Professional Documents
Culture Documents
This book presents the latest research on understanding language teacher identity
and development for both novice and experienced researchers and educators, and
introduces non-experts in language teacher education to key topics in teacher
identity research. It covers a wide range of backgrounds, themes, and subjects
pertaining to language teacher identity and development. Some of these include:
PART I
Theoretical orientations 1
PART II
Negotiations and reflexivity 59
PART III
Tracing identity through narratives 133
PART IV
Teacher identity and responding to changing times 201
Figures
2.1 Frames model of ELT 19
2.2 Frames of teacher identity in TESOL 19
4.1 A multifaceted, multidimensional framework for
investigating teacher identity 47
7.1 Herath’s investment in her professional identities 94
7.2 Valencia’s conflicting claimed and assigned identities 96
7.3 The teacher educator-in-the-making’s journey 98
16.1 Trent’s integrated framework for examining identity
formation (2013) 221
Tables
10.1 Four-semester course load (January 2010–December 2011) 137
12.1 Overview of TED corpus data 165
13.1 Journals reviewed 176
13.2 Categorization of the reviewed papers on language teacher
identity in the 28 selected journals from 2003–2013 177
15.1 Teacher profiles 206
Our understanding of language teacher identity has undergone major shifts in the
last few decades. It is now accepted that a teacher’s identity cannot be viewed as
the aggregation of a set of innate, acquired or ascribed attributes, but should be
conceptualized as a socially constructed, contextually situated and continually
emerging (and changing) sense of self that is influenced by myriad factors. A
teacher’s identity is closely linked to the professional choices they make and their
construction of identity is integral to their process of professional learning. Who
language teachers think they are and how they view their environments and
different interrelated facets of language teaching can influence their students’
learning. On both personal and professional levels, their sense of self can affect
the extent to which teachers are motivated, committed and confident, while their
performance and negotiation of their role(s) as language teachers, as well as
their understanding of curricular and institutional expectations can influence their
pedagogy and classroom practices in English language teaching (Goh et al.,
2005).
Teacher learning is a continual process that begins with formal pre-service or
teacher preparation programs. Because of the centrality of teacher identity in
teacher learning, teacher educators should recognize the impact teacher identity
has on efforts in preparing new language teachers and enhancing the competence
of those who are already teaching. As teachers move through this continuum of
professional learning, some may develop greater self-efficacy but others may also
develop self-doubts. Understanding the shift in teacher identities between pre-
service and the early years of teaching can therefore enhance the design and
conception of teacher education programs (Beauchamp and Thomas, 2009).
Teacher educators can harness the potential that teachers’ beliefs, values and aspi-
rations have for creating greater professional engagement and learning. For this
reason, this volume on teacher identities is an important addition to the literature
on the subject. The collection of articles is a timely and valuable contribution to
our understanding of what it means to be language teachers in the twenty-first
century and how teachers’ construction of their “selves” is situated within the
social, cultural and political contexts they are in.
For some time now a dominant strand in the discourse of teacher identity has
positioned English language teachers as belonging to imagined communities
References
Beauchamp, C. and Thomas, L. (2009). Understanding teacher identify: an overview of
issues in the literature and implications for teacher education. Cambridge Journal of
Education, 39(2), 175–189.
Day, C., Kington, A., Stobart, G., and Sammons, P. (2006). The personal and professional
selves of teachers: stable and unstable identities. British Educational Research Journal,
32(4), 601–616.
Goh, C.C.M., Zhang, L. J., Ng, C. H., and Koh, G. H. (2005). Knowledge, Beliefs
and Syllabus Implementation: A Study of English Language Teachers in Singapore.
Singapore: National Institute of Education.
References
Bakhtin, M. (1990). Art and answerability: Early philosophical essays. In M. Holquist
(Ed.), Dialogism. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
Bartels, N. (2003). How teachers and researchers read academic articles. Teaching and
Teacher Education, 19, 737–753.
Campbell, J. (1968). The Hero with a Thousand Faces (2nd edn). Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
Clarke, M. (2008). Language Teacher Identities: Co-constructing Discourse and Commu-
nity. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Corson, D. (2002). Teaching and learning for market-place utility. International Journal of
Leadership in Education, 1, 1–13.
Crookes, G. (1998). The relationship between second and foreign language teachers and
research. TESOL Journal, 7, 6–11.
Foucault, M. (2008). The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France (trans.
G. Burchell). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Freeman, D. (1994). Knowing into doing: Teacher education and the problem of transfer.
In D. C. S. Li, D. Mahoney, and J. C. Richards (Eds), Exploring Second Language
Teacher Development. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Freeman, D. (1996). “To take them at the word”: Language data in the study of teachers’
knowledge. Harvard Educational Review, 66(4), 732–761.
Gee, J. P. (2004). Learning language as a matter of learning social languages within
Discourses. In M. R. Hawkins (Ed.), Language Learning and Teacher Education:
A Sociocultural Approach. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Gunnarsson, B. L. (2009). Professional Discourse. London: Continuum.
Hedgcock, J. S. (2002). Toward a socioliterate approach to second language teacher educa-
tion. Modern Language Journal, 86(3), 299–317.
Hedgcock, J. S. (2009). Acquiring knowledge of discourse conventions in teacher educa-
tion. In A. Burns and J. C. Richards (Eds), The Cambridge Guide to Second Language
Teacher Education. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Lave, J. and Wenger, E. (1991). Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Theoretical orientations
The premise behind the development of teacher identity is the urge to action.
Teachers shape their identity in order to act – on themselves, on others, or on their
practice. Bakhtin (Holquist, 1990) believed that we, as humans, are always inti-
mately connected to the spatial and temporal contexts in which we live and these
connections are how we articulate who we are, as well as our relationship to
others.
Through elaboration of a case study of one prospective teacher, Veronica
Wheelock (pseudonym), I explore the ways that Veronica’s Teaching Philosophy
statement, written near the completion of her teacher preparation program,
provides a forum for investigating how one beginning teacher negotiated her
teacher identity. Drawing on the text of Veronica’s Teaching Philosophy state-
ment, I highlight the following Bakhtinian concepts as important to investigating
teacher identity: dialogical rhetoric and the relationship between self/other; heter-
oglossia, or the “many-voicedness” of teacher identity, and genre and the role it
plays in articulating an identity.
In a Bakhtinian sense, then, teachers involved in the teaching act must author
themselves as future teachers, in part, through authoring the relationship they
have with the “other” – stakeholders in the teaching act. Teachers create reci-
procity in relationships with others that allows them to continually negotiate who
they are in the moment.
A Bakhtinian conceptual framework is synonymous with what many have
come to know as dialogism, or the premise that “utterances” (Bakhtin’s term), are
always responsive in nature. Dialogism is primarily concerned with the idea that
all language is produced as response to other language. Thus, a central tenet of
viewing text as dialogic highlights the “action” utterances within one text make in
relation to other texts. Nystrand et al. (1997) articulate a dialogic view of text and
utterances as:
fundamentally different from the common view that utterances are the inde-
pendent expressions of thoughts by speakers, an account that starts with
thoughts and ends with words and verbal articulation. Rather, because they
Nystrand et al. (1997) emphasize the responsive, and therefore, dialogic quality of
all text. The responsive nature of utterances situates all language in a chain of
response, and focuses on the contingency of all utterances. Bakhtin (1986) notes
this when he asserts that “the single utterance, with all its individuality and crea-
tivity, can in no way be regarded as a completely free combination of forms of
language” (p. 81). Utterances, then, respond to and adhere to various language
forms, or genres, and at the same time, remain active agents in re-shaping these
genres.
Dialogical rhetoric
Dialogical rhetoric, as a concept, is an umbrella term from which to consider all
text as interactive in nature. Though Bakhtin’s statements concerning the term
“rhetoric” are, at times, not wholly positive, as they link rhetoric to an Aristotelian
tradition laden with formality and epideictic speeches (1981, pp. 271), Bakhtin
urges an understanding of a dialogic view of rhetoric. Bakhtin’s analysis does
not discard the term rhetoric, but reconsiders how rhetoric is conceptualized,
cautioning against rhetoric’s tendency to become a merely abstract, formal,
logical mode of analysis. The larger context in which Bakhtin situates his
discussion of rhetoric suggests rhetoric as dialogic. Reinterpreting rhetoric as
dialogic recognizes that all discourse occurs within a complex arena of human
interaction. Dialogical rhetoric, then, is conceptualized by Bakhtin to be not
merely about a speaker’s intentions, but about the exchange between speakers.
This focus on interaction situates rhetoric itself to be a dialogue between
conversants.
Bakhtin understood that individuals are persuaded by conversants who have
“authority” – whether these authorities are in the form of another individual or the
larger society. He refers to these normalizing discourses as producing internally
persuasive discourses, thus establishing a dialectic between oneself and intended
“other”. Bakhtin (1981) notes the shared sense of discourse between individual
and conversant by stating, “The word in language is half someone else’s. It
becomes ‘one’s own’ only when the speaker populates it with one’s own inten-
tions, his own accent, when he appropriates the word, adapting it to his own
semantic and expressive intention” (p. 293).
Heteroglossia
Bakhtin’s term, heteroglossia, means “many-voicedness,” and recognizes that all
language is ideologically saturated and stratified. Heteroglossia describes the
push-pull between an author and intended “other” and Bakhtin (1981) writes that
heteroglossia is alive as long as language is alive. He states:
Genre
The term genre becomes a key concept in attending to the nature of local-level
influences, as genre refers to not just the forms of texts, but the work these texts
actually do in discourse communities. Disposing of a notion of genre as merely
form and text type, and instead embracing a new conception of genre – a newness
that Devitt (1993) calls the “dynamic patterning of human experience” (573) –
shifts the notion of genre. This moves the conception of genre from a focus on the
formal features of a text to the sources of those features. Text and textual meaning
are no longer objective and static, but formed based on the interaction between
speaker/writer, text, and audience. Furthermore, viewing genre as only form of
text divorces form and content, and a rhetorical framing of genre adheres to
Bakhtin’s (1981) description of genre as a space where “form and content in
discourse are one” (p. 259). Genre, then, becomes the site where the writer of a
text comes into dialogue with others. Genre unites process and product and
becomes what Bakhtin (1986) calls “the whole of the utterance” (p. 60).
In considering teacher identity as “text,” I now move into a discussion of how
dialogical rhetoric, heteroglossia, and genre are at work in one prospective
teacher’s identity negotiations.
Teachers are asked to do different things in different spaces. Like here at the
university I am a critic. My voice in my journal for my professors critiques
myself. But in presenting myself to future employers, I am the confident
beginning teacher with good ideas for my lesson plans.
The heteroglossic quality that Veronica identifies in her own Teaching Philosophy
statement is, at first, troubling, as she recognizes how she has to inhabit many
voices. As Veronica increasingly recognizes that her language always exhibits
heteroglossic characteristics, she views this quality not as dissonance, or as
unnatural, but as part of language. Her Teaching Philosophy statement, in being
heteroglossic, gives credibility to this diversity of language and demonstrates an
ability to act within multiple contexts.
Conclusions
Dialogical rhetoric, genre, and heteroglossia, as part of a Bakhtinian conceptual
framework, exist as theoretical tools that can assist teacher educators and researchers
in more fully recognizing the construction of teacher identity as dialogic. Yet, what
does a shift in the way we consider teacher identity as dialogic offer the field? First,
using Bakhtinian tools allows the acknowledgement of an explicit connection
between the local-level influences on teachers’ identity texts and more global-level
influences, or Discourses (Gee, 2001), in which they are situated. A connection
between the local and the global is expressed by Bakhtin (1981) when he discusses
the conflict between two forces inherent in discourse: the centripetal force which
works at centralizing and unifying meaning and the centrifugal force (what Bakhtin
calls the force of heteroglossia) which fragments ideological thought into diverse
and multiple views. Sometimes referred to as a push-pull relationship between
speaker and intended “other”, recognizing this quality of heteroglossia as an inherent
feature of language and language use indicates that teacher identity is always multi-
dimensional. In fact, the heteroglossic quality of language underscores all identity
texts as in relation with an intended “other”.
Note
1 Ventriloquation, in a Bakhtinian sense (1981, 1986) means “one voice speaking through
another.” Also referred to as “refraction.”
References
Alsup, J. (2006). Teacher Identity Discourses: Negotiating Personal and Professional
Spaces. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Bakhtin, M. (1981). The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays (M. Holquist (Ed.)) Austin,
TX: University of Texas Press.
Bakhtin, M. (1986). Speech Genres and Other Late Essays (C. Emerson and M. Holquist
(Eds.) Austin, TX: University of Texas.
Bakhtin, M. (1990). Art and answerability: Early philosophical essays. In M. Holquist
(Ed.), Dialogism. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.
Britzman, D.P. (1991). Practice Makes Practice: A Critical Study of Learning to Teach.
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Brouwer, N. and Korthagen, F. (2005). Can teacher education make a difference?
American Education Research Journal, 42, 153–224.
Danielewicz, J. (2001). Teaching Selves: Identity, Pedagogy, and Teacher Education.
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Introduction
The notion of framing has proved useful for conceptualizing and describing social
structures and practices, such as in the analysis of communicative acts (e.g., Bateson,
1955/1973; Goffman, 1974; Tannen, 1993) and of business and educational organi-
zations (e.g., Bolman and Deal, 2003). Frames can be considered different “windows,
maps, tools, lenses, orientations, and perspectives” (Bolman and Deal, 2003, p. 12)
that can be used to examine, to characterize, and to understand a phenomenon or
object of interest. Different framings of one and the same thing are not necessarily
mutually exclusive and, as different perspectives, can be complementary angles of
vision or can simply represent different aspects or facets of one thing.
Work can be framed in many different ways, such as in terms of its economic
value or its value in fulfilling personal and social needs (Pennington, 1991, 1997).
A particular job or career may be framed in different ways by different people, or
in multiple ways at different times or even at the same time by one individual. In
this chapter, I describe different aspects of teacher identity in TESOL in terms of
a frames model, building on related prior applications of the notion of framing to
English language teaching and to program development and management
(Pennington, 2013; Pennington and Hoekje, 2010, 2013).
Defining identity
A person’s identity can be defined as the set of characteristics uniquely associated
with that person. Identity is not singular or unitary but plural; a person has multiple
identities, or identity facets (Cummins, 2011, p. 191), within a composite identity.
Some facets of identity are given at birth, based on genetics, while some develop
over time, through learning and interactions with others. Some are attributed or
conferred by others, through election or appointment to a position, while some,
such as affiliation to various groups, are a matter of choice. Identity is complex
and changes over time; it is “dynamic rather than stable, a constantly evolving
phenomenon” (Beauchamp and Thomas, 2009, p. 177).
