According to Joseph Nye who coined the term, ‘soft power’ of a country is determined by three

factors: culture (being attractive to others), its political values (living up to them both
domestically and externally) and its foreign policy (having moral authority and seen as
legitimate). Tharoor added the element of perception as the fourth factor.

Nye, further explained that three types of countries would attain soft power and succeed- those
whose ideals and cultures are closer to the prevailing global norms (pluralism, democracy,
liberty etc.); those with access to multiple channels of communications and thus influence over
framing of issues; and those whose credibility is enhanced by domestic and international
performances. (pp 195, 2).

We have entered a different era where the availability of information, tools of technology and
cultural identities drive contemporary nationalism. The challenge currently is to strike the right
balance between the societal dynamics and the mechanics of policymaking. (pp 109-110, 1).
Obviously, apart from projection of soft power, reforms in domestic fronts, too play key role in
enhancing a country’s global image.

The sharp popular imagery of nations increasingly captures the complexity of diplomacy. Since a
country is made up of its people, its image is the collective self-image of the people. How one is
treated is frequently determined by how one is seen. A positive self-image is crucial for self-
esteem. There is always a gap between how one is seen (by others and by oneself) and the real
self. Countries package their soft power by emphasising the qualities of governance,
culture, diplomacy, education, and business innovation.

There are two kinds of self-images. One that is self-reflectively constructed, conscious of pitfalls
of self-deception. Thus, building the real-self and self-image become parts of the same ethical
process. The other kind of self-image thrives on deliberate distortion. Such a self-image is far
removed from reality and even overtakes reality. Also, as energy and resources are wasted on
polishing the image, the real self gets tarnished due to neglect. There must be a distinction
between legitimate and illegitimate cultural pride. And how should we assert our legitimate
cultural pride ? By always wearing our pride on our sleeve or through our humility and calm
self-confidence ? (pp 17-18, 3).

Today, most countries use a combination of soft power and hard power, together called ‘smart
power’. It is not economic growth, military strength or population numbers that Tharoor
underscored regarding India’s potential leadership role in the world of the twenty-first century.
Rather, it is the quality which India is already displaying in ample measure —its ‘soft power’.
(pp 184, 2). Since soft power is the intangible component of ‘smart power’, it is difficult to
measure its actual impact.
Proper blending of the soft power and hard power assures the influence of any country in the
global arena. As noted by Nicolas Blarel, a country would be realistically able to tell a better
story if it has material power to build its soft power on. Needless to say, much of goodwill for
India is built on the strong democratic, cultural, civilisational values but its appeal in recent times
are accentuated by the rapid growth following the LPG reforms and robust politico-,
administrative-economic-technology institution building since independence.

Despite recent attention to its soft power strength, India still needs to develop a systematic and
planned approach to utilise this strength to further its national interest. Articulating the Indian
foreign policy for “unsettled times”, Prime Minister Modi prioritised its objectives in a
public speech (January 2017) as connectivities with immediate and extended geographies,
relationship networks based on economic priorities, human resource power connecting
with global opportunities, global development partnerships, and reconfiguring global
institutions along with India’s civilisational legacies.

The key to western durability till now is the set of institutions and practices that it progressively
but firmly established during the period of its dominance. These institutions, regimes, regulations
are supported by the narratives that support the western interests while diminishing its
competitors. Further, the complexity of the web of this mix renders creation of alternatives a
formidable challenge. Nevertheless, it is inevitable as global power redistribution progresses. (pp
121, 1).

Although our world still functions largely in the framework of western concepts and norms [e.g.
the concepts such as the middle-east or Indo-Pacific], with their growing influence in the global
arena, the national expression of the Asian powers have shifted from mere political assertiveness
to societal and cultural statements [e.g. International Yoga Day, soft diplomatic efforts] . (pp
116, 1). Coming in different sizes and shapes, nationalism can be assertive, reactive or just
expressive. The perception of who are the key world leaders and the newer formats for their
gathering e.g. G-20, BRICS. Global agenda itself is undergoing a change, reflecting more diverse
interests than before. (pp 112, 1).

We should expect uneasy coexistence and shifting equations between globalist and nationalist
forces as neither can prevail. And the world it will produce will be very contentious. (pp 114, 1).
Common people respond not just to surgical strikes like Uri and Balakot but also to issues like
membership to NSG. A steadily growing economy and the emergence of the aspirational
generation with greater connectivity to the world fuels this process. (pp 114,1).

