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One of The Principal Weapons in Trench Warfare Hand Grenades An
One of The Principal Weapons in Trench Warfare Hand Grenades An
ca/essentially-a-weapon-of-trench-warfare-hand-grenades-and-the-decline-of-infantry-on-the-somme-part-22-by-william-ste
In the previous blog entry, I examined the five advantages of grenades. In this entry we look at their
disadvantages and their deleterious effects. Bombs had a limited range, with the average soldier able to
toss it fifteen to twenty meters, while an experienced bomber could extend the range to thirty to forty
meters. These ranges were an ideal and seldom achieved in actual battle conditions after the first few
grenades were thrown.
In the typical Canadian attack on the Somme, each soldier carried in addition to all their kit, 170 to 220
rounds per man, along with two Mills grenades to be used primarily by the trained bombers, amounting to
between 28 and 32 kg. – easily half or more of their body weight.[1] At a sustained rate of fire of five rounds
per minute, the average infantrymen could fire for 34 or 44 minutes before running out of ammunition.[2]
Two Mills grenades, on the other hand, could be expended in under a minute. The limit of two grenades per
soldier was a function of its limited range and weight as each bomb (638 g.) weighed the same as 22
rounds of ammunition.
In an attack, a battalion with a nominal trench strength of 720 men, would carry at most 2,500 grenades,
assuming each platoon included a bombing squad, with each bombing squad consisting of eight men and
an NCO. According to the training manuals, one section/squad per platoon was trained and equipped to
fight as bombers, and most battalions also had a separate bombing platoon. In a typical attack, therefore,
the battalion would consist of 20 bombing squads and 48 rifle sections. Actual usage varied between units,
but checking battalion operational orders suggests these numbers were reasonable as a maximum figure.
This was, however, a theoretical maximum as it does not account for many platoons without trained
bombers and most Canadian battalions were attacking with less than 500 men by October. Further,
casualties
Page 1 of 4 suffered in the attack, whose grenades were unrecoverable, would also diminish the number
Nov 16, 2017 01:21:16AM MST
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casualties suffered in the attack, whose grenades were unrecoverable, would also diminish the number
available. It is, therefore, likely that the actual number of grenades reaching the German front line was in
the order of 1500.[3]
Contrast this with a German defensive position, if it were not entirely obliterated by artillery fire.[4] Based
on the Canadian practice for grenade reserves—and it is reasonable to assume the Germans would not
have less grenades than the Canadian regulations—the defenders of typically company strength of 150
men would have access to 500 grenades in the company grenade depot and another 4000 in the battalion
and regimental dumps. This does not include the large numbers of grenades carried by the defenders. Of
course, the bombardment would destroy a percentage of the reserves, but they could be replenished far
more readily along communication trenches than carried across no man’s land in the face of heavy artillery
fire. Despite their greater numbers, the attackers would have no considerable advantage in grenades if
they did not have a ready means of replenishing their grenade supply. Further, in the event of a German
counterattack along an intact trench line, the Germans would have the immeasurable advantage of ready
resupply of bombs. The Canadians could hold for a period but eventually they would run out of bombs and
the Germans would drive them from their position. Access to a protected supply line meant success in a
bombing attack. In the standard training manual, the importance of replenishing the supply of grenades
from rear dumps in an attack was stressed.[5]
All of these disadvantages contributed to a tendency for bombing attacks to degenerate into grenade duels
where both sides blindly threw grenades from shelter, which brought attacks to a standstill. As along as the
defender received additional grenades and replacements, the bomb duel could last for hours. It nullified the
numerical advantage of the attacker, forced the advance to proceed at right angles to the required
direction, bled away the attack’s momentum, and gave the defender more time to gather reserves and
bring artillery to bear. Attacks with grenades were slow and often more costly than a direct assault. A
British Regular Army brigade-level staff officer lamented repeatedly about the futility of bomb attacks and
how they usually ended up in a stalemate.[6] Even the British bombing regulations observed “experience
has shown that no great or rapid progress can be made by bombing and an assault across the open after
adequate preparation will usually be quicker and in the long run a less costly operation than bombing
attacks on a large scale.”[7]
The diagram below shows the difference of a bombing attack along a trench on a front of three metres
versus a direct attack along a front of 200 metres by a battalion. In this example, assuming a full strength
battalion and the wire is uncut, the attacker was able to bring to bear the firepower and shock effect of
sixteen sections, supported by another forty-eight in follow-up waves versus the one bombing squad,
backed by other squads. Bombing attacks were more popular with front line forces because the attackers
were more sheltered, but the high command preferred the results attending a direct attack despite the
heavier immediate losses. A question to the reader, were the senior commanders correct in their view that
a direct attack, despite its heavier immediate losses, was a less costly option than bombing attacks?
An excellent example of the relative advantages of a direct versus a bombing attack was the 8 October
1916 assault on Regina Trench by the Canadian Corps. As part of the larger operation, the 1st Brigade
attacked with the 3rd Battalion on the left, which was to capture a section of Regina Trench, and the 4th
Battalion on the right was to take the Below and Below Support Trenches. The two battalions were also to
capture the heavily protected Quadrilateral that was the junction of Regina, Below, and Gallwitz trench
systems. The 3rd Battalion had little difficulty in directly taking its objective in twenty minutes, while uncut
wire thwarted the 4th Battalion making a direct attack on the Below trenches. The 4th sidled partly over into
the 3rd Battalion’s sector, entered Regina Trench and captured half of the Quadrilateral. It then bombed
down the Below Trench, which took four hours of hard fighting and the expenditure of most of its grenades,
as well as some from the 3rd Battalion. The Germans, once they determined the attackers’ position,
dropped an interdiction barrage across no man’s land, which prevented resupply of the troops in the
captured trenches. Currie, commander of the 1st Division, in his response to a later enquiry into the failure
stated that resupply efforts during the battle resulted in a 75% loss rate in the carrying parties. As a result,
when the Germans counterattacked along the Gallwitz and Below Trenches and retook the Quadrilateral,
the 4th Battalion was unable to respond effectively to the Germans’ bombing attack. The Germans drove
the 4th Battalion out of its positions, and it had to retreat.
Conclusion
A question worth further investigation is what other weapons were over, under, or misused by the
Canadians until the correct balance was found?
[1] The Training and Employment of Bombers – SS398, (General Staff at GHQ, September 1916), 52.
[2] Pre-war British Regular infantry were trained to fire at a rate of 15 aimed rounds a minute, so given the
fall in training standards a rate of fire of 5 rounds per minute is reasonable.
[3] Assuming an attacking strength of 500 men organized and equipped as before and losses suffered
before reaching the German line were 25%.
[4] In the later attempts to take Regina Trench, the attackers reported the trench reduced to little more than
a depression from the heavy artillery fire. These attacks were successful.
[6] Alexander Colin Johnston and Edwin Astill, The Great War Diaries of Brigadier Alexander Johnston,
1914-1917, (Barnsley: Pen & Sword Military, 2007). 422/684.
[8] See my previous blog “‘The Most Aggravating Thing’: Communications and Limitations on the Somme”
for more on communications problems on the Somme.
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