Identity is “situated within the mind” but also exists “within a social context”
(Heisey, 2011, p. 81). It is the concept of the self that one has but also involves “that
Teacher identity
Teacher identity is a construct, mental image, or model of what “being a teacher”
means that guides teachers’ practices as they aim to enact “being a teacher”
through specific “acts of teacher identity.” A specific construct or model of teacher
identity is associated with each teaching field as what teachers who work in that
field need to know and be able to do; and individual teachers have their own
internal model of what it means to be a teacher in their chosen field. This internal
model of teacher identity should connect individual teachers to the model of
teacher identity within the larger field and collective of teachers of a specific
subject. The students, content, and methods that one teaches define specific facets
of a teacher identity as created in interaction with the teacher’s autobiographical
identity and specific educational and teaching experiences, including those in
teacher education programs. The identity which a teacher develops creates that
teacher’s self-image as the kind of teacher s/he is or aspires to be and affects
the teacher’s choices as to classroom roles and instructional emphases in content
and methods. It also affects the teacher’s positioning in relation to, and hence
interactions with, students, colleagues, and the larger teaching profession.
Teaching is “a socially constructed activity that requires the interpretation and
negotiation of meanings embedded within the context of the classroom” (Johnson,
1996, p. 24). This process of interpretation and negotiation continually shapes, and
may redefine, a teacher’s identity, some aspects of which will, at any given time, be
in flux or development: “teacher identity is not something that is fixed nor is it
imposed; rather it is negotiated through experience and the sense that is made of that
experience” (Sachs, 2005, p. 15). As summarized by Olsen (2008), teacher identity is:
The collection of such influences and effects results in a teacher identity that is
complex, multi-faceted, and ever-evolving. Given the complexity and the
changing nature of teacher identity, it is inevitable that the degree of investment
(Norton, 2000) which teachers have in different aspects of their work will vary
with time and circumstance.
Practice-centered frames
Instructional
Disciplinary
Professional
Vocational
Economic
Contextual frames
Global
Local
Sociocultural
described and analyzed with implications drawn for TESOL teacher education
and development.
Practice-centered frames
The first set of frames represents teacher identity in TESOL in terms of different
orientations to the practices involved in TESOL work.
Disciplinary
A teacher’s disciplinary identity connects the teacher to a specific field and its
areas of knowledge and research. The disciplinary identity of the TESOL field is
not set but rather varies for individual teachers, whose affinity may be with
linguistics, applied linguistics, education, or other fields. The disciplinary heritage
of TESOL is multiplex, including linguistics, psychology, and education.
According to a well-known classification system for academic disciplines (Becher,
1989; Becher and Trowler, 2001; Neumann, 2003), whereas linguistics and
psychology include both “pure” (“hard”) science and “applied” social (“soft”)
science, education is generally classified as a “soft–applied” discipline or field.
The heritage of TESOL therefore links it to both “pure” and “hard” disciplinary
Professional
A professional identity in TESOL is a unique blend of individual teacher charac-
teristics within the disciplinary knowledge, standards, and practices of the field.
That professional identity develops over time as an individual interpretation of
disciplinary knowledge, standards, and practices acquired through education and
experience in work contexts.
This way of defining professional identity allows for individual differences within
a wide range of variation and adaptation to context and circumstance, but at the
same time restricts any claim to a professional identity in TESOL to those who
meet certain general or universal standards and professional competencies for the
field.
A teacher’s professional identity in TESOL connects the teacher to professional
bodies – such as TESOL, Inc., IATEFL, and their national and local affiliates –
that oversee standards; advocate for recognition, status, and good working condi-
tions; promote and disseminate research; and provide professional development
opportunities for members to acquire and share expertise, such as through confer-
ences, websites, and professional publications. Connecting to TESOL as profes-
sion strengthens teacher identity by conferring credibility and status as well as
political influence and power. In addition to connecting an individual teacher to a
larger field and to professional bodies that provide support as well as collective
knowledge and opportunities for professional development, a teacher’s profes-
sional identity in TESOL incorporates connections to various groups of colleagues,
those in the local and in the wider context of language teaching. Collegial rela-
tions at these different levels offer a valuable network of influences feeding into
an individual teacher’s values, practices, and understandings of those practices
which underpin the teacher’s professional identity.
A teacher’s educational experience and degree should be the starting point for
developing a professional identity which continues to evolve over an entire
Vocational
A teacher’s vocational identity encompasses the strength of commitment and
attachment to teaching work and/or to teaching in a specific field or context.
Teacher commitment, which is a teacher’s dedication to the students and to the
teaching job (Firestone and Pennell, 1993), includes an affective component
related to the intrinsic satisfaction obtained from serving and helping others to
meet their needs. Research by Deci and Ryan (1985) demonstrated that work
satisfaction is driven more by intrinsic enjoyment of the work itself than by
extrinsic motivators such as compensation, and research has shown that those
in the TESOL field, like other teachers, are motivated by the intrinsic rewards
of their work more than by money or other external rewards (Pennington,
1991, 1997). A large component of enjoyment of the teaching job for many
people is helping students achieve their goals. This motivation is highly relevant
to teaching English to speakers of other languages, who may need or request more
help than other students, thus engendering an empathic response in a dedicated
teacher.
As a helping profession, teaching requires caring and empathy for students and
seeks to foster these qualities in its graduates as part of their vocational identifica-
tion as educators. Often connected to the view of teaching as a helping profession
is a strong service orientation that is also a vocational quality emphasized in
teacher education programs. These same orientations apply to TESOL as a
teaching field, which can be characterized as having both a humanistic and a
service orientation as realized in:
A focus on relationships;
A focus on satisfaction of needs;
An idealistic, even altruistic, view of people;
Facilitative and supportive, not directive, attitudes and actions towards
students;
Cooperative and interactive decision-making and power-sharing.
(adapted from Pennington and Hoekje, 2010, p. 52)
Economic
For those who work in TESOL, as in any field, a facet of their work-related iden-
tity is economic. Whether the work one does is driven by economic necessity or
choice, and whether it is felt to be fairly rewarded, are considerations that impact
a teacher’s level of satisfaction and identification with TESOL work, in both a
particular job and in the TESOL field. Another aspect of the economic identity of
those in TESOL is the extent to which one participates, and how successfully, in
other kinds of academic marketplaces, such as that for publication of books and
journal articles, which help to create one’s academic and economic position in the
field. This kind of “academic capital” can be of considerable intrinsic value to an
educator’s work satisfaction and self-image, and it also reaps tangible rewards in
terms of position and compensation.
Everyone connected to TESOL is part of a huge and still expanding globalized
market for goods and services involving the teaching of English which includes:
the available workforce of teachers, administrators, and others connected to
English language programs and international education; university-based and
private English language centers and programs; K–12 ESOL support services;
certificate and degree courses in TESOL, applied linguistics, and educational
linguistics; teaching materials in the way of books, software, prepackaged and
online courses; and linked businesses recruiting students to universities and in
some cases providing housing, immigration services, language instruction, and
content instruction as well (for discussion and examples, see Winkle, 2014). No
matter in which sector of TESOL a person works, the job that the person takes has
an impact on the TESOL teacher market, affecting how much competition there is
for available jobs and how much teachers are paid.
TESOL work is not well-compensated in comparison to many other kinds of
work for which a Master’s degree is the standard qualification, and in general does
not offer the financial security of academic tenure or long-term contracts; lack of
fair compensation and benefits is an aspect of TESOL educators’ perception of
their work (Pennington, 1991, 1997). Thus, while they generally experience high
satisfaction in terms of the intrinsic rewards of performing TESOL work, their
perceived low or mediocre economic status may have a negative impact on their
self-image and hence on their identity as a TESOL educator. Matters of pay, bene-
fits, and job security are of particular concern for those who have selected TESOL
as a long-term career. Such career-oriented educators are those who are likely to
Contextual frames
The second set of frames represents teacher identity in TESOL in terms of different
aspects of the context of TESOL work, showing how context influences teachers’
practices as described in the first set of frames.
Global
The global facet of teacher identity in TESOL refers to the extent to which the
teacher has an international orientation and experience related to global trends.
These trends can be described in terms of the global scapes and flows identified by
Appadurai (1996) of people (ethnoscape), money (financescape), technology
(technoscape), information (mediascape), and ideologies (ideoscape), along with
Pennington and Hoekje’s (2010) additional global scape of languages (linguas-
cape). In particular, the spread of English as a world language, the internationali-
zation of education, the increase in movement of people through international
travel and migration, and the interconnectedness of people worldwide through the
internet are all aspects of the global context of the teaching of English to speakers
of other languages in the current day. TESOL educators can be expected to incor-
porate knowledge of and participation in global scapes and trends into their class-
room content and methods, thereby widening their pedagogy by connecting their
instructional identity to a global identity.
The global facet of TESOL teacher identity connects to both content and peda-
gogical knowledge, as it requires the teacher to be knowledgeable about different
varieties of English and conscious of what variety (or varieties) of English is (or
are) being taught and how it is (or they are) being taught. Thus, the global facet of
identity in TESOL requires knowing about English as an international language
(EIL) or lingua franca (ELF), and how an EIL or ELF orientation impacts teaching
(for descriptions and discussion, see Jenkins, 2003, 2006, 2012; Seidlhofer, 2007,
2011). It also suggests the value of knowing about World Englishes (Kachru,
1992), the different indigenized varieties of English that have developed in many
countries, as well as the other languages which students speak and the need to
consider students’ multilingual competence in instruction.
Beyond matters involving language and the teacher’s awareness of and
incorporation of worldwide trends into instruction, a global identity in TESOL
is also built on up-to-date knowledge and usage of media and technology in
the classroom and the teacher’s own life. Part of the TESOL teacher’s interna-
tional or global orientation is moreover a valuing of diverse ideologies, cultures,
Local
As an aspect of the context in which a TESOL teacher lives and works, the teach-
er’s identity will include a local orientation and experience. The teacher’s local
identity relates to the situatedness of practice in departmental, institutional,
community, and national contexts, and the teacher’s awareness of constraints and
consideration of priorities and appropriate actions in each of those contexts.
Factors within these different levels of local context and sites of practice can
impact the teacher’s instructional, disciplinary, professional, vocational, and
economic identity as a TESOL educator. In the best case, a teacher’s local identity
is complementary rather than contradictory to that teacher’s global identity.
However, it is common (and also understandable) for local concerns to occupy
most of a teacher’s time and so for these concerns to dominate over the concerns
of more distant contexts.
The characteristics and the realities of the local context may shape one’s iden-
tity as a teacher to a greater extent than factors in the wider context, as the teacher
makes efforts to contextualize understandings, values, and practices so they are
effective within specific communities, cultures, and institutions, and with specific
groups of students. For example, Sharkey’s (2004) investigation of ESL teachers
in a US elementary school revealed that all of the teachers’ decisions and practices
regarding curriculum were mediated in relation to immediate local and national
context factors in the classroom, the school, the school district, and higher state
and national levels of education, in addition to the national professional organiza-
tion. In his study of English language teaching in China, Hu (2005) found that
while “[t]he availability of modern educational hardware encourages new concep-
tions of education and facilitates new teacher-student relationships as well as new
instructional practices . . ., in the disadvantaged areas, . . . [t]he general lack of
adequate teaching facilities compels many teachers to take a textbook-dependent,
teacher-centered, and transmission-oriented approach” (pp. 650–651).
Physical facilities together with social and political factors impact teacher iden-
tity in local contexts. The local context of a teacher identity in TESOL incorpo-
rates the position which teachers of English language and the TESOL field occupy
in a particular institution, community, and country as well as individual teachers’
positioning within their local sites of practice relative to the perceptions and
characteristics of the others with whom they work and interact. Because of their
immediacy and constancy, local factors have a powerful effect on all aspects of
Sociocultural
A teacher’s sociocultural identity relates the teacher’s sociocultural characteris-
tics to those of other people, including students, other teachers, employers, and the
wider society and teaching field. A teacher’s sociocultural identity in TESOL also
incorporates the teacher’s applications of knowledge of sociocultural dimensions
of the field and sociocultural factors that impact teaching and learning in the
teacher’s own practice. Sociocultural dimensions include linguistic, ethnic, racial,
and gender features of identity which are operative in the teaching context, such
as the presence of a particular linguistic, ethnic, racial, and gender mix or profile
in the administration, the teaching faculty, and the student body. The TESOL field
has sought to be inclusive of all types of sociocultural identity on the basis of
language, ethnicity, race, and gender identity, and so a teacher’s sociocultural
identity as a TESOL educator should reflect a valuing of such inclusivity and
diversity.
Sociocultural identity involves positioning the self within a social construction
of people’s affiliations and the groups they belong to, as formed in interaction
with others in different contexts. Within TESOL, L1 vs. L2 or native vs. non-
native speaker status has historically been a central construct defining criteria for
linguistic achievement and classifying speakers, including teachers and students,
into different groups. This dichotomy is recognized to be problematic (Rampton,
1990), especially in consideration of the many varieties of English which exist in
what Kachru (1992) has called the “outer circle” and “expanding circle” countries
where indigenized varieties of English are widespread. More complex views of
identity recognize multiple linguistic and group affiliations which are relevant to
students and teachers as they position themselves socioculturally in relation to
others in global and local contexts.
Through such reflection and action, those working in the TESOL field can become
more aware of the different facets of their teacher identity and how these can be
deliberately constructed, performed, and modified in different teaching circum-
stances over an entire career.
References
Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minne-
apolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Bartels, N. (2004). Another reader reacts . . . Linguistics imperialism. TESOL Quarterly,
38(1), 128–133.
Bateson, G. (1955/1973). Steps to an Ecology of Mind. London: Paladin.
Beauchamp, C., and Thomas, L. (2009). Understanding teacher identity: An overview of
issues in the literature and implications for teacher education. Cambridge Journal of
Education, 39, 175–189.
Becher, T. (1989). Academic Tribes and Territories. Buckingham, UK: Open University.
Becher, T. and Trowler, P. R. (2001). Academic Tribes and Territories (2nd edn). Buck-
ingham, UK: The Society for Research and Higher Education and Open University Press.
Ben Said, S., and Zhang, L. J. (2013). Language Teachers and Teaching: Global Perspec-
tives, Local Initiatives. New York: Routledge.
Block, D. (2008). Second Language Identities. London: Continuum.
