Review

Reviewed Work(s): Legends of People, Myths of State: Violence, Intolerance, and

Political Culture in Sri Lanka and Australia by Bruce Kapferer
Review by: Michael D. Woost
Source: American Ethnologist , Nov., 1994, Vol. 21, No. 4 (Nov., 1994), pp. 912-914
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/646862

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important
importantdebates
debates in agrarian
in agrarian
history.
history.
Students
Students
of on
onofthe
the basis
basisof ofthe
thelocalness
localnessofofmobilization,
mobilization, that
that
agrarian
agrariansocieties
societies cancanprofit
profit
fromfromhis discussions
his discussions
strata
strata or
or class
classissues
issueswere
werenot
notrelevant,
relevant,is simply
is simply
notnot
whether
whetheroror not
nottheytheyshare
share
his major
his major
premise.premise.
Ma- Ma-
warranted.
warranted.ItItisisanalogous
analogous toto
claiming
claiming that
that
because
because
gagna's
gagna'sconcept
concept of of
"property"
"property"is supple
is supple
and sophis- autonomous
autonomousworker
and sophis- workerseizures
seizuresofofindustrial
industrialenter-
enter-
ticated.
ticated.HeHerealizes
realizesthatthat
property
property
is a social
is a relation
social relation
prises
prises occurred
occurredin inMoscow
Moscow and
and Petrograd
Petrograd in 1917
in 1917
and
and that
thatformal
formal titles
titles
and and
administrative
administrative
categories
categories
without
without prior
priorBolshevik
Bolshevikcoordination,
coordination, only
only
local
local
may
maybearbearanan
indifferent
indifferent relationship
relationship
to thetoactual
the actual
factory
factory issues
issues(rather
(ratherthan
thanworking
working class
class
issues)
issues)
were
were
distribution
distribution ofof
access,
access,
use,use,
and entitlement
and entitlement
to fields,
to fields,
behind
behind the
therevolts.
revolts.The
Thefact
factis is
that
that
thethe
spread
spread
of the
of the
forests,
forests,andandstreams.
streams.He restores
He restores
a valuable
a valuable
politicalpolitical
agrarian
agrarian uprising
uprisingMagagna
Magagna examines,
examines, like
like
thethe
move-
move-
dimension
dimensiontoto thethe
concept
concept
of property
of property
and toand
the to ment
the to
ment to form
formworkers'
workers'soviets
sovietsin in
1905
1905
andand191191
7, 7,
concept
conceptofof"revolt"
"revolt"
as well.
as well.
A threat
A threat
to a commu-
to a commu-
depended
depended ininaasignificant
significantway
way onon a parallelism
a parallelismof of
nity's
nity'srelative
relative
autonomy,
autonomy,he insists,
he insists,
can becan
as explo- class
class (or
be as explo- (or if
ifhe
heprefers,
prefers,"strata")
"strata")
interests.
interests.
Serfdom,
Serfdom,
sive
sive asasa amaterial
material threat
threat
to its
tomeans
its means
of subsistence.
of subsistence.
feudal
feudal dues,
dues,salt
salttaxes,
taxes,restrictions
restrictionsonon
forest
forest
use,use,
andand
In
In defending
defending thetheimportance
importanceof local
of solidarity
local solidarity
in in
death
death taxes
taxeswere
werenotnotjust
just
local
localissues;
issues;
they
theywerewere
rural
ruralrevolt,
revolt, hehemakes
makesa strong
a strong
case against
case against
those those
grievances
grievances that
thatwere
wereshared
sharedacross
across vilvil
lage,
lage,
andand
eveneven
who
whowould
would seesee
thethe"community"
"community" as nothing
as nothing
more more kingdom,
kingdom, boundaries.
boundaries.How How else
elseareare
weweto to
under-
under-
than
thanthethecreation
creation of state
of state
systems
systems
and taxand
regimes. stand
stand the
tax regimes. the enormous
enormousappeal
appealofof thethe
Twelve
Twelve Articles
Articles
Finally,
Finally,Magagna
Magagna shows
showshow,how,
through
through
what hewhat
callshe calls
penned
penned in in 1525?