As observed by Harsh V. Pant and Shivam Shekhawat, since the beginning of 2023, China has
taken incremental steps to entrench its image as a major country playing a crucial role in
ensuring global governance and providing a ‘moderate and pluralistic environment for dialogue’.
Its peace proposal on Ukraine, concept paper on Afghanistan, apparent success in bringing Saudi
Arabia and Iran into negotiation table and visits by European leaders are Chinese efforts towards
refashioning the global perception of China as a country bent on disrupting the global order to a
country invested in objectively addressing global issues without beijing driven by its vested
interest, unlike the USA. (4)

As a one party state, the Chinese Communist Party does not have to worry about public approval
but has shored up its domestic credibility by valorising its international image. Once anchored in
the ‘peaceful rise’ theory, it is now about display of strength, determination, economic might and
an unwillingness to compromise on its core national interest. (5)

India’s Neighbourhood First policy that aims to treat India’s own prosperity as a lifting tide for
the entire region should have a proper mix of generosity and firmness (pp 115,1). Nationalism,
contributing to global good is powerful for brand building. Asymmetrical responsibilities, non-
reciprocity and connectivity are the entrenched values in India’s neighborhood first as well as the
global south diplomacy.

India’s efforts such as developing tourism around the Buddhist circuit, public diplomacy with
East and South-east Asian countries with Buddhism hailed as a cornerstone of historical and
cultural ties are also attempts to highlight the Buddhist way of morality as an alternative to the
current geopolitical contestations. It is made explicit by the theme “Responses to contemporary
challenges: Philosophy to Praxis ” for the two-day global Buddhist Summit hosted by India in
New Delhi in April with participation of key Buddhist figures including the Dalai Lama. It is a
part of India’s foreign policy principle Panchamrit that includes Samman (dignity of honor);
samvad (greater engagement and dialogue); samriddhi (shared prosperity); suraksha (regional
and global security) and sanskriti evam sabhyata (cultural and civilizational linkages). Tapping
into the Indian diaspora community in order to project soft power around the world has also been
a personal mission of the Prime Minister whenever is abroad. Embracing over 25 million
Indians, the diaspora could become “a core component of foreign policy initiatives” and “a
vehicle of India’s soft power”.

India’s film industry is a very rather probably the most powerful messenger of India’s soft power
globally, being the largest film industry globally. Yet, it has never actually promoted a certain
political and cultural narrative, like Hollywood did during the cold war and continues even now.

By its nature international broadcasting differs from other public diplomacy tools
in several important ways. First, as it employs mass media, it is the most cost‐effective
means of influencing foreign publics, and reach large numbers of people on a daily basis.
Secondly, international broadcasting allows rapid responses to changing situations in a
way that scholarships and cultural exchanges, for instance, cannot. Nye suggested that one
of the ways soft power works is through presenting “an attractive culture, ideology, and
institutions.” And international broadcasting, as an instrument of soft power, is the most
efficient and effective way to present Australia’s culture, ideology and institutions.

By representing the values of its people and the way of life – rather than the Government’s
views ‐ international broadcasting can make the most meaningful contribution to a
country’s public diplomacy.

International broadcasting of news, current affairs, entertainment and programs of cultural

enrichment to abroad will:

(i) encourage awareness of the country and its perspective of international affairs.

(ii) enabling its citizens living or travelling outside to obtain information about its affairs

For any international broadcasting’s credibility is paramount. This needs demonstration of

editorial independence- between Government and the broadcaster and between the
broadcaster and any commercial agenda.

International broadcasting is not immune to the changing landscape of broadcasting

Increasing competition between different countries for greater influence; increasing
domestic media activity; increasing carriage charges for satellite and rebroadcast
platforms; exponentially increasing on demand content by audiences in smaller mobile
devices, notwithstanding the cost effectiveness and better targeting capabilities of such
broadcasting.

References:
[1] The Indian Way, S.Jaishankar
[2] Pax Indica, Shashi Tharoor
[3] Between Hope and Despair, Rajeev Bhargava.
[4] A position paper, China’s image, and what it means. Harsh V. Pant and Shivam Shekhawat.
The Hindu 8th May 2023.
[5] India’s China strategy needs to be debated. Shashi Tharoor and Armaan Mathur. The Hindu
9th May 2023.

Nothing can speak to so many or shape public perception on such as scale as the media.
Every individual as an ambassador.