Bolman, L. G. and Deal, T. E. (2003). Reframing Organizations: Artistry, Choice, and
Leadership. (3rd edn). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Cummins, J. (2011). Identity matters: From evidence-free to evidence-based policies for
promoting achievement among students from marginalized social groups. Writing &
Pedagogy, 3(2), 189–216.
Literature review
1. Emotions have mainly been ignored in scholarship, in part because they have
been seen as subjective, irrational, exclusively female, and hard to capture; in
ELT they have been constructed, for the most part, as exclusively cognitive;
(. . .)
4. Intuitively and anecdotally emotions seem to factor into teaching and
learning so it would be useful to understand them better.
(p. 133)
So in order to fully account for the ZPD, we must understand the role of affective
factors in learning (Mahn and John-Steiner, 2002), since “[l]earning in the ZPD
involves all aspects of the learner – acting, thinking, and feeling” (Wells, 1999,
cited in Mahn and John-Steiner, 2002, pp. 46–47). In this view, when “negative
affective factors such as fear or anxiety are present, the zone in which effective
teaching/learning occurs is diminished” (Mahn and John-Steiner, 2002, p. 49).
But rather than viewed as isolated, intrapsychological events disconnected from
an individual’s social relations, emotions must be understood as embedded in
social life and in relation to social relationships and social practices (Mahn and
John-Steiner, 2002). Thus, individuals require assistance from others in learning
to regulate their emotions by appropriating emotional support (Mahn and John-
Steiner, 2002).
Emotions stand in complex relationships with one’s professional identity and
action. In order to teach to the best of their abilities, teachers must see themselves
as legitimate professionals (a sense of identity) and feel empowered to make a
difference (a sense of agency); (see Day, 2012). In Vygotskian sociocultural
sense of purpose and well-being which are so intimately connected with their
positive sense of professional identity and which enable them to draw upon,
deploy and manage the inherently dynamic emotionally vulnerable contexts
of teaching in which they teach and in which their pupils learn.
(Day, 2012, p. 17)
Though I had the emotions of a novice, I still had, or believed I had, the
cognition of an expert. These simultaneous and often conflicting modes of
perception made me behave in ways that felt fragmented and aimless at first;
by the end of the semester, I had managed to construct and pursue a new goal,
one that had never been necessary before: the reintegration of cognitive with
affective proficiency at a level, previously taken for granted, which allowed
me once again to enjoy teaching and derive creative satisfaction from it.
(p. 183)
The dialectical unity between cognition and emotion mentioned earlier is also
emphasized by Vygotsky’s work in his use of the Russian term perezhivanie1 to
represent this relationship (sometimes translated as “lived experience” or
“emotional experience”; Daniels, 2008, p. 43). In Vygotsky’s thinking:
In using this word and concept, Vygotsky emphasized the notion that an individ-
ual’s contexts and experiences should be understood not as they are present
outside of the individual, but rather how they are framed and experienced by the
individual once they are filtered through that individual’s emotional lenses.
Perezhivanie thus “account[s] for the central role of affect in framing and
interpreting human experience” and “is grounded in the process of emotional
Discussion
In order to claim and construct more empowering identities, NNESTs “must
bravely step out of self-consciousness, self-defencism, and negative self-
perception, and be convicted, perseverant, resilient, and eager to reach out for
others and to serve the community” (Wu et al., 2010, p. 213). Yet, how to support
NNESTs in doing so has not been fully theorized in TESOL. But attempting to
make sense of NNESTs’ challenges and professional needs in light of the theo-
retical discussions above can help highlight the importance of emotions for
NNESTs and illuminate the processes through which NNESTs can be supported
in becoming professionally confident. In addition, there may be more to gain by
conceptualizing confidence, competence, and expertise as context-dependent,
relative, and distributed, and by acknowledging that in order to work on the edge
of their competence teachers must have adequate confidence (see Tsui, 2003).
In their professional trajectories and contexts, NNESTs encounter a variety of
disempowering discourses and labels carrying negative connotations. Of these,
the NS myth and the term “non-native (speaker)” are perhaps the most damaging
and pervasive. Although various scholars have proposed alternative discourses
and terms, the NS myth continues to feed the notion that an ideal and all-knowing
native speaker who speaks a dominant, desirable, and rule-providing variety of
I think I I began to feel more comfortable <laughter> with being NNS, like I
understand there_ there are other people like- as me, with the same back-
I became aware not only of new “content”—what is the whole issue all about,
but also found a new perspective [sic] to look at things, in a different way that
I’m used to. E.g., caring not for the accuracy and/or idiomaticity of students’
language, but also considering their desire to express their identities in L2,
get across their meaning, etc. I also realized that I’m not alone. That there is
NNEST and other teachers going through similar experiences as me.
(p. 45, emphasis in the original)
Implications
The main implications for pre- and in-service teacher preparation and develop-
ment arising from the above discussion involve the inclusion of NNEST-related
topics, ongoing support, and pedagogical experiences relevant to the needs of
NNESTs.
For many NNESTs, the inclusion of NNEST-related topics in graduate course
work or professional development activities offers the first opportunity to become
aware of the collective plight of NNESTs as a professional community and to
learn of alternative discourses to the NS myth. Because the English learning
trajectories of many NNESTs are strongly influenced by the NS myth, many of
them internalize the very sort of racial and linguistic prejudice that we wish to
dismantle as a field. This highlights the importance of including topics in seminars
for NNESTs that tackle issues of “power, race, gender, accent, self-image, and
self-perceptions as NNESs” (Samimy et al., 2011, p. 564) as well as “issues
related to discrimination against NNES professionals and power inequality in the
TESOL communities” (Samimy et al., 2011, p. 570).
In addition to learning about the NS myth and alternative discourses, NNESTs
need the “caring support” (Mahn and John-Steiner, 2002, p. 46) of peers and more
expert others in order to begin challenging disempowering discourses. Ongoing
support can offer the types of personally-relevant and socially-meaningful inter-
actions needed to explore the connections between cognition, emotions, and
action. Peers and expert others can co-construct a “dynamic ZPD [which involves]
providing the metalanguage that relates to the processes of learning, including the
Note
1 The singular form of this term is perezhivanie, while the plural form is perezhivanija
(see Mahn and John-Steiner, 2002).
References
Benesch, S. (2012). Considering Emotions in Critical English Language Teaching:
Theories and Praxis. New York: by Routledge.
Braine, G. (2010). Nonnative Speaker English Teachers: Research, Pedagogy, and
Professional Growth. New York and London: Routledge.
Braine, G. (Ed.). (1999). Non-native Educators in English Language Teaching. Mahwah,
NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Brutt-Griffler, J., and Samimy, K. (1999). Revisiting the colonial in the postcolonial:
Critical praxis for nonnative-English-speaking teachers in a TESOL Program. TESOL
Quarterly, 33, 413–431. doi:10.2307/3587672
Canagarajah, A. S. (1999). Interrogating the “native speaker fallacy”: Non-linguistic roots,
non-pedagogical results. In G. Braine (Ed.). Non-native Educators in English Language
Teaching (pp. 77–92). London: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Cook, V. (2005). Basing teaching on the L2 user. In E. Llurda (Ed.). Non Native Language
Teachers: Perceptions, Challenges and Contributions to the Profession (pp. 47–61).
New York: Springer.
Daniels, H. (2008) Vygotsky and Research. London: Routledge.
Day, C. (2012). New lives of teachers. Teacher Education Quarterly, 39(1), 7–26.
Why identity?
Growing interest in the ways in which teachers construct and reconstruct their
professional identities has elevated teacher identity to the status of “a separate
research area” within teacher education (Beijaard et al., 2004). In the case of
language teacher education, for instance, identity has been positioned as “an
emerging field” (Miller, 2009, p. 172). The attention given to teacher identity may
reflect its value as an analytical lens for investigating and understanding teachers
and teaching, as Olsen (2011, p. 259) explains:
A teacher identity focus ensures that the active diversity and complex power of
teachers’ lived experiences and varied perspectives is acknowledged and made
available for study and productive use by researchers and teacher educators.
Olsen’s (2011) reference to the complexity of teachers and their work under-
scores the need for researchers to provide “an equally complex theoretical
response” (Varghese et al., 2005, p. 40). The purpose of this chapter is to consider
how such a theoretical response might be constructed. The chapter begins by
examining current understandings of teacher identity, arguing that there is a need
for empirical research that reflects the multifaceted and multilevel nature of
teachers’ identity work. Next, a theoretical framework is proposed which, it is
argued, is sensitive to the ways in which teachers construct their professional
identities in discourse and practice and acknowledges the role of agency and
structure within this identity work. The analytical value of this framework is then
illustrated through a description of the challenges faced by one group of native-
speaking English language teachers as they sought to construct identities as
professional language teachers in Hong Kong. Implications for teacher education
and future research are also considered.
The study
An important strategy in the promotion of English language learning within many
Asian countries is the hiring of native-speaking English teachers (Jeon and Lee,
2006). A Native English Teacher (NET) scheme was established in Hong Kong in
1998 to provide each public sector school with a native-speaking English teacher.
However, since the inception of the NET scheme questions have been raised about
the contribution of NETs to English language teaching and learning in Hong
Kong. For example, doubts have been raised about how native speakers of English
should be defined and identified (Boyle, 1997; Johnston, 1999; Luk and Lin,
2007), with some local English teachers regarding NETs as a challenge to their
professionalism and questioning their “seriousness” in terms of preparing students
for examinations (Walker, 2001). Attracting and retaining NETs should, however,
be based on an understanding of how NETs experience working in Hong Kong
schools, which is the goal of the study described below.
In 2008, eight teachers, four female and four male, who were employed as
English language teachers in primary and secondary schools under the Hong
Kong Government’s NET scheme, were invited to participate in a study investi-
gating the ways in which these teachers construct their professional identities
within Hong Kong schools. A strategic approach to sampling was adopted in that
I sought to include NETs with different backgrounds, experiences and character-
istics. For example, the eight NETs in the study come from a variety of social,
cultural, educational, and professional backgrounds, with different years of
teaching experience. A balance was also sought amongst NETs teaching at the
primary and secondary school levels, as well as in terms of gender. Sampling
decisions also took into account the role that macro- and microenterprises play in
identity formation. In Hong Kong, a significant influence on what teachers do is
the mandatory mother-tongue education policy which, since 1998, has resulted in
75 percent of government-funded secondary schools using Cantonese as the
medium of instruction (CMI) at the junior secondary level, with the remaining
25 percent adopting English as the medium of instruction (EMI) (Tsui, 2007).
Amongst the four secondary school NETs in this study, two teachers teach in CMI
schools while two teach in EMI schools.
Identities in conflict
NETs negatively evaluate situations which they believed threaten their self-
positioning as “professional language teachers.” Discursively, strong opposition
Beyond antagonism
Homi Bhabha (1990) describes “hybridity” as “the fact that when a new situation,
a new alliance formulates itself, it may demand that you should translate your
principles, rethink them, extend them” (p. 216). Establishing a new “alliance”
between different stakeholders within Hong Kong schools could take the form of
a teaching and learning policy team comprised school managers, NETs, and local
English teachers. Such a team should critically reflect on past teaching and
learning practices, learn from shared experiences, and generate plans for future
policies on teaching and learning. The essential goals of this new team must
include formalizing NETs voices in relation to the dominant discourses of
Conclusion
The framework for understanding and investigating teacher identity proposed in
this chapter argues that both spatiality and temporality are significant considera-
tions in understandings of how teachers construct professional identities within
educational settings worldwide. A significant element in this research agenda,
then, is the need for contextualized, longitudinal investigations that reveal the
ways in which agency and structure interact to both constrain and enable teachers’
identity work over time in specific settings. Combined with a strong critical
element, such research is essential to realizing the promise of teacher identity as
means “to prepare new teachers for the challenges of developing strong profes-
sional identities in positive ways” (Beauchamp and Thomas, 2009, p. 186).
References
Alsup, J. (2006). Teacher Identity Discourses. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Barton, D. and Tusting, K. (2005). Introduction. In D. Barton and K. Tusting (Eds), Beyond
Communities of Practice. Language Power, and Social Context (pp. 1–13). Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Beauchamp, C., and Thomas, L. (2009). Understanding teacher identity: An overview
of issues in the literature and implications for teacher education. Cambridge Journal of
Education, 39, 175–189.
Beauchamp, C. and Thomas, L. (2011). New teachers’ identity shifts at the boundary of
teacher education and initial practice. International Journal of Educational Research,
50, 6–13.
Beijaard, D., Meijer, P., and Verloop, N. (2004). Reconsidering research on teachers’
professional identity. Teaching and Teacher Education, 20, 107–128.
Bhabha, H. (1990). The third space. Interview with Homi Bhabha. In J. Rutherford (Ed.),
Identity.Community, Culture, Difference (pp. 207-–221). London: Lawrence and
Wishart.
Boyle, J. (1997). Native-speaker teachers of English in Hong Kong. Language and
Education, 11, 163–181.
Britzman, D. (2003). Practice Makes Practice. A Critical Study of Learning to Teach. New
York: State University of New York Press.
Introduction
Teacher identity has attracted increasing attention in applied linguistics and the
significant role of identity in teacher development is widely recognized (Beauchamp
and Thomas, 2009; Freese, 2006; Olsen, 2008). However, most studies focus on
the development of student teacher identities and negotiation of teacher identities
in the mid-career lives of teachers remains an under-researched area. Exploring
how teachers deal with identity negotiations and challenges that they encounter in
their professional lives provides a valuable opportunity for understanding the
complex relationship between context and identity, which makes it deserving of at
least as much attention. This chapter, drawing on narrative interviews with two
teachers who faced mid-career redundancy at a higher education institution in
Northern Cyprus, will examine the ways in which professional changes impacted
on the personal and professional identities of the teachers involved.
The chapter begins with a brief discussion of teacher identity before moving on
to consider the research approach adopted in the chapter, narrative inquiry.
Following a short description of the relevant professional setting, constructed
from teacher narratives, the core of the chapter is the representation of the experi-
ences of two teachers affected by redundancy in their organization. Our focus is
specifically on the impact of this on their personal and professional identities, the
broader implications of which are considered in a closing discussion.
Narrative inquiry
The narrative turn in the human sciences (e.g. Barkhuizen, 2011; Gubrium and
Holstein, 2009; Johnson and Golombek, 2011; Polkinghorne, 1988) has seen
Setting
In this section we draw on teachers’ observations to develop a brief sketch of the
English Preparatory School, a long-established department within a university in
Northern Cyprus employing over 150 teachers. Most students spend a year in the
School studying English intensively before moving to their academic departments
and within the local English Language Teaching (ELT) community the School
itself is regarded as something of an elite institution offering opportunities for
professional advancement not available elsewhere in the system.