1525?How
Howalsoalso
arearewewe to to
explain
explainmil-
mil-
"reciprocal
"reciprocalhierarchies"
hierarchies" (of which
(of which
patron-client
patron-client
re- re-
lennial
lennial appeals
appealsand
andegalitarian
egalitarian interpretation
interpretation of the
of the
lations
lationswould
would be be
a subspecies),
a subspecies),
a community
a community
that is that is
Gospels
Gospels that
thatcould
couldbebefound
found across
acrossmuch
much of of
Europe
Europe
sharply
sharplystratified
stratified in class
in class
termsterms
can still
canactstill
collec-
act collec-
at
at that
that time?
time?These
Theseelaborate
elaborate ideas
ideas
maymaynotnot
satisfy
satisfy
tively
tivelyagainst
againstoutside
outside
threats.
threats. Magagna's
Magagna's criteria
criteriaof
ofmodern
modern revolutionary
revolutionarythought,
thought,
The
The overall
overallargument,
argument,however,
however,
is, as is,
nearasasnear but
but there
I canas I can there isisno
nodoubt
doubtthatthat
they
they
were
werethethe
available
available
tell,
tell,mistaken-and
mistaken-and where
where
not mistaken
not mistaken tautologi-
tautologi-
mode
mode ofof revolutionary
revolutionarythought
thoughtat at
the
the
time.
time.
This
This
is is
cal.
cal. Magagna
Magagna first
firstestablishes
establishes
in eachin case
eachthat
case that
not
not to
to claim
claimthat
thatlocal
localissues
issues
were
werenotnot
important
importantor or
"communities"
"communities" exist.
exist.
Since
Since
this this
involves
involves that
that reformist
merelymerely reformistand
anddeferential
deferentialdemands
demands
were
were
notnot
showing
showingthat
thatpeasant
peasant
vi I vi
lagers
I lagers
(two words
(two words
he avoids)
he avoids)
common.
common. Rather,
Rather,ititisistoto
insist
insist
that
that
many
many
of of
thethe
ideas
ideas
exercise
exercisesome
some joint
joint
control
control
over over
land use
landand
usesocial carried
carried by
and social by even
evenprecapitalist
precapitalist agrarian
agrarianmovements
movements
conduct,
conduct,regulate-to
regulate-to somesome
extent-consumption,
extent-consumption, had
had aa meaning
meaningthat
thattranscended
transcended locality
locality
precisely
precisely
and
and have
havea ahistorical
historical
consciousness
consciousness
of "place,"
of "place,"
it is itbecause
because
is they
theytouched
touchedon onthethe
common
common burdens
burdens of of
not
not hard
hardtotodemonstrate.
demonstrate. Having
Having
done this,
donehethis, serfdom,
serfdom, of
pro-he pro- ofwhich
whichthethelocal
local
manor
manorwaswas
a variant.
a variant.
ceeds
ceedstotoshow
showthat
that
most
most
of the
of violence
the violence
of the of
revolts
the revolts
Magagna
Magagna is
iscertainly
certainlycorrect
correcttoto
point
point
to to
thethe
impor-
impor-
he
he examines
examineswas
was
organized
organized
at the
at level
the of
level
the of
local- tance
tance of
the local- of community
communityinterests,
interests,
but
but
not
not
in in
such
such
a a
ity
ity (whether
(whethervillage,
village,
manor,
manor,
or parish);
or parish);
that there there monochromatic
thatwas monochromatic
was way.
way.HisHissingleness
singleness
of of
purpose
purpose
no
no "national"
"national"peasant
peasant"class"
"class"
solidarity
solidarity
or action; leads
leads to
or action; to some
someof
ofthe
thesame
same"woodenness"
"woodenness"of of
argu-
argu-
and
and that
thatthe
thedemands
demandsand and
claimsclaims
of theofrebels
the rebels
were were ment
ment onon behalf
behalfofof"commun
"commun ity"
ity"
of of
which
which
he he
accuses
accuses
not
not "revolutionary"
"revolutionary" in the
in the
20th-century
20th-century
sense of
sense "class"
"class" theorists.
that of that theorists.This
Thisisisregrettable,
regrettable, because
becauseother-
other-
term.
term.On Onthis
thisbasis,
basis,
he then
he then
concludes
concludes
that allthat wise
wise Magagna
talk all talk Magagnacould
couldhave
haveturned
turned hishis
considerable
considerable
of
of "peasants"
"peasants" and
and
"class"
"class"
is idle
is chatter.
idle chatter.
