I.

Introduction
Kapampangan pertains to people who communicate using the Kapampangan language or
reside in the province of Pampanga. The province's name is derived from the term "pangpang" or
"pangpangan," which refers to a riverbank. Pampango is the Spanish rendition of the term
"Pampanga." Nevertheless, Pampanga is predominantly agrarian, and the significant
transformations taking place in Kapampangan society can be attributed to the alterations in the
agricultural framework.1
Some historians moreover contend that during the periods of Spanish, American, and
Japanese colonization, Kapampangans were instrumental in the fight for independence and
reforms. Kapampangans take great pride in their heritage and language, which serves as the
foundation of their identity. Despite being devastated by the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991,
the Province of Pampanga is currently recognized as one of the rapidly developing provinces in
the Philippines.
The Kapampangans' resilience and traditions facilitated their fast recovery from the
catastrophic consequences of natural disasters, allowing them to resume their normal way of life.
It well-known that most Kapampangans are Christians, predominantly Roman Catholics and it is
well acknowledged that they demonstrate a deep commitment to their religious convictions,
although it is important to clarify that this does not necessarily indicate a great tendency towards
spirituality. Moreover, it is important to acknowledge also that the religious devotion and faith of
Kapampangans have played a significant role in helping them overcome the various difficulties
they have faced.2
Having stated that, it is crucial to investigate how the Divine is understood by
Kapampangans and how this affects their entire way of life. The aim of this endeavor aids in
rediscovering theology from the Kapampangan perspective. Investigating the potential for
Kapampangan theology and, if it exists, expanding upon it is the aim of this study.
II. Using Stephen Bevans’s Translation Model of Contextual Theology
In his work "Models of Contextual Theology," Stephen B. Bevans argues that the cultural
and historical context in which Christian theology develops has a significant impact on its
formation. The book presents six important varieties of contextual theology, which include five
unique frameworks: translation, anthropological, praxis, synthetic, and transcendental. The
revision and expansion of the existing models in 2002 incorporated a new model, referred to as
the countercultural model.3
Among the models presented, one can use the translation model to explore the possibility
of Kapampangan theology. To define it, translation model is the most conservative of the models.
The goal is to use the images and metaphors of the host culture to explain the gospel. Essentially,
one translates theology using the functional or dynamic equivalence method. In other words,
there is a message that is independent of any context and the primary task of theology is to

1
Edna M. Manlapaz, ed. CCP Encyclopedia of Philippine Art Digital Edition (Quezon City: University of the
Philippines Diliman, 1994), 6-78.
2
Jessie D. Manapsal and Mark Joseph Layug. “Kapampangan People and Their Language: A Case Study.” Journal
of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 1(2): 36-40, DOI: 10.32996/jhsss
3
Stephen B. Bevans, Models of Contextual Theology (New York: Orbis Books, 2002).
translate that message into specific contexts.4 In this case, there is a content to Christianity that is
independent of context and must, by all means, be preserved. Having this message, how can this
be translated in the understanding and faith of the Kapampangan people? How will the essence
of Christianity and Gospel message be put in the Kapampangan context?
In order to achieve this objective, it is crucial to examine the pre-Christian Kapampangan
society and see how the faith of the Kapampangans was expressed throughout ancient times.
Prior to the colonization era, it is crucial to thoroughly examine the culture in order to gain a
profound comprehension of the contemporary faith experience of the Kapampangan people.
Therefore, this aims to facilitate the emergence of a renewed Kapampangan Christian Theology
where the Gospel message is better translated in Kapampangan’s context.
III. Nû: The Universal (Ancient Kapampangan Theology)
Prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, the Kapampangans held a belief in a universal force
referred to as Nû. This force pervades and maintains all entities. It is produced by them, yet it is
also autonomous from them. It is both inherent and surpassing. Ancient life and culture have
undergone significant development as a result of their close association with this powerful
influence. In Kapampangan culture, it is referred to deities and ancestor spirits as "nunû," which
translates to "micro force," while the individuals who established communities were known as
"punû," meaning "source of nû." In ancient Kapampangan civilization, the old were highly
revered due to their imminent transformation into gods, as they were on the verge of merging
with Nû and attaining the status of nunû.5
The nunû were distinct from the duendes, contrary to the misconception propagated by
the Spaniards. The nunû were the Kapampangan ancestors, encompassing their fathers, mothers,
grandparents, and great-grandparents, who had transcended to merge with the cosmic energy, so
attaining divinity. The ancient burials were situated on the western section of the rice field, which
is commonly referred to as minangun. Their tombs, known as pungsû, were designed in the form
of miniature mountains, resembling the revered Alaya mountain. Currently, termite mounds are
sometimes misidentified as pungsû and are both shunned and dreaded due to their association
with the home place of the duende.6
Moreoever, the Kapampangan genesis lacks any sort of creation. Every form of life is
originated from divine beings. Every kind of life is interconnected. According to oral tradition,
the first Kapampangan, Munag Sumalâ, also known as The Dawn, originated from the marriage
of the Sun God Bápû Arîng Sinukuan and our Earth Mother, who is represented by the colossal
crocodile deity of the mighty river, Indûng Tibuan.7
The ancients held Munag Sumalâ in such high esteem that the early missionaries opted to
convert her to Christianity and rename her Maria in order to attract more followers to the new
faith. The Spaniards reestablished Bápûng Munag Sumalâ as Mariang Sinukuan, using her
father's name as her surname. A parallel was made between the act of delivering communion by