The School was organized on the basis of a number of small teams (e.g.
teaching, curriculum, testing) comprising 15–16 members and a team leader.
Membership and roles rotated every academic term in order to give everyone an
opportunity to be part of different teams and teams collaborated closely – an
arrangement that minimizes the likelihood of balkanization (Hargreaves, 1994,
pp. 212–240). It also encouraged the development of a community of practice
(Lave and Wenger, 1991) characterized by a collaborative orientation, a pro-
active outlook and a commitment to professional development:
The high point for these teachers was their hosting of an IATEFL Testing SIG,
when they were able to share with the wider professional community their enthu-
siasm and commitment. Shortly after this, however, there was a subtle change in
the approach adopted by senior management away from the encouragement of
bottom-up initiatives and peer evaluation, and toward a more directive culture in
which formal observations and assessment played an important role. It was from
this context that the first rumors of redundancy surfaced, leading to the emergence
of new groupings and shifting interpersonal dynamics:
In the past everything was better, the relationships were much friendlier . . .
we started to see a more stressful environment, there are rumors that they will
Our focus is on the impact that the subsequent redundancies had on the identi-
ties of teachers in the School rather than on the professional culture itself, but it is
nevertheless worth noting that redundancy rarely comes as a bolt from the blue
and that in this case the collaborative professional orientation of these teachers
had already to some extent been undermined by changes in the organizational
culture. The divisive effects of this are evident in a comment from another teacher:
maybe it’s not a good way to say it but I don’t really think that they were very
good at immm in their performance in teaching or they were not really willing
to teach anyway, but because they knew some people around . . . in a way . . .
they found a way and they got this job . . . it was very stressful for us.
(Leman)
Having established this broader context, we now turn to the effects of redundan-
cies themselves. For reasons of space, the following sections focus on just two
teachers, representing different aspects of identity shift and positioning in the
context of the redundancy experience.
Ebru
Ebru’s response seems to have been strongly influenced by the way she constructs
her identity as a teacher. Her interview, which took place at her house, gives some
clue as to why this might be. Bringing her identities as a mother and a Turkish
Cypriot woman to the fore, she invited the interviewer to sit in the kitchen while
she made coffee and reflected on her story as a teacher who experienced redun-
dancy. While her daughter was helping her to put the cakes on plates, she proudly
described how they had baked the cakes together and over a number of coffees
explained that being a teacher was a dream come true. She could still clearly
picture the day of her graduation as a symbol of becoming a fully qualified English
language teacher: “I vividly remember that day . . . throwing the cap into the air
. . . [laugh] . . . we were the first graduates of the ELT department . . . it was such
a wonderful day [laugh]”.
As a proud graduate of the same university, Ebru started working as a part-time
instructor at the EPS and in 2003 finally became a full-time instructor. She
considered working at the School as an invaluable experience and, like other
participants, emphasized the professional development courses that instructors
had to complete in addition to their full-time teaching responsibilities. Ebru
stressed how these courses helped her to build her confidence in the classroom
and in her linguistic abilities, constructing the experience not as an individual
matter but as a collaborative (“we”) achievement. In describing it as a “wonderful
experience that I believe I will not be able to live anywhere else, ever again in my
In 2003 I gave birth to my daughter, you know they say each child comes
with her luck and fortune [kısmet], that year I also became full-time . . . it’s
been ten years . . . they have been growing together [laugh], I became more
experienced and was really comfortable in class . . . my daughter was also
getting older, she started school, I was going back and forth between the
nursery, home and work all day so life was really really busy but very good.
Ebru’s use of the word kısmet not only expresses her belief that her daughter’s
birth helped her become a full-time and permanent member of the EPS commu-
nity but establishes a connection between the associated identities (mother and
teacher) that is reflected in her approach to teaching:
After being a mum, how you see your students also changes, you feel more
mature and in control and you also want to take care of them more . . . pastoral
care becomes part of your role more . . . and you feel more like their teacher
rather than their equal.
I will never go back there if they call me back . . . because they kicked people
out without thinking, because I started last, they just said bye. This is not
logical, I know teachers who are still teaching there, but do not deserve to be
there . . . we worked hard but they kicked us out
For me teaching at this university was very enjoyable . . . it was something
I experienced and it’s over and I don’t think I will experience something like
this again in my life.
a job I did not know, a job that I never dreamt of doing, if you think about it
. . . Nightmare! I wanted to pull my hair and say what am I doing here? . . . that
day I sat in front of the computer and I wanted to shout WHAT AM I DOING
HERE, WHAT AM I DOING HERE that day and 3 more months were like
that, WHAT AM I DOING, I still question myself, what am I doing in this
office, what am I doing here? I am no use to myself or to my family, what am
I doing? . . . I didn’t and I will probably never adapt or get used to it because I
am still a teacher and I cannot accept that job, the job that I do now . . . I abso-
lutely do not see myself as an administrative assistant, I still see myself as a
teacher and I am certain that it will happen in the future, I will do my job again,
I am hundred percent sure about this, the only thing that I am certain.
Ebru’s rejection of the institution and acceptance of a non-teaching post has not
compromised her sense of identity as a language teacher. Although at first the
conflict between perceived identity and actual practice produced the sense of diso-
rientation and dislocation evident in the above passage, sustaining her teacher
identity through the crisis of redundancy is central to her sense of well-being. The
springs of our next teacher’s route into the profession, however, are very different
and her decision to move to a government school, a shift which on the surface
would seem to be unproblematic in terms of preserving her teacher identity,
exposed a complex picture in which institutional association plays a key part.
Burcu
Burcu was the only teacher at the time of the first interview who mentioned
that she was considering looking for another job, and by the time of the second
I didn’t really know what I wanted but I knew what I did not want because I
hated teaching . . . because of the clichés and beliefs related to teaching . . . it
is a woman’s job, people kept telling me it’s the ideal job for a woman, you’ll
have 3 months summer holiday, it has lots of advantages . . . I hated all these
comments . . . but in the literature department we read many books, novels
and the richness of the language and ideas changed my vision and I started
to love English . . . I guess this is one reason that helped me to enter this
profession, the other is I did not really had another option in Cyprus but I also
fell in love with English and I wanted it to become and stay a part of my life.
as a person I am an open minded person and I want to improve myself all the
time, I think all these affected my decision to become an English language
teacher.
after the secondary school, I was unsure if I wanted to teach ever again, I
disliked it so much that I was ready to start thinking about other options, but
I had to find a job quickly because I needed the money. So, I started there
[EPS] with these ideas and worries.
Burcu’s experience of teaching at the EPS was transformative, though there are
clear indications in her narrative of a slightly uncomfortable recognition that part
of her satisfaction derives from an implicit elitism and an intellectual orientation
that connect with her broader ambitions:
Unlike Ebru, who lost her job because of redundancy, Burcu changed her job
before the redundancies were announced. Although this is an exercise of personal
agency, she does not construct it in this way in her narrative, as the extracts below
reveal. In stark contrast to her representation of herself at the beginning of the
interview as a confident and ambitious individual, here she portrays herself as
powerless in the face of external forces representing a serious threat to her finan-
cial independence. The sadness in her voice was almost tangible and the emphatic
repetition of “had to” underlined her sense of powerlessness. Her reference to
being torn in two reflects her recognition of the impossibility of reconciling two
different professional identities: the developing professional at a cutting edge
institution and the time-serving practitioner left to “rust” among “others” in ordi-
nary schools. Throughout her narrative she represented the negotiation as one
between opposing points such as security (the government job) and insecurity (the
EPS), dissatisfaction (the government job) and satisfaction (the EPS), and her
ideal self (as an EPS teacher) and her actual self (as a government teacher):
I could not afford to be unemployed, I bought a house, had to pay the mort-
gage and did not have any savings . . . even the idea of it made me really
stressed
I didn’t want to be a government teacher you know, that meant the end of
my professional development, I knew I would rust among the others, you can
resist it for some time, but then you give in, after they called me, those were
the worst three days of my life. Because I was in conflict with myself, should
I go, should I not go but it is a permanent government job, what if the rumors
and gossips are accurate, what if the university gets rid of people . . .
I felt like I was torn apart . . . like they cut me into two pieces, it physically
hurt, I put the phone down and started crying. On one side a secure job, secure
salary, on the other side the university, the EPS. I couldn’t bear the thought
of sitting at home without a job, maybe I could give private lessons but
how much can that bring? I HAD to go. I had to. Then I went to my office and
told my colleagues and sat and cried with them for hours, it was a horrible
day.
Having made the decision, Burcu resigned from the EPS and started teaching at a
government school in a village requiring two-hour daily commute. She likens the
I tried to keep a straight face and not make people realize how terrible I was
feeling, I forced myself not to cry, but when I went into the car to drive back
home . . . you know, I couldn’t see the road because of the tears in my eyes, . . .
it was like I died inside . . . it was painful, then I had to accept it like when your
father or mother passes away, you have to accept, you don’t have a choice.
I chose the torture of being a government teacher . . . but you know I am not
a government teacher, I don’t see myself like that . . . I am hopeful, I am not
going to be like that, I will do something, a course, a masters, something,
somehow I will manage it . . . still I can’t distance or detach myself from the
university, for example they organized a Spanish class for EPS teachers in
the evening, and I went and nearly begged them to allow me to join, I was
saying you know I am also an EPS teacher and they accepted it, so I go to that
course, so I see myself as an EPS teacher on sabbatical, but working in the
government.
For both teachers considered so far, “letting go” of what they see as their primary
professional identity has been fiercely resisted. For Burcu this has meant fighting
to preserve her identity as an EPS teacher, while Ebru has been prepared to let this
go while clinging tightly to her identity as a teacher even though she is no longer
teaching.
Discussion
There are some striking differences between these teachers in terms of profes-
sional identity. It would seem, for example, that while Ebru’s teacher identity is
embedded within the person, while Burcu’s is located within the institution, itself
a powerful player in these narratives. While Ebru rejects it because of a deep sense
of betrayal, it is central to Burcu’s sense of professional self. Burcu has to work
for what she regards as the professional legitimacy conferred by membership of
the institution, “begging” to be admitted to a Spanish course in order to preserve
the identity on which her sense of professional self-worth would seem to depend
(Wenger,1998).
Conclusion
Based on our analysis of the experiences of the two teachers in this study, we
suggest that redundancies result in not only a physical shift from the institutional
context, but also reconfigurations of professional and personal identities. Their
narratives exemplify how negative experiences such as redundancies can have a
major impact on identity shifts and reconstruction, also revealing how redundancy
as a lived experience is perceived differently depending on professional and
personal circumstances and perspectives.
What is most striking about the narratives of the two teachers who left EPS as
a result of the redundancies is the impact of this on their sense of actual self,
reducing this to an identity that is moved backstage to allow for aspects of
the ideal self to be foregrounded, in stark contrast to the situation prior to
redundancy where the actual self takes center stage in the pursuit of professional
excellence. This shift away from the actual self on the part of the others may in
part be a consequence of the dislocation that arises from redundancy, but it also
reflects the difficulties in reorienting professional identities in the face of this
challenge.
References
Barkhuizen, G. (2011). Narrative knowledging in TESOL. TESOL Quarterly, 45(3),
391–414.
Barreto, M. L. and Frazier, L. D. (2012). Coping with life events through possible selves.
Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 42(7), 1785–1810.
Bathmaker, A. (2010). Introduction. In A. Bathmaker and P. Harnett (Eds), Exploring
Learning, Identity and Power through Life History and Narrative Research, pp. 1–10.
London, Routledge.
In many educational settings a wide variety of labels are used to identify different
individuals within schools. Labels such as teacher, classroom teacher, classroom
assistant and teaching assistant are just some that have been used in widely over
the last 10–15 years. This is particularly true in the case of state-funded education
in England where the different labels are used to connote different levels of
qualification, training and responsibility. The labels thus construct power-relations
between and across individuals and have implications in terms of who does what,
where and with whom. Of particular interest to this chapter is how teachers work
with/in and between these labels in the course of their day-to-day actions and
interactions within the schools and classrooms of which they are part.
Drawing from ethnographic data collected as a part of a case study of primary
school literacy classes in a South London school I present interview and
observation data to draw attention to the ways in which one focal teacher
positioned herself within the school. I use this data to detail the strategies she
employed to construct and maintain her position and identity within the school.
I show some of the challenges she faced as well as the advantages she was able
to gain. Such an account is particularly useful in terms of understanding how
teachers carve out spaces for themselves within school and classroom settings at
the same time as understanding how teachers operate within the larger structures
of national policy.
Heath and Street (2008, p. 33) highlight the recursive nature of ethnography that
they describe as the “back-and-forth observing, noting, reading, thinking,
observing, and noting”. This “constant comparative” and movement between
data, findings and research literature captures the perspective that guided the
research and which in turn informs the discussion presented here.
Extract A
01 and what I do what I did this year (.) I may not follow exactly what
02 they are doing at the same time but I (.) I cover what they need the
03 reason why I won’t follow them is that they may work for example for
04 two days (.) in er the class teacher may have in their plan their weekly
05 plan two days for story opening or beginning of a story and I know
06 for a fact that with my children I need a week.
Extract B
01 now as I said before I don’t follow what class teachers do (.) I
02 follow my own teaching.
Extract C
01 hmm I am just happy working just like I do
From these extracts it is clear that Maria feels an agency to organize and structure
her classes in a very different way to the mainstream teachers. This ability to
shape her own teaching was something which was very much a driving force
behind her initial request for individual timetabled space with these students and
for adopting withdrawal classes.
Whilst on the one hand the movement out of the mainstream brought Maria
and increased sense of personal agency, this appeared to be tempered by a
lack of knowledge around the school as to what Maria did in her classes. When
I spent time in other classrooms or in other parts of the school people would
ask me what kinds of things Maria did with her students. Equally when I
would spend time in other classrooms Maria would ask me about what the
other teachers were doing and how the students were working in those
classes. There was, from an outsider’s perspective, a clear disconnect between
the different classrooms with people not really knowing what Maria did in
her classes and vice versa. In the last interview I did with Maria she talked
about her position in the school and Extract D below captures her sentiment
towards this issue.
Line 03 is important in that it speaks to the role that space plays in the profile of
Maria’s work. From her perspective, when the students return to the mainstream
classes after studying with her, they are able to slot straight in, their return is unno-
ticed and as a consequence Maria’s work is also unnoticed. Later in the interview
Maria made a further reference to the idea of her work being seen.