All theAll the learning
learning and
andanalytical
analyticalgifts
giftstoto
understanding
understanding thethe
revolts
revoltsare,
are,
it it
follows,
follows,
revolts
revolts of "community." particular
of "community." particular amalgam
amalgamofofcommunity
community andand
class
class
issues
issues
The
The model
modelofof "peasant
"peasantclassclass
action,"
action,"
whichwhich
Ma- that
that animated
Ma- animateddifferent
differentrebellions.
rebellions.WeWeknow
know from
from
gagna
gagnaeffectively
effectivelydemolishes,
demolishes,
is a classic
is a classic industrial
industrial research,
"straw "straw research,for
forexample,
example,
that
that
mono-class
mono-class
man"
man"who
whoyields
yields
without
without
striking
striking
a blow.a blow. communities
communities(such
Thus, Thus, (suchasasminers
minerswho
whowork
work
at danger-
at danger-
Magagna
Magagnademonstrates
demonstrates thatthatduring
during
Kett's Kett's
Rebellion ous
ous jobs
Rebellion jobs requiring
requiringclose
closecooperation)
cooperation) often
often exhibit
exhibit
in
in 1549(!)
1549(!)"Kett
"Kett diddidnotnot
lead lead
a vanguard
a vanguard
party that
party thata militance
militancethatthatsprings
springsfrom
from thetheway wayin in
which
whichclassclass
controlled
controlledallall thetheaction
action
from from
a common
a common
center"center"
(p. reinforces
reinforces
(p. community.
community.ItIt would
would have
have allowed
allowed Ma-Ma-
115)
115)andandthat
that"Kett's
"Kett's Rebellion
Rebellion
did not
didrepresent
not represent
a gagna
gagna
a to
to explain
explainhow
howdifferently
differently structured
structured commu-
commu-
class
classwarwarininrural
rural England"
England" (p. 118).
(p. 118).
Thus, Thus,
he dem- nities
nities were
he dem- werehistorically
historicallyconstituted
constituted andandchanged.
changed. It It
onstrates
onstratesthat thatin in
thethe"Peasant
"Peasant
War"War"
of 1525,
of "there would
would have
1525, "there haveallowed
allowedhim
himtoto explain
explain differential
differential par- par-
was
was no nonational
national 'peasant'
'peasant'association"
association"
(p. 76).(p.
Thus, ticipation
ticipation in
76). Thus, inrevolts
revoltswithin
within andandbetween
between villages.
villages.It It
he
he isispersuaded
persuaded thatthat
it isitimpossible
is impossible
to reduce
to reduce
"the would
would have
"the haveallowed
allowedhim
himtoto understand
understand thethestruc-
struc-
period
periodfromfrom 1917
1917 to 1920
to 1920[in the
[in Russian
the Russian
country- tures
tures and
country- and institutions
institutionsthat
that tietie
oneonelocality
localityto others.
to others.
side]
side]to toa amechanical
mechanical classclass
framework"
framework" (p. 215). Finally,
Finally, it
(p. 215). it would
wouldhave
haveallowed
allowed himhim to to
include
includein his
in his
Examples
Examplescould couldbe bemultiplied,
multiplied, but the
butpoint
the ispoint analysis
analysis the
that is that thepowerful
powerfuleffect
effect ofoflarger
largerreligious
religious andand
the
the position
positionheheis attacking
is attacking has had
hasnohad
defenders
no defenders
for secular
secular ideas
for ideason onpeasant
peasantcommunities.
communities.
some time now. With
With only
only oneonehand
handfree,
free, it it
is is
quite
quiteremarkable
remarkable
what
what Magagna
I believe that much of the overly schematic flailing Magagnahas hasaccomplished.
accomplished.Communities
Communities of of
could have been avoided if Magagna had distin- Grain
Grain is
is aa valuable,
valuable,synthetic
syntheticstudy
study
of of
great
great
sweep.
sweep.
