bullying, rejection, and

exclusion (Kornienko et al., 2022). Each of these forms of discriminatory behaviour contribute to

feelings of isolation and disappointment. For example, Kornienko et al. (2022) emphasized the

prevalence of racial discrimination and microaggressions against students of colour. Specifically,

microaggressions arise in situations where an individual implicitly treats another person in a

discriminatory way but uses gaslighting to minimize the impacts of their actions. As a result,

students of colour expect their peers to have mutual concern, care, and come to their aid when

necessary (Kornienko et al., 2022). This directly relates to Mulvey et al.’s (2016) discussion of

the lack of intervention in the context of race-based jokes. When ethnic adolescents experience

microaggressions, they are typically subjected to gaslighting when the oppressor is confronted.
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Due to a fear of social exclusion which prevents peers from intervening, adolescents are left to

fend for themselves or internalize the racism they experience. As stated previously, the study

does not make a linkage between these adversities and subsequent negative reactions. As a result,

the current study will aim to fill this gap and explore the outcomes of racist experiences.

Ethnic Homophily and Protection

Benner and Wang (2017) analyzed the role of race in adolescent friendships, specifically

how differential treatment by peers and educators were linked to well-being and academics. The

study used peer network data from a sample of 252 eighth grade Latino, African American,

Asian American, and White students (Benner & Wang, 2017). The findings of the study

suggested that cross-ethnic friendships served as a protective role for ethnic youth. It was also

found that discrimination committed by an educator was linked to academic difficulty whereas

discrimination committed by a peer was linked to damaged socioemotional well-being (Benner

& Wang, 2017). Based on Benner and Wang’s (2017) study, it is evident that both educators and

peers play a significant role in the lives of school-aged adolescents. The study demonstrates that

peers truly matter given that they have the ability to make each other feel protected from

adversities through their friendships. If an educator is mistreating a student, the student will still

be able to confide in their peers for protection. However, if both the educator and peer mistreat

an individual based on race, it may contribute to ethnic homophily in a negative way which

increases the likelihood of retaliatory collective action. As a result, this study emphasizes the

importance of cross-ethnic friendships, especially for ethnic students who are at risk of

differential treatment. However, this study did not include South Asian students which highlights

the current study’s aim to diversify research and provide a South Asian perspective.
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Connolly (2000) discussed a similar phenomenon in a study examining the impact of peer

socialization for young South Asian girls and how racism manifests within peer and teacher

interactions. The data collection strategy consisted of unstructured group interviews with female

students in elementary school (Connolly, 2000). One of the major findings of the study was that

South Asian girls were perceived as inferior by peers and educators (Connolly, 2000). Connolly

(2000) identified a system of feminine capital that was constructed by White peers through

imagined heterosexual relationships. White peers then linked race to South Asian girls’ inability

to attract boys which would damage their feminine capital and the way peers perceived South

Asian girls (Connolly, 2000). To add, it was found that teachers would reinforce negative

stereotypes of South Asian girls in a patronizing manner (Connolly, 2000). Although not

emphasized within the study, the findings imply the intersecting influences of peer and educator

socialization. When educators treat South Asian students in a patronizing manner, it not only

reinforces negative stereotypes of inferiority, but it teaches South Asian girls that they are

unprotected by their White peers and educators. Relating to the previous study, students who are

racially mistreated by their peers may be more likely to engage in ethnic homophily. However,

this study may also demonstrate that the proportion of South Asian girls involved in group

offending will be lower due to internalizing feelings of inferiority. As a result, ethnic homophily

occurring under negative and discriminatory circumstances may exacerbate the potential for

deviant group behaviour, especially amongst South Asian boys.