Extract E
01 M at end I think that I am happy with their progress as well, many
children not every
02 single one but many children for example if it was year six they
were able to attend
03 SATS which is hard and many others and other groups other year
groups they were
04 able to attend tests independently and I see that as their progress
and that’s not just
05 me but myself and the class teachers.
In lines 04–05 there is a real sense that it is the students’ performance in these
examination contexts which is crucial to her work being understood. There is an
implication here that it is not necessarily the marks the students get in these exams
that is important, more the taking part is seen as evidence of Maria having success-
fully prepared the students.
Visibly invisible
A possible reason as to why little was known about Maria’s classes was that she
spent very little time interacting with the other teachers. In my first few weeks of
being at the school I was not sure of why this was and whether or not Maria felt
isolated. The more time I spent with her though the more openly she talked about
this and presented it as an active choice. Whereas other teachers and assistants
mostly spent their lunchtimes and breaks in the staffroom Maria did not. She
either stayed in “her room” or went to an empty classroom to have her lunch. She
said she did not like to be part of the staffroom gossip and she did not want to be
part of other people’s business. She said that if people wanted to talk to her, “they
Notes
1 All names used here are pseudonyms to maintain the anonymity of the school and the
participants.
2 These quotes are taken from my field notes from my time at the school and come largely
from informal conversations that I was part of. They are used in the remainder of the
chapter and are kept in this format for consistency.
3 The Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant (EMAG) was until recently, money that had
been ring-fenced by the government to be used by Local Authorities and Schools
“intended to narrow achievement gaps between pupils from those minority ethnic groups
who are at risk of underachieving and to meet particular needs of bilingual students”
(DfES, 2004, p. 4).
References
Bach, S., Kessler, I., and Heron, P. (2006). Changing job boundaries and workforce reform:
The case of teaching assistants. Industrial Relations Journal, 37, 2–21.
Bartlett, L., and Holland, D. (2002). Theorizing the space of literacy practices. Ways of
Knowing Journal, 2(1), 10–22.
Blatchford, P., Bassett, P., Brown, P., Martin, C., Russell, A., Webster, R., and Haywood,
N. (2006). The Deployment and Impact of Support Staff in Schools. Report on the Find-
ings from Strand 1, Wave 1. DfES Research Report 776. London: Department for
Education and Skills.
Bloome, D., Carter, S., Christian, B., Otoo, S., and Shuart-Faris, N. (2005). Discourse
Analysis and the Study of Classroom Language and Literacy Events: A Microethno-
graphic Perspective. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Bourdieu, P., and Wacquant, L. (1992). An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. Cambridge:
Polity Press.
A hero ventures forth from the world of common day into a region of supernatural
wonder: fabulous forces are there encountered and a decisive victory is won: the
hero comes back from this mysterious adventure with the power to bestow boons
on his fellow man.
(Campbell, 1968, p. 30)
Theoretical orientations
The present study relies on several poststructuralist theoretical concepts to provide
a critical analysis of the multiple researchers’ story fragments and identities
discussed, which is explained in the following section. It is followed by a narra-
tive theorization of identity that discusses how identities are constructed and
negotiated through discourse.
Identity negotiation
First, identity is interpreted in Norton’s terms as “how a person understands his or her
relationship to the world, how that relationship is structured across time and space,
and how the person understands possibilities for the future” (2000, p. 5). When stud-
ying how learners relate to the world and their possibilities for the future, Bourdieu’s
(1991) notion of cultural capital makes an important contribution to understanding
how different kinds of knowledge, skills or cultural acquisitions such as education
and technical qualifications may be transformed into other types of symbolic or mate-
rial capital due to their high exchange value (Norton Peirce, 1995). Based on this
notion, Norton Peirce coined the term “investment” as a social construct that explains
the relationship that learners have with their “changing social world” and their
multiple and complex social identities (Norton Peirce, 1995, p. 17). Accordingly,
learners may invest in learning an L2 if they feel that doing so will allow them to gain
both symbolic and/or material resources that are important to them.
Additionally, Cummins’s (2001) notions of power relations in educational
contexts help shed light on how identities are negotiated. According to Cummins,
there are two types of power relations that have a direct impact on learners’ identi-
ties and their learning process: coercive relations of power and collaborative rela-
tions of power (p. 208). In the first case, the individual or group with the highest
symbolic capital (i.e. a teacher or an advanced learner) uses the existing power
differential to their advantage; thus, constraining learners’ possibilities for
negotiating their identities, learning or upward mobility. On the other hand, in
collaborative relations of power, power and cultural capital are shared, knowledge
is scaffolded and co-constructed, which results in the empowering of the learner
and the communities she is part of (e.g. her family, the school community, etc.).
identities are human-made, and not God-given, they have authors and
recipients, they are collectively shaped even if individually told, and they can
change according to the authors’ and recipients perceptions and needs. As
discursive constructs, they are also reasonably accessible and investigable,
(p. 17)
Findings
This section discusses our multiple TEIM identities guided by the hero’s journey
metaphor (Campbell, 1968). Thus, the researchers’ journey is divided in three
main stages: (1) Departure: pre-data collection; (2) Initiation: data collection; and
(3) Return: post-data collection. Each stage is introduced with a brief summary
This initial part of the hero’s journey connects with our introduction to the PhD
program and our call to adventure as research topics and research questions
emerged from our lived experiences as teachers. Next, we sought advice from our
thesis supervisor (we share the same supervisor) as we planned our thesis proposal
and data collection. This was followed by preparing our comprehensive exams
and subsequent thesis proposal. Our research proposals were evaluated by both
doctoral and research ethics committees, which ensured that we both achieved
doctoral candidacy and were ready to explore new realms of inquiry in our data
collection. The glocal professional identities category explained below illustrates
our identity negotiation at this stage.
Excerpt 7.1: This is how I was going to Chile, as a Canadian researcher and
this hybrid of course. I am a Latin American and a Canadian!
The two samples (Figure 7.1 and Excerpt 7.1) show both researchers’ investment
in a Canadian as well as a transnational teacher-researcher identity due to their
North American education, dual nationality, and their close ties with teachers and
teacher educators in Colombia, Chile, and Sri Lanka.
During the data collection phase of our journeys, we travelled to our research
contexts and experienced the communities of practice that we had envisioned as
we planned our data collection. We had some sense of our positionality in the host
communities, but neither of us had been researchers in those communities and we
were to a great extent outsiders who travelled and immersed ourselves in these
research sites. Herath was conducting part of her data collection in the predomi-
nantly Tamil Northern Province of Sri Lanka which was directly affected by the
civil war. As Herath’s data collection took place in 2012, three years after the end
of the war, she was able to visit her site in northern Sri Lanka, but was anxious to
be perceived as an outsider or even oppressor due to her Sinhalese background.
On the other hand, as soon as Valencia arrived in Chile, a series of ongoing strikes
took place and affected data collection during his nearly three-months’ stay. These
strikes were motivated by a national student movement demanding free tertiary
Excerpt 7.2: When you see my VoiceThread you realize it’s more like me
trying to fit in but at the same time feeling I.m not really part of that and for
me in the whole process of research it was really important to be a part of the
context. (Herath, Critical conversation)
Excerpt 7.3: Some people asked me, are you Canadian? And I didn’t want
that question to be asked while I was there! (Herath, Critical conversation)
Excerpt 7.4: While I was there I was always a foreigner and I was not a
Canadian, I was a Colombian. (Critical conversation)
Excerpt 7.4 reflects Valencia’s frustration, which were not the result of being
perceived as a Colombian, but mostly because of the stereotypes commonly asso-
ciated with Colombians in Chile (see Segovia and Lufin, 2013). Among these
stereotypes illegal activities were prominent, particularly drug trafficking. This
can be observed in his identity text in which he created a short video animation
that showcased a picture of Pablo Escobar, the infamous Colombian drug lord,
dressed as Pancho Villa, and where Escobar’s face slowly turns into Valencia’s
face as he says:
Excerpt 7.5: So all of a sudden I felt like I was turning from a teacher
researcher into some sort of new Pablo Escobar. (Identity text)
Excerpt 7.6: When I dealt with the teacher candidates, I always introduced
myself as a student and a language teacher. I thought they will be able to
connect with me. But my participants never identified me as a fellow student,
but as a professor. They called me “madam” just as they addressed their
female professors and they completed all the tasks I assigned them. (Herath)
Excerpt 7.7: I often introduced myself as a student, and I noticed that TCs
were not taking me as seriously and they wouldn’t respond to my e-mails, so
I learned that I could put on the “professor hat” and get their attention
because that is how things work locally! (Valencia)
Excerpt 7.8: During my stay in Sri Lanka, I not only collaborated with teacher
educators, but also with participating teacher candidates. I co-presented a
paper with my participants at a language teachers’ conference in Sri Lanka. I
want to continue to be involved. (Critical conversation)
Final reflections
This chapter illustrated our two teacher-educators-in-the making journeys as our
multiple identities were negotiated across time and contexts while conducting our
doctoral research. The use of the hero’s journey proved to be a powerful metaphor
for us to engage in critical collaboration and reflect on our experiences as language
teachers and researchers. This led to a deeper understanding of where we stand,
and the different teacher educator identities that we invest in.
We see ourselves collaborating with colleagues across borders, particularly in
places where we already have some kind of connection due to our ethnic and
linguistic backgrounds, such as Latin America and Sri Lanka. However, as we
conducted this study and co-authored our narratives, we experienced that collabo-
ration may also occur among language teacher educators from any ethnic or
linguistic background or community of practice so long as they work together
having a common goal such as helping prepare future language teachers to
acknowledge and address the needs of diverse learners. We hope that our teachers’
and doctoral students’ accounts contribute to scholarship on how language
teachers develop critical reflection and life-learning skills by researching their
experiences and identities during their doctoral studies.
References
Bamberg, M. (2004). Talk: Small stories and adolescent identities. Human Development,
47, 366–369.
Bamberg, M. (2006). Stories: Big or small: Why do we care? Narrative Inquiry, 16(1),
139–147.
Barkhuizen, G. and de Klerk, V. (2006). Imagined identities: pre-immigrants’ narratives on
language and identity. International Journal of Bilingualism, 10(3), 277–299.
Bell, J. S. (2002). Narrative inquiry: More than telling stories. TESOL Quarterly, 36(2),
207–213.
Borg, S. (2003). Teacher cognition in language teaching: A review of research on what
language teachers think, know, believe, and do. Language Teaching, 36(02), 81–109.
Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and Symbolic Power. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Brown, J. and Moffett, C. (1999). The Hero’s Journey: How Educators Can Transform
Schools and Improve Learning. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision &
Curriculum Development.
Bruner, J. (1990). Acts of Meaning. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bruner, J. (1996). The Culture of Education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Introduction
This chapter explores the relationship between gender and professional identity in
foreign1 women teaching English as a foreign language (EFL) in Japanese higher
education. University language teaching is at the top of the EFL educational hier-
archy – above language schools and secondary institutions – and often considered
the “Holy Grail” of EFL employment in Japan. Some foreign teachers2 who
started at the bottom of the hierarchy decide to remain in Japan for various reasons
– they put roots down (often due to marriage to a Japanese national) and/or they
decide to make a career out of EFL teaching. To move away from work that is
perceived to have no upward mobility, teachers often enroll in graduate programs
and join professional organizations and aim for university employment, which is
seen as more stable and more respectable (e.g. Fraser, 2011; Whitsed and Wright,
2011). At the beginning of their careers, they are often hired as adjunct teachers,
hoping to obtain full-time or permanent positions. Other teachers, especially those
with newly minted master degrees, are often, but not always, contracted prior to
arrival to teach full time at universities with large foreign language centers. The
pinnacle of university employment is, of course, tenure.
For foreign teachers, there is often a racialized dichotomy separating them from
Japanese teachers which results in different hiring criteria, different employment
benefits, and different levels of professional respect (e.g. Fraser, 2011; Hayes,
2013; Simon-Maeda, 2004; Whitsed and Wright, 2011). There are two categories
of employment in universities: standard and non-standard. Standard employment,
which is similar to the Japanese corporate tradition of lifetime employment with
social welfare benefits and job security, means tenure. Non-standard employment
involves full-time teaching under limited-term contracts or part-time teaching in
one or more universities. Full-time teachers may be eligible for certain social
welfare benefits under the terms of their contracts, but part-time teachers must
make arrangements for their own insurance and pensions. Whereas tenured
teachers have job security, part-time and limited-term contracted teachers, whose
positions are precarious, do not (e.g. Hayes, 2013; Rivers, 2013).
The hiring criteria for standard positions, which are occupied mainly by
Japanese teachers, are stringent. Holding advanced degrees in a related field and
Methodology
This chapter presents the results from part of my larger study of foreign female
EFL teachers working in various educational contexts (private lessons, conversa-
tion schools, and secondary and tertiary institutions) in Japan. Data were collected
via three methods. First, I examined the responses of 38 university English
teachers via an online questionnaire (Survey Monkey) targeted to female EFL
teachers in Japan (n=220) that invited commentary on the following statements:
(1) Expectations in my university/universities are no different for me than they are
for my male colleagues; (2) Expectations in my university/universities are no
different for me than they are for my Japanese colleagues; and (3) Do you have
any comments concerning teaching in a college or university? Of the 38 respond-
ents, 15 were part-time teachers, 13 were non-tenured full-time teachers (usually
with three to five year contracts) and nine were tenured. Part-time teachers
included those who teach in other areas as well, including conversation schools,
secondary schools, and some even have their own teaching businesses. Of the
tenured teachers, two are full professors, five are associate professors, and two are
assistant professors.
Data also come from several personal e-mail exchanges with three women (one
tenured professor, one contracted teacher, and one part-time teacher) describing
challenges they face as foreign women in their universities, and from selected post-
ings (with permission of the writers) on an e-list established (by one of the original
survey participants) in August 2012 to provide academic and career support, as
well as networking opportunities for foreign women in Japanese academia. Some
of the 23 women on this e-list were also respondents to the original questionnaire.
All of the participants’ names are pseudonyms (unless otherwise stated) and
identifying details concerning residence and employment have been purposely
I have no idea what the expectations are. I don’t even know who my “boss”
is, if there is one. I have no idea who hired me, or why; was I just a warm
body? Did my CV help me out? Or was it the hair and eyes?