If he
guished between the units of mobilization and prac- he had
had not,
not,unaccountably,
unaccountably, tied
tied
the
the
other
other
hand
hand
behind
behind his
tical action on the one hand, and the "ideas" carried his back,
back,there
thereisis
nono
telling
tellingwhat
what
he he
might
might
have
have accomplished.
by a revolt on the other. Of course, the unit of action accomplished.
in rural revolts before the 20th century was primarily
the community. The community remained the basic
site of social coordination, though it could be Legends
Legends
and of
ofPeople,
People,Myths
Myths ofofState:
State:
Violence,
Violence,
often was supplemented by extralocal links medi- Intolerance, and Political Culture in Sri Lanka
ated through markets, marriage alliances, pilgrim-and Australia. BRUCE KAPFERER. Smith-
sonian Series in Ethnographic Inquiry. WIL-
ages, taverns, and other outlets. To conclude, solely

912 american ethnologist

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LIAM L. MERRILL and IVAN KARP, series eds. that we can readily discern what this cosmology is
Washington, DC, and London: Smithsonian In- (he says it can be found in the public eye; p. 21) and
stitution Press, 1988. xv + 264 pp., photo- that it has a coherence (pp. 4, 80) that is readily
graphs, figures, notes, references, index. transparent. Thus, he argues that ontologies can be
discovered through "anthropological" analyses of
MICHAEL D. WOOST cosmology (although he seems unable to decide if
University of Peradeniya
this discovery entails "detection," "revelation," or
"interpretation") (pp. 21, 6). I would suggest that this
In this book, Kapferer is interested in under-
is a more problematic set of assumptions than Kap-
standing the cultural foundations of nationalist pas-
ferer allows. While on the one hand he says we
sions (pp. 20, 26, 216). He approaches this task
cannot assume that nationalism has a universal
through a "cultural" comparison of the differences
between Sri Lankan and Australian nationalist sen- logic, he is here rather quick to assert a monolithic
timents and the forms of intolerance and violence cosmology (with its attendant logic/reasoning/ontol-
ogy) in local contexts. This effectively obscures the
they inspire. In this way he hopes to explain, for
ongoing struggle over the construction of a nation-
instance, why ethnic violence in Sri Lanka, such as
occurred in July 1983, often displays what he callsalist "cosmology" that characterizes ideological
a "demonic fury," while in Australia it does not. practice in everyday life in places like Sri Lanka.
While I am uncomfortable with his unquestioned Within this struggle, I would argue, nationalism
use of the term "demonic," he does have a point.appears not as a coherent cosmology, but as discur-
While nationalism is surely a transnational phe- sive practices that are made to resonate with (as well
nomenon, we shou d not assume that all nationalist as override) many other discursive practices (related
passions are derived from the same cultural cloth. to community, gender, family, and so on) in the
Nevertheless, while I think Kapferer is asking someattempt to re-orient subjectivity and the object of
desire (in this case, the nation). To assert that this
of the right questions, unfortunately, the theoretical
apparatus that informs his answers tends to obscureplethora of activity can be summarized in a readily
more than it reveals. Let me explain. transparent cosmology is to engage in the same
First, Kapferer contends that the fundamental cul- kinds of exclusion that are attempted through na-
tural difference between the two nationalisms can tionalist discourses and further conceals the agent(s)
be located in their respective ontologies. He defines (including the anthropologist) responsible for giving
ontology as "the fundamental principles of being in the cosmology its coherence.
the world and the orientation of such being toward For example, Kapferer asserts that cosmologies
the horizons of its experience" (p. 79). With respect are "totalitarian" (p. 9); and that the "culture of
to the cases at hand, he adopts a revised Dumontian nationalism is a quite specific thing, highly con-
stance, arguing that Sinhala nationalism is fueled bystructed, often carefully planned and worked out"
an ontology of hierarchy, while Australian national-(p. 209). But the questions as to who does this
ism receives its emotive appeal from egalitarianism. planning, constructing, and systematizing-who
He claims not to be posing universal categories ofmakes it totalitarian-is not treated as a problem to
difference, maintaining instead that these ontologies be investigated. He sometimes refers to "national-
can be derived from a close analysis of the "cos-ists" (pp. 22, 7) as the perpetrators of this totalitari-
mologies" (pp. 6, 7, 19) of the two nationalisms. anism; but who are they, how do we recognize
Nationalist cosmologies are said to contain spe- them? In other places his nationalist subject is left
cific forms of cultural reasoning or logic that can be entirely unspoken: he argues that ideology is a proc-
gleaned from the cultural components of these cos- ess in which "the events of a lived social and politi-
mologies: the rituals, traditions, myths, and legendscal reality are selected to achieve their significance
that help make sense of daily experience. For Sin- in accordance with an ontology" (pp. 82, 211 ). Who
hala nationalism, this logic can be found in the does this selecting? Ideology? Nationalists?