Data and Methods

Data Selection

The data of this study will be collected from a sample of 200 South Asian high school

students aged between 13 and 18 years old. The students will also be selected from a high school
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that is based in British Columbia. The data collection strategy will consist of an unstructured

interview process that will ask a range of open-ended, close-ended, and scalable questions. The

importance of choosing high school aged adolescents is because students are highly susceptible

to bullying and ridicule in school (Mucherah et al., 2018). Additionally, they are at a stage in

their life where they understand and internalize the impacts of racism and potentially use it to

rationalize their deviant behaviour against their oppressor. To add, the unstructured interview

will consist of leading questions that will ask if the participant has experienced racism in school

before, who committed it, and how it may have linked to their subsequent behaviour. The scaled

questions will ask the respondent to rate how severe their discriminatory experience was on a

scale from 1 to 10. The purpose of using an unstructured interview process is to not only gain as

much raw information from the student as possible, but it also provides the student with an outlet

to express their personal experiences of mistreatment.

Variables

The independent variable in this study is racism and/or racist experiences. This will be

measured through the direct response of the participant and the description of their experience.

The leading question to determine whether a student had experienced racism is framed as a

close-ended question: Have you experienced racism in school? This will be followed up by the

scaled question of severity to determine the degree to which the student felt impacted by the

discriminatory treatment. Comparatively, the dependent variable of this study is group-based

offending. This will be measured by a follow up question that will ask if the student acted in a

retaliatory manner against their oppressor as a result of the racism they experienced. The types of

group-based behaviours that will be sought out in this study is revenge seeking behaviour,

vandalism, fighting, threats, and cyberbullying.

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Limitations

One of the major limitations of the methodology is relying on self-reported data. Students

may not admit to engaging in group delinquency in order to protect themselves or others

involved. Additionally, it may be difficult to determine causality given that the questions in the

interview will be asking if a peer or educator treated them in a discriminatory manner. More

specifically, it will be difficult to determine whether the educator or peer had a greater influence

on the respondent’s behaviour. The influences of the educator and the peer can be overlapping

which may make it difficult for the participant to distinguish which one had a greater impact.

Finally, the age pool of the sample may be limited considering that middle school students might

experience more frequent mistreatment by their educator due to a lack of repercussions. For

example, Connolly (2000) discussed how educators abuse their power and reinforce negative

racial stereotypes of South Asian girls which dictates how peers perceive them. This emphasizes

how future research should consider how educators play a role in impacting younger South Asian

students’ involvement in deviant behaviour.

Implications for Theory and Policy

The findings of this study will help to develop a multitude of programs directed towards

ethnic youth. Firstly, this study will help to advocate for cultural sensitivity training for

educators. As Connolly (2000) highlighted, educators are strong socializing agents for

adolescents and tend to reinforce racial stereotypes. As a result, peers observe the behaviour and

replicate it which can be dangerous for ethnic youth. Therefore, it is important to make educators

aware of their conduct and to hold them accountable for their treatment towards ethnic students.

Secondly, the findings can help to push for more accessible mental health resources for school-

aged adolescents. Many ethnic youths may have unstable bonds with their parents, or their
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parents may be absent from home which prevents the child from approaching a family member

about their adversities (Maker et al., 2005). At the same time, if a student is also experiencing

discrimination at the hands of an educator, they have very limited guardians they can speak to

about their adverse school experiences. Therefore, having a more proximate resource will help to

address the youth’s concern with a sense of urgency and prevent them from internalizing

negative feelings.

Thirdly, the findings of this study can help to push for enhancements in district school

boards. When the school board receives a complaint about a peer or an educator, the matter

needs to be taken seriously so that students can feel supported by the system. Further, the student

will feel better protected which is especially important for ethnic students who are in need of a

social safety net. Fourthly, this study would push for greater funding for after school programs

for at-risk youth. As referenced in gang research, after school programs have been noted as some

of the most successful programs for vulnerable youth. Therefore, funding after school programs

that have been notably successful can be especially impactful for ethnic youth. Finally, this

research topic expands on the understandings of labelling theory. Bernburg et al. (2006)

discussed how deviant groups confide in one another because it provides a “social shelter” from

negative reactions. Given the topic of this study, if a label is racist, deviant peers will not only

confide in each other for protection, but they will also take collective action to alleviate the

negative impacts of the label. Therefore, it is important to not only acknowledge the negative

impacts of racist labels, but it also is significant to address how race, labels, and group offending

intersect with one another.

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