(Anonymous 1, SP)
Not only is she unaware of who the power holders are, she is also unaware of
curricular guidelines that should be shaping her pedagogical practices for that
particular institution and for her particular students. This has led her to question
her very existence as a teacher for that school. The following comment from a
dispatch teacher not only suggests that she feels, as the anonymous comment
above suggests, like just a “warm body” taking up space, but one that is easily
interchangeable with another warm-bodied foreign teacher:
I was told that a full time teacher will take some of my classes during the
semester because he had some time off of his classes and it wouldn’t cost
them any more for him to teach, but they would have to pay me. So I had to
I like that I can do what I want, but the crap co-worker was also allowed to do
whatever she wanted, which included lying on the floor during lessons, and
that made my freedom seem more like they just didn’t care.
(Linda, SP)
For conscientious teachers, the freedom to innovate in the Japanese tertiary EFL
classroom is quite welcome, but this freedom may facilitate lackadaisical attitudes
toward teaching for slipshod teachers. Linda feels that being lumped together with
such teachers is professionally demoralizing.
Teachers working under limited-term contracts, who must always worry about
their next position, are on a permanent outbound trajectory (Wenger, 1998).
Anonymous 2’s (SP) comment below highlights again the notion that foreign
teachers are seen as one large entity rather than individuals with different teaching
strengths and weaknesses. Teachers may perceive that as long as they are silent
and compliant, letters of recommendation will be forthcoming and their careers
can continue when they move on to the next university. Yet, there seems to be
little care as to what they actually do as teachers:
Contracted foreign English language teachers are often expected to present posi-
tive images in accordance with institutional policies as a commodity to attract
potential students (e.g. Rivers, 2013; Whitsed and Wright, 2011). According to
Rivers (2013), they are not allowed to criticize conditions or to demand changes
for fear of dismissal, and furthermore, they rarely do so because the revolving
door of their employment situation keeps them too occupied.
Perhaps Marie (SP) who loves teaching, but hates having to leave within two
years, describes the situation best by saying, “I feel disposable.”
Basically I was told that I was a spoilt brat housewife, who should be happy
with the little salary she gets, and obviously doesn’t know how to budget. I
was also asked why my husband didn’t help out! I was shocked, and was told
that I have only been here a few months, and that perhaps I needed better
money management skills! Mouth dropped to the ground. If I was a man, I
don’t think that would never have been said to me.
Jennifer also had difficulty registering her children as dependents, and as a result,
they were uninsured for three months. Even after producing necessary documen-
tation, the administrators, apparently blinded by gendered attitudes that men
should support women, believed she was trying to pull a fast one. They asked her
husband to provide documents from his universities proving that the children
were indeed not his dependents. Such a demand was a professional insult for
Jennifer, an embarrassment to her husband, and an annoyance for his employers.
Jennifer’s job dissatisfaction became well known, and her colleagues suddenly
became very nice. Later she learned they had been instructed “to keep Jennifer
happy.” In other words, it was believed that if she were managed well, she would
learn to adapt. Her colleagues spoke positively of the university and the local area,
and one professor even suggested adding part-time teaching to her already busy
schedule as a full-time teacher and the sole caregiver for her children as a means
to supplement her income. Instead, she obtained a higher paying position and
announced her resignation before her first semester there ended. Some of those
who had previously been “nice” began gossiping about her, and she overheard one
colleague insinuating that a woman like Jennifer would be unhappy wherever she
went.
They then start their rants about why should they waste the time and money
and blah blah blah . . . I had to listen to this last week from “Mr. I didn’t get
a job interview”. It amazes me that people who work at universities seem to
find studying a waste of time. . . . Fine. You guys do nothing while I get my
butt in gear. We’ll see who’s laughing at the end.
(Anne, SP, EP, DP)
Anne certainly got the last laugh because she recently obtained a limited-term
contracted position. One of her male colleagues, however, trivialized her success
by surmising that she was hired merely because she was a woman and not because
of her qualifications, reflecting common attitudes that successful foreign female
teachers somehow have advantages over foreign male teachers, despite their being
obviously outnumbered in the workplace (Hicks, 2013). Nevertheless, Anne has
decided to use the next six years of her contract, which includes a research budget
and office space, to study for a PhD and thus solidify her position as a professional
university English teacher. This may be a very smart step for Anne to take, because
as Hayes (2013) observes, meritocratic recruitment procedures in Japanese
universities are on the rise. This may benefit women who have been traditionally
Sarah goes on to write that although the teacher-lounge banter includes useful
academic and career information, it also includes inappropriately aggressive and
sexist talk that creates discomfort for foreign women who attempt to be members
of the group. Unfortunately, if she draws attention to the inappropriateness of the
conversation, she becomes labeled “as ‘that teacher’ – an overly sensitive, politi-
cally correct party-pooper who becomes the “next great topic for the gossip mill”
when she is out of the room. It seems that some foreign male teachers have already
been reprimanded by their foreign female colleagues for such behavior, and they
don’t like it. Roslyn Appleby (2013b), while researching heterosexuality and
masculinity in English teaching in Japan, was told by one of her male participants
the reason why he could not convince other colleagues to participate in her study
was because they suspected she was ‘ “just another comfy shoe wearing gaijin
[foreign] woman with her nose out of joint” ’ (p. 6).
The pressure to be one of the boys may be great, but it can be emotionally
costly. The best solution, many participants agree, is avoidance. However,
such avoidance can ensure exclusion from the employment information loop,
because as Hicks (2013) argues, jobs are generally obtained through word-of-
mouth and personal introductions, which often occurs between same-sexed
friends. She says some universities only hire those with personal introductions,
making jobholders act as powerful gatekeepers for job seekers. This could
hinder women’s career opportunities if they do not have any male friends in
tertiary education.
Furthermore, Janet’s status within the department shrank after a foreign male
teacher joined the faculty:
At ABC, I was the only “foreigner” for the first three years, and then a Cana-
dian man and his wife, and an English woman were hired. It was only when
the Canadian man was hired that I began to recognize the extent to which men
occupy a “favored” position in this society. Although I had my doctorate and
he was working on his, I felt he was treated with greater respect and
deference.
(Janet, EP)
Many of the tenured women enjoy their jobs. They have the freedom to research
and teach in areas they choose, and like the Japanese women in my previous study
(Nagatomo, 2012), they focus on their own goals rather than worry too much
about gendered exclusion. However, Alice (SP), a tenured associate professor in
a private university, complains that the rules for advancement in her university are
vague and determined by those in power. Women, who are few in number and
who are held to different standards than their male counterparts, have thus had
their career trajectories affected negatively:
Although there have been attempts to identify and prevent instances of academic
and sexual harassment, in Japan, official policies have yet been established due to
fears of being unable to handle what may become a floodgate of complaints
(Creaser, 2012). When harassment is systematic and deep rooted, it is difficult to
implement changes, even by concerned authority figures. Harshbarger (2012), a
former director of a language institute in a prominent Tokyo private university
writes:
Harshbarger said the problems in his institution lay with a “few bad apples” who
contaminated the workplace atmosphere, which was also a feeling among my
participants as well. Many spoke highly of their male colleagues, some of whom
they consider friends. Nevertheless, these few bad apples influenced the degree to
which my participants could comfortably align themselves professionally with
their colleagues and with their students.
Concluding remarks
In this chapter, I have explored several themes surrounding the gendered profes-
sional lives of foreign women teaching English in Japanese universities. Their
identities are largely dependent upon their employment status, with those in
unstable non-standard positions feeling the least amount of belonging and the
least appreciated. We can also see how Japanese expectations regarding women
make the participants feel buttonholed not only by Japanese society at large but
also by some of their foreign male colleagues, who may have adopted Japanese
gendered bias. Such attitudes result in personal and career obstacles shaping their
degree of alignment with their workplace communities. This can have a direct and
an indirect influence over their teaching practices, which could ultimately influ-
ence their students’ language learning experiences as well.
It is important to gather teachers’ stories and examine teachers’ lives, because
it enables us to, as Simon-Maeda (2004) argues, “uncover the field’s political and
ideological underpinnings and rework them toward more progressive ends”
(p. 431). The sampling of narratives offered by these women indicates that they
are bound by sociopolitical ideologies surrounding race (non-Japaneseness) and
gender. Resigned acceptance of a status quo that promotes institutionalized depro-
fessionalism and gendered isolation, however, can lead to a loss in passion for
teaching and make people remain in the field “just for the money” (Martha, SP).
However, some of the women choose to see beyond these ideologies and envision
futures where their research productivity and teaching achievements are rewarded.
Although there is no guarantee of securing tenured positions or experiencing a
gender bias-free workplace, such negotiation and renegotiation of their personal
and professional identities can enable women teaching in tertiary education in
Japan to interpret the meaning of their experiences for their own progressive
purposes.
References
Appleby, R. (2013a). Desire in translation: white masculinity and TESOL, TESOL Quar-
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[Conference]. Hiroshima. 18 May 2012.
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blogbyme [Web log]. Retrieved December 12, 2013 from http://thebasementblogbyme.
wordpress.com/
Introduction
It is estimated that Nonnative English-speakers far outnumbers native English-
speakers. Braine (2010, p. x) comments that “about 80% of the English teachers
worldwide are non-native speakers of the language.” Although we are not really
sure about the exact number, obviously, the number of nonnative English-speaker
teachers (NNESTs) has been on the increase. In a professional field such as
TESOL (teaching English to speakers of other languages), identity is an intriguing
and complex phenomenon (Kumaravadivelu, 2014), especially for NNESTs when
they have to face more challenges than their native-speaker counterparts. This is
because identity comprises composite factors such as the speakers’ accent, phys-
ical features, skin color, cultural patterns of behavior, English proficiency, lived
experiences, among other things, which are related to the professional practice as
TESOL teachers (Davies, 1991; Davis, 2006; Kubota, 2002). More significantly,
a TESOL professional’s identity is closely related to her/his social and academic/
professional life on a daily basis, particularly concerning how native-speaker
peers and students regard his or her competence and performance vis-à-vis the
legitimacy of his/her professional practice when “standards of English for English
language education” (Holliday, 2008, p. 119) are defined in favor of native English
speakers.
Given a globalized world in which we live as professionals, especially in our
specific roles as TESOL practitioners or as applied linguists in general terms, it is
important for us to recognize the complexity of NNEST identity and examine
identity from multiple perspectives. Using an ethnographic case study approach,
we outline how two NNESTs struggled (Holliday, 2008) for their professional
legitimacy in real time as English speakers from the “Expanding Circle” vis-à-vis
their “Outer Circle” counterpart, to use Kachru’s (1992) terms. Their peripheral
participation (Lave and Wenger, 1991) in the mainstream English-speaking
workplace offered them opportunities as well as challenges. We intend to bring to
the fore how their use of English was intertwined with their identity construction
and how such identity was brought out as a way of embodiment resulting from
Theoretical framework
We are interested in examining the data from multiple theoretical perspectives,
drawing on the works of Duff and Uchida (1997), Ahearn (2001), Holliday (2008),
Kubota (2002), Morgan (2004), Varghese et al. (2005), and Sekimoto (2012),
among others. This is because the topic itself is not only a matter of identity
relating to language use; it is also about language learning and teaching and
pertains to professionalism in the field of English language education or TESOL
as broadly defined.
In discussing language and agency, Ahearn (2001) makes clear that issues
related to language and agency are relevant to scholars in the field of anthro-
pology, whose research programs span different subfields. In his understanding,
“most anthropologists – whether archaeological, biological, cultural, or linguistic–
are concerned, in one form or another, with what people say and do” (p. 109). As
a result of all this, language, culture, and society are mutually constituted, and
because of this, one of the responsibilities for anthropologists is to find out “how
discourse both shapes and is shaped by sociocultural factors and power dynamics”
(Ahearn, 2001, p. 111).
When people of color assert that the academy is racist, individual whites in
the academy, who do not see themselves as racist, are offended or think that
the judgment does not apply to them . . . Neither whites nor people of color
seem to understand that there is a clash here between a social group perspec-
tive, learned by people of color through the social experience of racism, and
an individualized perspective, learned by whites through their racial
socialization.
(p. 122)
As is rightly reiterated by Kubota (2002) and Holliday (2008), the social and
political construction of knowledge and its implications for L2 teaching and
learning is no longer anything really new (see e.g., Canagarajah, 2006; McKay
and Wong, 1996; Pennycook, 1998; Phillipson, 1992; see also Morgan, 2004;
One logical derivation from the conventional understanding of identity is that our
self can be invented in many ways. This relates to the idea that teacher’s identity
is not a static one, either. Typically, temporality and spatiality are the cutting
themes when identity is scrutinized. At different points in their professional lives
teachers’ identities are constructed by their own practice in conjunction with the
professional knowledge and expertise they bring to the workplace and the work
they do. Meanwhile, their identities are also constructed by their students through
the words students use and the behaviors and actions that embody their attitudes
toward their teachers. What is significant about these perspectives in examining
the issue of identity is that they echo Holliday’s (2008) articulation about the
“standards of English” that is used by people in the center to other those in the
periphery. Holliday states:
The study
We took an ethnographic approach to address the research questions by following
two NNESTs over a period of 15 years to see how their experiences as teachers
affected their way of looking at themselves as well as other English speakers with
reference to their professional competence and practice, which are part of their
professional identity. As a by-product of this process, the native speakers of
Singapore English, a new variety of English that deviates somewhat from that of
the British colonial masters, were also portrayed to show how the use of English
in conversations became a tool for “struggle” for existence and for demonstration
of power imbalance. We attempted to answer the following research questions.
Case participants
Two case participants in this study were chosen based on the principle of conven-
ient purposive sampling Barkhuizen (2014) rationalizes that “choosing the most
appropriate number of participants . . . requires finding the right balance between
achieving the research goals, meeting the requirements of the relevant research
methodological procedures, and managing constraints set by practical and human
circumstances” (p. 5). Given that “trustworthiness” (Creswell, 2013, p. 196) is
key to qualitative research and the sample is so small, it is essential that we provide
details on the two focal participants.
Prior to their arrival in Singapore, the two NNEST participants, one male, Allan,
and the other female, Jane, both in their early 30s, had similar educational and
teaching experiences in their home country, China. Both of them graduated in the
1980s from Chinese universities with a Bachelor’s Degree in English Language and
Literature or English Education and earned postgraduate qualifications in the 1990s
from universities in similar disciplines in China. They had been teachers at secondary
schools and then universities in China for over 10 years. They then were granted the
Joint Scholarship by the Singapore Ministry of Education and the Chinese Ministry
of Education to pursue a one-year Postgraduate Diploma in English Language
Teaching (PGDELT) at a university in Singapore as full-time students. Such a
scholarship was especially created for Chinese university teachers of English to
upgrade their knowledge about and skills in teaching English to students in China.