practices and beliefs of sorcery, as well as in the This problem of agency crops up again when he
myths and legends of the Buddhist chronicle, the notes that there may be multiple ontologies, but that
Mahavamsa (utilized extensively in nationalist dis- certain ones take an overriding importance. Again,
course). For Australian nationalism, the ontology of how does an ontology become dominant? And if, as
egalitarianism is revealed in the logic of ritual drink- Kapferer claims, dominant ontologies are "in-
ing, the legend of Anzac, and other remembrances scribed" in ideology (p. 83), who carries out the
of war. In short, ontologies and their logic (it is never inscription? While he asserts that ontology only
clear if the two are one and the same) are "inscribed" attains force "when it is joined to the world of
in these worldly ideological activities and narratives. action" (p. 212), this only deepens the problem, for
And it is because these ideological componentswhere does this ontology hail from? In this scenario,
relate to these basic "taken-for-granted" notions ontology waits somewhere outside of history for
about being and person (that is, ontologies), that ideology's call to action, for ideology (or some other
they are able to rouse people's emotion and stir them disembodied subject) to "select" and give it meaning
into action, even brutally violent action (pp. 83, in the world.
116). This is a complex argument, one not made These are not idle questions in view of the fact that
easier by subtle shifts in the usage of key concepts Kapferer is keen to avoid idealist epithets. Unfortu-
like ontology, logic, and ideology. Yet most of my nately, his theoretical approach still leaves the
unease with this argument lies elsewhere. source of nationalist passions somewhere in the
As I have noted, Kapferer claims that ontology is clouds, another mind (culture) in search of a corpo-
derived from nationalist "cosmology." This assumes real body (society). On that account, within this

reviews 913

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conceptual
conceptual configuration,
configuration,solutions
solutions
to to
ethnic
ethnic
vio-
vio- are
are scheduled
scheduledwith
withpersonnel
personnelofofthe
the
social
social
service
service
lence remain as elusive as those clouds. agencies.
agencies. Here
Herethe
theeditor's
editor'scharacterization
characterization of of
thethe
multiplicity
multiplicity of oftimes
timesandandtheir
their
varying
varyingappropriate-
appropriate-
ness
ness in
in aa context
contextof ofthe
theinstitutionalization
institutionalizationof of
power
power
The Politics of Time. HENRY J. RUTZ, ed. is exemplified.
exemplified.
These
These essays
essays can
canbeberead
readwith
withprofit,
profit,butbut
they
they
do do
American Ethnological Society Monograph Se-
ries, 4. DONALD L. DONHAM, series ed. Wash-not
not flow
flow together
togethereasily.
easily.Specific
Specific
stylistic
stylisticproblems
problems
are
are the
the result
resultofofeditorial
editorialneglect,
neglect,
which
whichis surprising
is surprising
ington, DC: American Anthropological
in aa publication
publicationthat
thatboldly
boldlyannounces
announces both
bothan an
Association, 1992. 194 pp., notes, tables, fig-
editor and a series editor. First is the matter of
ures, references.