4
Ibid.
5
“Kapampangan Spirituality,” Kapampangan Nation: Essays on Kapampangan Philosophy and Nationalism (blog).
August 28, 2006, https://siuala.wordpress.com/2006/08/29/kapampangan-spirituality/.
6
Ibid.
7
Ibid.
the priests and the figure of Bápûng Tálâ, the deity who rescued the Kapampangans from floods
by instructing them on rice cultivation.8
Having said these, the ancient Kapampangan theology is rooted on great reverence to
their ancestors as they consider them gods and in the cosmic force that unites all life. In this
reality, early Christian missionaries found way to translate the Christian message into
Kapampangan culture and context.
IV. On Translation Model: Some Pre-historic Kapampangan Pagan Elements in
Modern-day Catholic prayers and rituals
Prior to the Second Vatican Council, during the reign of Pope Pius XII, the
Kapampangans recited the phrase "Hallowed be thy name" in their native language as "Pasamba
mu ing lagyu mu" and the phrase "Thy will be done" as "Papamintu mu ing lub mu." Following
Vatican II, starting with Pope John XXIII, Kapampangans modified the two verses to now state
"Misamban ya ing lagyu mu" and "Mipamintuan ing lub mu." The traditional pasamba and
papamintu phrases signify "Our Father, you are instructing us to sanctify your name" and "You
are instructing us to fulfill your desires," respectively. The contemporary terms "misamban" and
"mipamintuan" refer to the phrases "Our Father, we desire that your name be hallowed" and "We
desire that your will be done," respectively.
These two methods of connecting with Yahweh align with the two Kapampangan
concepts elucidated by Fray Bergaño. The standpoint of "you-command-us" aligns with the
concept of "ginu" which refers to a person who holds authority or control. The concept of the we
desire worldview aligns with the idea of apu, which refers to a parent, grandmother, or ancestor.9
In the eighteenth century and likely even earlier, children in the Kapampangan society
referred to their parents as "apo," a term that conveyed both respect and affection. The term had a
positive meaning, therefore when a Spanish priest walked by, the parents instructed their children
to say "Apo, apo" in order to avoid scaring them.
The people of Pampanga experienced a profound sense of love and unwavering devotion
towards their ancestors (apu, nunu). This sentiment was so powerful that they believed their
ancestors were still present in their hearts. Despite the absence of their physical forms, their
spirits, referred to as anitos, remained present. They demonstrated their profound dedication by
performing a rite called maganíto or manganíto, in which they presented offerings, such as food,
to them.
Furthermore, the term "Bapu" used in the Catholic hymns "Bapu Maria, mipmu ka king
grasya" ("Hail Mary, full of grace") and "Bapu Ari, indung mapangalulu" ("Hail Holy Queen,
mother of mercy") is a fusion of two Kapampangan words, ABA ("hail") and APU ("an elderly,
esteemed individual"). The term "bapu" does not originate from the Sanskrit word for "father,"
but rather from the Mandarin term "PO," meaning "old person," with the addition of the prefix
"A" (used to denote respect for a person, comparable to the Japanese "SAN" as in "papa-san").
The origins of our terms of respect, PO and OPO, can be traced back to the Mandarin word.
The term "Ari" in "Bapu Ari" initially denoted the "sun." However, with the arrival of the
Spaniards, unfamiliar concepts such as "king" and "queen" were introduced to the
8
Ibid.
9
Fr. Edilberto V. Santos, “Ancient Kapampangan Theology,” Singsing Magazine Vol.4 No.2 (June 2010): 49-50.