They both returned to China to resume their teaching as English lecturers upon
Data
We collected data using informal journal entries and researcher field notes as and
when an interactional opportunity arose, as practiced in ethnography. In order not
to avoid making the interaction artificial, our journal entries and field notes were
either written records on the spot or immediate recalls. There was no recording of
any of the speech events. We collected a total of about 30 such episodes, from
which we used the typical qualitative data analysis method of sifting the data to
Analysis
Excerpt 1
S1: . . . Hm, you speak English like an American. Are you from the States?
Allan: Thank you. But actually I don’t speak typical American English, as I
am from China.
S1: Oh, then why you speak like that ah?
Allan: What do you mean?
S1: It sound a bit odd. As Chinese, you must speak like Chinese mah.
Excerpt 2
Jane: The tei (tea) today is quite diluted, too watery and milky. I cannot really
feel the taste of tea at all. D can raise the price to sell better tea.
S2: Aiya, it’s ok lah; in fact, R already mentioned it to D. R said nicely that D
could raise the price for tea so that we can have real tea. But after that D got
unhappy and pulled a long face when he saw R next time.
Jane: No wonder D did not say anything when I asked him to charge more for
my tea because I asked for a cup of stronger tea. His wife also appeared to be
quite cold the next day when I went to buy my tea at lunch time.
(April 12, 2006, Unicanteen)
Except 3
Allan: Hey, Jane, could I ask you if I used these particles correctly? In my
transcription of several segments of recordings of my research project, certain
parts were very unclear because they were muffled by the student noise and
the fans in the classroom.
S2: Sure. Oh, this is not. You see ah, although you are a new Singaporean
now, you have not learned them leh. You still speak like a China person and
behave like them, hoh.
Excerpt 4
Allan: Do you read the newspapers these days? There have been a lot of
discussions about the new immigrants in Singapore, particularly the new citi-
zens, and how they can be integrated into Singapore society. The Minister
Mentor, Mr Goh Chok Tong, has talked about it, too.
S3: Yah, but it is simply too much talk. But I am also concerned about it. You
see so many foreigners in Singapore now, who behave differently, talking so
loudly. Our Singapore culture will be spoilt because they have brought with
them their own cultures with them and live in their own enclaves. Do you
know the word “enclaves” or not?
(October 18, 2009, S3’s office)
Excerpt 5
Student: Dr X, I did not know that you were not born in Singapore. I thought,
you know, you were born here. So I signed up for your course, because before
I came to your course, I was auditing another module. After I signed up for
your course, I heard from my friend that MAE888 will be taught by a Chinese
lecturer. I thought, oh my, I am going to have another Chinese lecturer! I
thought that you will have a strong accent, and I now marvel how you have
achieved such a high level of proficiency!
Allan: Thank you for your frank observation. In fact, there are more people
who have become very successful professors of English although it is not
their native or first language.
January 19, 2010 (Tutorial Room 29)
Excerpt 6
S4: I am now teaching a Master of Educational Management and Administra-
tion class.
Jane: That’s very good. The External Programs Office trusts you, so you have
chances of making extra money.
S4: Actually ah, I don’t want to earn the extra money, the China participants’
English is so poor. I am teaching the very basics and they are so unapprecia-
tive of my conscientious teaching.
Note
1 Earlier versions of this chapter were presented at The 47th International TESOL
Convention, March 20–23, 2012, Dallas, TX, USA, and The 16th Conference of the
International Study Association of Teachers and Teaching, July 2–5, 2013, University of
Gent, Gent, Belgium.
References
Ahearn, L. M. (2001). Language and agency. Annual Review of Anthropology, 30,
109–137.
Barkhuizen, G. (2014). Number of participants. Language Teaching Research, 18, 5–7.
Ben Said, S. and Shegar, C. (2014). Compliance, negotiation, and resistance in teachers’
spatial construction of identity. In S. Ben Said and L. J. Zhang (Eds), Language Teachers
and Teaching: Global Perspectives, Local Initiatives (pp. 127–149). New York: Routledge.
Benwell, B. and Stokoe, E. (2006). Discourse and Identity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univer-
sity Press.
Block, D. (2007). Second Language Identity. London: Continuum.
Braine, G. (2010). Nonnative Speaker English Teachers: Research, Pedagogy and Profes-
sional Growth. New York: Routledge.
Canagarajah, S. (2006). Constructing a diaspora identity in English: The case of Sri Lankan
Tamils. In J. Brutt-Griffler and C. E. Davis (Eds), English and Ethnicity (pp.191–216).
London. Palgrave.
Chong, S. and Low, E. L. (2009). Why I want to teach and how i feel about teaching:
Formation of teacher identity from preservice to the beginning teacher phase. Educa-
tional Research for Policy and Practice, 8, 59–72.
Cook, V. (2005). Basing teaching on the L3 user. In E. Llurda (Ed.), Non-native Language
Teachers: Perceptions, Challenges, and Contributions to the Profession (pp. 47–62).
New York: Springer.
Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five
Approaches (3rd edn). Los Angeles, CA: Sage.
In recent years, one area of research that has gained momentum in the investiga-
tion of identity and language learning is that of the language teacher and the
language teacher educator (e.g., Hawkins and Norton, 2009; Morgan and
Clarke, 2011; Varghese, 2011). Increasingly, teacher identity researchers have
also come to recognize that language teacher education is inherently ideological
(Simpson, 2009), thereby raising calls to examine the political dimensions of
being and becoming a teacher. Building on earlier research on teacher identity in
applied linguistics (e.g., Morgan and Clarke, 2011; Norton and Early, 2011) and
responding to recent calls to focus on teacher reflexivity (Edge, 2011;
Kumaravadivelu, 2012a), this empirical study examines the professional identity
development of a beginning female teacher in the US.
Research context
Originally from Busan, South Korea, Natasha was 33 years old when this
18-month study began in January 2011. Having taught English conversation and
a TOEFL preparation class for four years in her home country, Natasha started her
two-year MA TESOL program in January 2010. The four-semester program that
she was enrolled in was rigorous, and a breakdown of her core courses is listed in
Table 10.1.
I was her practicum instructor in Spring 2011 and her portfolio instructor in Fall
2011. The study continued into the following semester (Spring 2012) after Natasha
had graduated from the program. I elected to conduct a longitudinal case study in
response to Johnson and Golombek’s (2011) observation of the following gap in
teacher narrative research: “[a]lthough the accolades for narrative as a vehicle for
teacher inquiry abound, less attention has been paid to documenting what this
change looks like or how narrative activity fosters teacher professional develop-
ment” (p. 488). In Natasha’s case, developing a teacher practiced identity (Kanno
and Stuart, 2011; Xu, 2012) constituted a central part of her professional develop-
ment. To track this development, I examined Natasha’s written and spoken narra-
tives. The former took the form of reflections that she wrote for her various
courses, while the latter was constituted by an interview which was conducted in
May 2012, almost five months after she had graduated from the program. Cochran-
Smith and Zeichner (2005) suggest that methods courses must be “seen as complex
and unique sites in which instructors work simultaneously with prospective
teachers’ beliefs, teaching practices and creation of identities” (p. 15). As
Natasha’s instructor, I found myself fortunate to have been privy to the evolution
Semester Courses
Shifting identities
As mentioned, Natasha was originally from Busan, South Korea. Her formal
English education started in middle school where classes were taught through the
grammar translation method, with the class size averaging above 50 students.
Consequently, there was limited interaction with the teacher whose primary objec-
tive was to enhance students’ vocabulary and reading skills; fostering oral commu-
nication in English, however, was not a key objective. And while Natasha
acknowledged that memorization was boring and difficult, she enjoyed learning
grammar rules and reading. Not surprisingly, she found orienting to life in the US
challenging at first. In her words: “I was not used to real-life English and . . . was
afraid of making mistakes and became humiliated in front of others. It took some
time but I gradually felt more comfortable with communicating in English”
(Principles and Practices Position Paper, Spring 2010).
Natasha’s predicament is not uncommon among EFL learners who face similar
problems when they transition into an English-dominant society like the US. And
while she does not explicitly mention that she was a non-native English speaker,
this account of her initial challenge with using English in a real world context
underscores the power imbalance encountered by non-native English speakers
which often translates into fear of being humiliated in the presence of native
speakers. This challenge was exacerbated by the need to also accommodate
different learning and teaching styles, which becomes evident in the next section.
Excerpt 1
“[C]ollaborating with other learners” (Kumaravadivelu, 2003, p. 140) was
not encouraged in the competitive learning environment in Korea, where you
should outperform peers in order to achieve your goal of getting into a good
university. I have now learned that language teachers should do the opposite
in order to facilitate more successful language learning: incorporating group
work that encourages students to interact and cooperate with one another
(Brown, 2007) and “integrating language skills to offer different opportuni-
ties for different types of learners” (Kumaravadivelu, 2003, p. 229).
(Principles and Practices Position Paper, Spring 2010)
At the end of her first semester of the MA TESOL program, Natasha had to write
a position paper on her views of language learning and teaching for her Principles
and Practices class. The course texts were Brown’s (2007) Teaching by Principles:
An Interactive Approach to Language Pedagogy and Kumaravadivelu’s (2003)
Beyond Methods: Macrostrategies for Language Teaching, two books which
Excerpt 2
Additionally, I learned in Principles and Practices of Language Teaching
class that, if each student is assigned to a specific role in his or her group, such
as a scribe and a representative speaker, all students in a group will have more
equal opportunities to speak.
(Principles and Practices Position Paper, Spring 2010)
Norton and Toohey (2001) have highlighted the significance of creating positions
of power from which second language learners can speak. Embracing this prin-
ciple, we learn of Natasha’s intention to provide students a speaking platform by
assigning specific roles during group work so that they “will have more equal
opportunities to speak.” At the same time, her growth as a language professional
also needs to be recognized. In contrast to her previous experience as an EFL
learner who learned English through the grammar translation method and then
later as an EFL teacher in South Korea who had to strictly adhere to the lesson
sequences mapped out in a mandated course textbook, we observe how she gradu-
ally takes on the identity of a collaborative teacher.
Excerpt 3
What I would like to adopt in my teaching practice from the lesson I observed
is the teacher’s approach of instructing the target form by having students
identify the errors on their own, instead of correcting them herself. That way,
students are more naturally involved in active discussions on the correct
Excerpt 4
Observing a class at the language institute also gave me an opportunity to
reflect on my TOEFL preparation class. I observed a French class and was
surprised to find that the class centered around “Communicative Language
Approach” (Brown, 2007, p. 46) in the sense that it focused both on “gram-
matical and pragmatic aspects of the language with the teacher as a facilitator
and students as active participants” (pp. 46–47). I expected that the class
would be focused mainly on drill practices since the goal of the class was to
prepare the students for an oral proficiency interview.
(Classroom Observation Journal Entry 2, Spring 2010)
Excerpt 5
2. Promote a collaborative learning environment: I believe that students’
learning is facilitated through interaction and collaboration with peers. That is
why I often incorporate interactive tasks that involve pair or group work. Inter-
active tasks provide students with opportunities to scaffold their learning by
sharing each other’s knowledge and experience. These tasks allow them to
practice the target language in negotiation of meaning through social interac-
tion. Additionally, working with peers will promote learner autonomy as
students assume more responsibility for their peers’ and their own learning.
Group work such as peer review session often encourages learners to discuss
and reflect on their learning strategies and expand their repertoire of strategies.
3. Provide meaningful feedback: It is important to consider individual
students’ proficiency and the purpose of a class task or activity in order to
give students meaningful feedback. For example, when students are engaged
in tasks that focus on meaning and the development of fluency, I provide
feedback mainly on how effectively they manage the flow of communication
in completing the task. When students perform more accuracy-focused tasks,
such as pronunciation practice and grammar exercise, I believe the specific
feedback on the target linguistic features, rather than on every single error
produced, is more effective. I also give students the opportunity to identify
their errors by using their own oral or written output and having them self-
correct or discuss their errors with their peers. This way, students are more
actively involved in their learning, rather than passively do what they are told
to do by the teacher.
(Teaching Philosophy, Spring 2011; bold in original)
Excerpt 6
I started the lesson by asking students to look at the picture in the textbook. After
creating several sentences together in class, I called on a student multiple times
and asked him or her to describe the location of a certain place in the picture.
After going over all the prepositions of place on the list. I put students in pairs
and gave them two versions of the map of Smithville, in which two places were
marked in yellow and blue, respectively. In other words, two students in a pair
are to have different versions of the map from each other. Then I had them write
three sentences to describe the place in blue without revealing the name of the
store and read them to their partner so that their partner could find the place from
their map. After the activity, I had students go over the sentences they wrote,
identify errors, and correct them together with their partners.
(Practicum Journal Entry 3, Spring 2011)
Collaborative learning takes place on two levels here: Natasha first co-constructs
sample sentences for modeling purposes with her students; next she has them
work in pairs for the preposition exercise. Also important to note is how Natasha
has moved away from the textbook; for the preposition exercise, she used a local
Excerpt 7
I think collaborative learning plays a big part in students’ learning, at least
help students keep motivated. When I have students do certain tasks, like
when I do pair work, I can see the students not just do the activity itself. After
the activity, they always they talk about their experience too like how they
study, like vocabulary. Sometimes I realize that students, they can understand
better from their peers’ explanation, especially in terms of grammar features
than me or other teachers explaining to them again. When the students explain
grammar rules, they usually compare with English, their native language.
That makes it easier to understand for the students.
(Natasha Interview, Spring 2012)
Natasha’s narrative illustrates how she has continued to put into practice the princi-
ples of collaborative learning and tapping her students’ funds of knowledge
(Gonzáles et al., 2005) – a practice which she had advocated as a student teacher
and had subsequently implemented during her student teaching. According to Edge
(2011), prospective reflexivity refers to the effect of the person on the work while
retrospective reflexivity is the effect of the work on the person. On the one hand, it
could be argued that having taught Korean at the language institute for 10 months at
the time of the interview, Natasha’s teaching had impacted her identity by way of
Excerpt 8
I think biggest difference for me, when I was teaching English in Korea, I
myself am an English learner. A lot of times I could foresee what difficulties
they would have. For example, what grammar features most students would
have difficulty with or what words my students would have difficulty with
pronunciation. So I was able to guess or foresee what kind of difficulties my
students would go through. But this time since I’m teaching my native
language and I didn’t learn it as a foreign language, so I cannot, I can never
guess what difficulties my students have.