inconsistency. The reader is sometimes curious
about the background of the contributors, and here
JOEL M. HALPERN
they are only randomly identified (in four out of ten
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
cases) by institutional affiliation. Some may be un-
affiliated scholars, but that is clearly not the case, for
Any reader of this review who has felt the frustra-
example, for contributors such as Paine. Even if
tion of waiting for a delayed appointment in a doc-
tor's or dentist's office, stood in line to renew some
a were unaffiliated, the book could have a sen-
tence about the background of each author. Second,
driver's license, waited for a ceremony to begin, or
more crucial with respect to content, is the repetition
arrived early for a class lecture has been a partici-
pant-observer in the ways in which scheduling of an exact quote on pages 112 and 116. It is indeed
shapes our culture and reflects the complexity remarkable
of that this error was not noticed by either
the contributor, the editor, or series editor. Third,
modern society and the aspects of the ways in which
status and power are made manifest. These essays there is the matter of the specifics of style. Verdery's
demonstrate this important aspect of cultural and essay is an interesting one that helps us understand
some of the reasons why this dictator's rule col-
social behavior that is on ly now beginn ing to receive
concentrated attention. Anthropologists have al- lapsed so quickly and totally. Her description of how
ways been aware of how time shapes culture-as in this Romanian regime "seized" the time of its citi-
zens does reflect its attempts at a totality of control
an annual cycle of ritual and subsistence activities
tied to the seasons, to daily work rhythms, to the and the ways in which it fundamentally altered the
impact of the family-household cycle, and to the daily life rhythms of its people. Yet turning the term
into a virtual mantra by its too frequent use does
repetitive features of the life-course. There has also
been a consciousness of how these behaviors vary detract from the article's objectives.
between cultures, but the implications of how timeThese diverse essays make use of a common body
of emerging literature on time. Most authors cite one
is allotted and scheduled have not been so carefully
considered. or more of the works of Zerubavel, such as Hidden
Rhythms: Schedules and Calendars in Social Life
In the introduction, the editor defines the focus of
this collection as "time [as] an object of power (University of Chicago Press, 1981), and The Seven
Day Circle: The History and Meaning of the Week
relations" (p. 1). The essays are divided into sections
(University of Chicago Press, 1985). Also frequently
dealing with the politics, appropriations, institution-
alization, and legitimization of time. Robert Paine's used is Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthro-
contribution focusing on contemporary Israel is no- pology Makes Its Object (New York: Columbia Uni-
table for its historical orientation and the different versity Press, 1983), and E. P. Thompson's article in
ways in which the ultra-Orthodox, Orthodox, and Past and Present ("Time, Work-Discipline, Dealing
with Time and Industrial Capitalism," 38:56-97)
secular Jews conceive of their history and relate
frames the development of industrial capitalism.
these considerations to aspects of the legitimization
of the Israeli polity. Robert Rotenberg discusses The intellectual premise that is constructed in
scheduling in the context of the emergence of mod- these essays, that "the shape of time is forged in
ern Austrian society, especially Vienna. John Bowen contests of social power" (p. 1), reflects the fact that
investigates the ways in which the institutionaliza- these essays focus on those at the lower end of the
tion of agriculture by government agencies have class structure-the underclass of the homeless, the
affected planting and harvesting times and how urban poor in the United States, Asian peasants, and
these relate to the introduction of new crops. Kath- Eastern European workers and peasants. This is par-
erine Verdery describes the "etatization" of time tially
as a reflection of the long-standing anthropologi-
it was manifest in Ceausescu's Romania. The editor cal tradition, or mask of convenience, in studying
details how the attempted universalization of Meth- down. The task of the contributors is defined as
odist definitions of the week in Fiji, introduced by examining how "organizations realize their poten-
missionaries in the last century, are now controlled tial for... power by means of the control of time"
by the military in the government as a political (p. 6) and, conversely, "the need to control time in
weapon, especially against the Indian minority who order to exercise power" (p. 7). One wonders if such
dominate the commercial sector. Two of the remain- a seemingly straightforward delineation would have
ing three essays deal with the homeless in Manhat- emerged if the essays focused on studying up as well
tan and the Bronx (Amy Lovell and Kostas Gounis), as down. The potentialities of a diverse approach are
while the third deals with the Puerto Rican poor well illustrated in Paine's essay on Israel, and his
(Bonnie Urciuoli), also in New York City. All three considerations are not primarily of class and power,
are explicitly concerned with class and ethnic fac- as such, but of the nature of national and religious
tors, particularly with respect to the chronological ideas of state formation as these merge with space,
ways in which shelters are organized and interviews secular politics, and messianic time.

914 american ethnologist

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