Kapampangans. Consequently, our ancestors adopted the term "ari" to symbolize the sun,
associating it with a divine entity possessing authority over humans. This association is evident
in the statement made by Macabebe chieftain Bambalito (Tarik Soliman) in 1571, expressing his
refusal to befriend the Castilians by saying, "May the sun cut my body in half... if I ever befriend
these Castilians!" The Kapampangans recently modified the name "Bapu Ari" to "Bapu Reyna,"
maybe during the 1960s.10
Through these examples, the early Christian missionaries, particularly the Spaniards,
attempted to deeply explore the culture of the Kapampangans. Realizing the Kapampangans’
deep connection and reverence to their ancestors, they used this to make their message come
across to them. Thus, by making the Father, Christ, the Blessed Virgin, and the saints as
Kapampangans’own “Apu” and “Nunu”, the early Christian missionaries were successful on
contextualizing and translating Christianity to Kapampangans.
V. Conclusion
Before the arrival of Christianity in Pampanga, the Kapampangan people held a belief in
the divine, which they referred to as "Nû." This concept represented a universal force that
interconnected all forms of life in the earth. Furthermore, the ancient Kapampangans held the
belief that at their death, they would merge with the omnipotent cosmic energy. For them,
therefore, the souls of their ancestors and deities were the "nunû." Their ancestors ascend to the
status of gods. The ancient Kapampangan belief exemplifies the profound veneration that
Kapampangans hold for their ancestors, family, and community.
The early Christian missionaries in Pampanga knows this deep-rooted culture that
permeates Kapampangan’s way of life and their way of understanding the Divine. These
missionaries used this to translate Christianity into Kapampangan’s own culture. Through time,
Kapampangans were able to embrace the Gospel message and able to incorporate Christianity in
their own culture. The Kapampangans today express their deep devotion to Jesus Christ, the
Blessed Virgin, and the saints. They even call Jesus as “Apu” and Mary as “Indu”. This reality
expresses the Kapampangans’ deep connection to them as their ancestors.
Contemporary Kapampangan Christian theology portrays God as a revered ancestor who
provides guidance to everyone and unites them as a single family. Kapampangan theology
portrays the Church as a family. At its core, Kapampangan theology is ecclesiological.
Kapampangans’ understanding of the Divine is that of familial connection that ensures that
everyone in the family or in the Church will become holy.
Thus, in future research on Kapampangan theology, it would be beneficial to delve more
deeply into its ecclesiology, Christology, and soteriology.

10
Ibid.
 Works Cited

Bevans, Stephen B. 2002. Models of Contextual Theology. New york: Orbis Books.
2006. Kapampangan Nation: Essays on Kapampangan Philosophy and Nationalism (blog). .
August 28. Accessed December 3, 2023.
https://siuala.wordpress.com/2006/08/29/kapampangan-spirituality/.
Manapsal, Jessie D., and Mark Joseph Layug. 2022. "Kapampangan People and Their Language:
A Case Study ." ournal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 36-40.
Manlapaz, Edna L. 1994. "Kapampangan." CCP Encyclopedia of Philippine Art Digital Edition
6-78.
Santos, Fr. Edilberto V. 2010. "Ancient Kapampangan Theology." Singsing Magazine, June: 49-
50.
 Mother of Good Counsel SeminaryGraduate
School of Theology City of San Fernando,
Pampanga

Exploring the Possibility of Kapampangan Theology:

Applying Stephen Bevans' Translation Model of Contextual
Theology

Basilio, Kenneth D.
Theology IV
Theological Currents