(Natasha Interview, Spring 2012)
In keeping with much of the literature on NNESTs, Natasha articulates that being
a non-native English speaker afforded her the ability to anticipate student difficul-
ties when she was teaching English in South Korea. Writing from an intercultural
identity perspective, Menard-Warwick (2008) maintains that “the most highly
valued capacities a non-native teacher can bring . . . [is] interculturality
(pp. 635–636). However, Natasha found herself disadvantaged by her nativeness
when teaching Korean as she lacked the metalinguistic awareness of anticipating
problems encountered by her students of Korean. Thus one can surmise that
nativeness is not an asset where Natasha is concerned. In fact, she goes on to
deconstruct nativeness in the next excerpt when asked how her teaching ideolo-
gies had changed since she started work at the language institute.
Norton and Early (2011) assert that “small stories-in-interaction do not neces-
sarily create a coherent sense of self, but highlight diverse identity positions in
everyday interactive practices, and are highly significant for identity work”
(p. 421). In narrating her professional self through her interaction with me,
Natasha illustrated how she shuttled between her native and non-native speaker
identities. More significantly, she appeared to have come to the conclusion that it
was not nativeness that made her a good teacher but sound class preparation. In
some ways Natasha had renegotiated and even transcended the notion of native-
ness upon realizing that her teacher identity, constituted by collaborative learning,
facilitator, and authentic materials development practices, had informed her
pedagogy.
Conclusion
In his call to bridge the gap between pre-service and in-service education and
development, Farrell (2012) lamented that most novice teachers suddenly have no
further contact with their teacher educators. It is not uncommon to find novice
teachers like Natasha who find themselves navigating unchartered teaching waters
once they graduate from their teacher education programs. However, unlike other
novice teachers, Natasha was provided with the professional infrastructure both
during and after her graduate program to partake in reflexive thinking. As shown
in my analysis of Natasha’s written and spoken narratives, she was able to engage
in constructive acts of reflexivity.
References
Bailey, K. M. (2012). Reflective pedagogy. In A. Burns and J. C. Richards (Eds.), Peda-
gogy and Practice in Second Language Teaching (pp. 23–29). New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Introduction
Within the field of education, research on emotions has been received growing
attention in recent years (Boler, 1999; Day and Lee, 2011; Linnenbrink, 2006;
Nias, 1996; Postareff and Lindblom-Ylänne, 2011; Schutz and Lanehart, 2002;
Schutz and Pekrun, 2007; Schutz and Zembylas, 2009). Relevance of research on
emotions has also been noted in the exploration of teacher identity formation
(Day, 2011; Day and Qing, 2009; Hargreaves, 1998, 2005; O’Connor, 2008; Van
Veen and Lasky, 2005; Zembylas, 2003, 2005, 2008). In particular, research on
teacher identity in TESOL has successfully shown the relevance of emotions in
teacher’s negotiated access to professionalism (Cowie, 2011; Golombek and
Johnson, 2004; Reis this volume). Following this research trajectory and building
on my previous work examining the role of narratives in teacher identity develop-
ment (Ben Said, 2013, 2014), this chapter explores the narrative engagement of a
beginner teacher – Krystle – whose display of emotionality emerges from her
reports of challenging and stressful situations experienced during her teaching
practice. The choice of singling out emotions of “alienation” (Menard-Warwick,
2011), is justified by the particularly increasing applicability it has in research on
teacher identity (several chapters in this volume mention its relevance particularly
Reis but also Bilgen and Richards, Nagatomo, Trent, and Yayli) but also based on
the premise that it is through the recount of challenging episodes faced by teachers
that one can capture the intricate, negotiated, and sometimes tumultuous process
of teacher identity formation. What this chapter aims to show is how a novice
teacher builds her professional self by imposing her identity to the multitude of
antagonistic voices, from her family, peers, and superiors.
Teaching has had to rise to the challenge of a world in which the pace, nature
and contexts of learning have been radically transformed. Teachers entering
the profession today may expect classrooms to be like the ones they attended
but although a teaching space may look the surprisingly similar on the surface,
the quality and dynamics of what happens there are not what they used to be.
(Galton and MacBeath, 2008, p. 5)
The pressures of the profession manifest themselves very early. They are
very evident in the teacher preparation process well before students become
teachers in their own classrooms. There is evidence of perceived levels of
burnout by student teacher (. . .), and even as early as students in the profes-
sional methods courses. Teacher education students may be anticipating the
pressures of their future professions, and they are already experiencing
increasing perceived levels of burnout early in the teacher preparation
process.
Discussion
As introduced earlier, the motivating factor which inspired Krystle to become a
teacher was a short but eye-opening experience working in a child-care center. Having
worked both with adults and children, she realized the important need to change “the
mindset of many adults.” Her career shift was therefore motivated by a deep-seated
Excerpt 1
(. . .) more open to suggestion and recommendation. Not like what adults we
see outside nowadays. Very closed-up mindset. Everything is for their . . . it
is only them who are right. Which I think is something that we need to change
especially when we talk about future generation. If we continue to be so . . .
rigid. That’s what I thought “Maybe I should go to the education industry to
try . . . to make children grow up to be more open minded, to be more creative
. . . so that they are not always rigid.”
From her testimony, it can be understood that the ‘rigid’ attitude of some of her
adult peers made her quit her previous job in favor of teaching. It is possible to
interpret Krystle’s move to greener professional pastures, as a way to both realize
her full potential and ambitions as an educator, but also to liberate herself from the
pressures of an inflexible working environment. Indeed, when asked about how
professionally fulfilled she felt in her new roles as a teacher, Krystle emphasized
the importance of having cooperative superiors and maintaining a certain degree
of autonomy in her teaching [emphasis added]:
Excerpt 2
But I think [teaching] is still manageable. Yah, it’s still manageable and
sometimes it really depends on the school management as well. If the school
management wants the teachers to do everything, obviously the teachers
won’t be able to handle. But if the school management is reasonable as in:
“Okay, we allow sometimes for you to manage certain things.” Then teachers
should be able to manage it better. Yah. Sometimes I think the management
also plays . . . plays an important role to whether the teacher is too stressed up
and leaves the service.
Based on the above excerpts, it appears that Krystle has developed a sense of
autonomy and initiative from her professional experience that she is now transfer-
ring to her role of teacher. She voices an important concern which relates to the
lack of maneuver management sometimes imposes on teaching and which is
identified as a major cause of teachers leaving the profession. This concern is
reiterated in a number of occurrences:
Excerpt 3
As much as the school wants . . . sometimes err . . . maybe the system is not
really favorable for teachers at times.
A crucial index of teacher stress and burnout is caused by the large quantity of
tasks that are assigned to them. This fact, which was reported in other narratives
Excerpt 4
Maybe it’s too stressful, too much work and all. I mean when there is too
much work, then obviously not just teachers, other occupation as well, when
there’s too much work, people will breakdown. Contract teaching . . . I would
say that is not little. I would say that is not little work. Err . . . I would say that
the work is quite . . . quite heavy.
Excerpt 5
So erm . . . is not just teaching and a class that’s it. Is like teaching plus
administrative plus err . . . like a nanny (laugh). You have to check why the
children is not here . . . you check their hair their . . . you know . . . discipline
and all. So it is really not . . . in term of the job err . . . itself err . . . the job
scope is not little, quite a lot.
Stress and the resulting resignation of teachers from the profession are reported by
Krystle to be the consequence of a constellation of different factors. Most impor-
tantly, they are the outcome of teachers fulfilling too many tasks and duties, which
are deemed by her to sometimes fall outside the scope of their expertise and to be
equated to working “like a nanny.” In another testimony, she comments on the
amount of work in primary education when compared to secondary.
Excerpt 6
Yah, I think . . . I mean from what I heard from them like . . . I didn’t experi-
ence what they had, but based on what I heard from them . . . it seem like
PGDE Primary (general) is quite . . . quite tough la in a sense that we have
like instead of 2 content subjects, we have 3. But for secondary schools and
Junior Colleges, they only have 2. I was quite shocked actually because . . .
my sister-in-law and some of my best friends they’re all in secondary school
erm . . . PGDE previously. So, they were telling me that although there’s a lot
of assignments but erm . . . it’s manageable.
Excerpt 7
At the beginning erm . . . it was kind of challenging because I was given err . . .
classes that are not really very erm . . . disciplined. It maybe because that erm
. . . their teachers are always changing yah. Then . . . in fact what I did was I . . .
I . . . really talk to the children. I say “Why are you behaving in that manner?”
Like one to one sometimes. So they will tell me that they are bored. At times
the more vocal children will tell me that “Oh, because our teachers always
change, I think our teachers don’t want us . . . maybe because we misbehave
. . .” that kind of thing. Sometimes it is not just erm . . . teaching them the
subject but we have to manage their emotions as well . . . yah. Because without
the right mentality . . . I mean if they’re not happy, I don’t think they can learn.
Here, rather than blaming students’ behavior, Krystle is trying to find explana-
tions for their misconduct and at the same time offers solutions to alleviate the
classroom tension. From what is reported in the above excerpt, teacher frustration,
and particularly in the case of teachers who are yet to become more acquainted
with the classroom culture and space, class/pupil management is one of the most
challenging experiences. This fact is commented upon in Galton and MacBeath
(2008, p. 11):
In her narrative Krystle reports on her ability to handle the situation, thus “storying
the teacher.” In spite of a relatively short teaching experience, she nonetheless
Excerpt 8
Yah. So . . . actually . . . actually in the school, our management will tell us
“If you want to teach, you better think carefully because it is really not some-
thing . . . not a job that anybody can do.”
One might argue that these cautionary statements by superiors might in fact help
teachers become more prepared to confront the upcoming challenges of their
profession and develop coping and resilience strategies in anticipation of the chal-
lenges to come. However, as the subsequent excerpt reveals, Krystle’s colleagues
who have been teaching for a longer period than her, express similar concerns.
While reflecting on these voices of discontent, Krystle also mitigates their state-
ments in the light of her prior work experience:
Excerpt 9
I tell her [talking about a colleague] that. Because they didn’t have the experi-
ence outside. So they thought that “Yah, you know I’m here and I . . . I think
that is hell. So nothing can be worse than being a teacher” When I tell her
“no”, not true. Not exactly true. If you were to work outside, you may be
experienced the same hell or even much worse. You wouldn’t know.
She tries to explain her colleague’s reaction by the fact that unlike herself, other
teachers did not have a variety of professional experiences. She continues:
Excerpt 10
So I think is not very “right” to think in that kind of manner. And I do realize
that it seems . . . it seems quite common in teachers who really don’t have
teaching . . . don’t have other working experiences. They really think of
things like . . . not that . . . they are not that far sighted and don’t . . . they
don’t think in err . . . wider perspective.
In her narrative, she debunks some of the negative attitudes to teaching which she
is being exposed to through her interactions with colleagues. In her assessment of
these opinions, she attributes her colleagues’ negative experience to a profes-
sional immaturity and to their lack of objectivity in reporting on their professional
challenges. Her appraisal of colleagues’ comments and their lack of impartiality
Excerpt 11
That which is a problem with a lot of teachers I would say. A lot of teachers
who . . . have no working experience they just go straight after graduation
straight to teaching . . . their . . . they’re not very erm . . . when they think
about things, they are not so err . . . open minded at times. And sometimes
they don’t think that widely . . . sometimes. That is the problem that I observed
in many teachers. Because my friend, she graduated erm . . . from Chemical
Engineering straight to . . . to [name of teacher training institution] and to be
a teacher so sometimes when we talk, I . . . I do realize that she thinks that
“Oh, teacher is the most tiring job in the whole world!” Than I would tell her
that actually not really. For every job, they have their challenges as well. I
wouldn’t say that teacher . . . being a teacher is relaxing, but I wouldn’t say
that it is the worst job ever.
Excerpt 12
In fact for . . . when I was doing my contract teaching, they already feedback:
“How come you work err . . . for so long . . . like from the morning till the
evening but err . . . your sister-in-law when she started teaching was only up
to 2 . . .” is okay . . . “it’s only up to 2 or 3pm, she’ll be back home” things . . .
you know comments like that.
When asked to elaborate on the feedback she receives from her family about her
initial experience, Krystle surprisingly expresses disappointment, which she
attributes to their lack of understanding and encouragement. She states:
Excerpt 13
They are not very encouraging I would say . . . They are like at the beginning
. . . why you work so long . . . I was telling them if you are . . . if I’m not in
teaching, and back to my previous work. I think I would work longer (laugh).
Excerpt 14
Because the erm . . . becoming a full-fledged teacher comes with a lot of
responsibility and commitment. So that only with time you can really erm . . .
relax (laugh).
In fact, her desire to achieve professional success make Krystle shift her attention
from the peripheral aspects of teaching (teaching load, colleagues’ complaints,
etc.) which are for the most part related to out-of-classroom concerns, to a focus
on refining her teaching skills to address students’ needs and in-classroom.
Therefore, making abstraction of the challenges of her profession and focusing on
teaching and pedagogy, both in form and content allow Krystle to develop her
professional teacher identity. Here the statement recollected from her narrative
testimony seek to develop pupils’ well-being (Day and Qing, 2009).
Excerpt 15
Erm . . . I think the main challenges will be the lack of the pedagogical erm . . .
teaching aspect. Because we are not trained. When we were in contract teaching.
So we do not know err . . . at least for me I do not know whether my teaching
methods actually suit the children. Are they actually learning or is it that they are
just listening? Yah, they are just hearing but they are not really learning. So . . .
and because the lack of pedagogical knowledge, I won’t be able to know whether
the . . . my form of assessment is it going to be fruitful for the children.
Pressure not to perform well as a teacher is also a source of unease for Krystle as
she shares above, being pedagogically unskilled creates a situation where she is
left to guess what may or not be suited for her pupils’ needs. This is of crucial
importance to her as it is one of the reasons that motivated her into becoming a
professional teacher (Excerpt 1). The next narrative also explains why Krystle’s
ability not to be alienated by the professional teaching experience is because she
defines herself as a self-starter and someone who always wants to learn from other
professional contexts and situations. It is probably for this reason that she is able
to mitigate/relativize the infelicitous expertise reported by her colleague and
take some distance and perspective when emitting a judgment on the teaching
profession by being less emotional and more rational. This ability which she has
developed working in other fields and with different people allowed her to handle
different situations and work collaboratively, as she comments:
Excerpt 16
I think my work experience actually allows me to . . . to manage people
better. Because I realize the importance of erm . . . managing relationships.
This maturity which she reports in the interview is also the fruit of her
determination to go beyond her experience in the school where she taught as a
contract teacher and her endeavor to try other schools rather than be confined to
the same educational institution/space. Krystle’s personal identity which she
brings to fore when making professional choices is evidenced in the following
recount:
Excerpt 17
For me, I would want to try other schools so I . . . in fact my supervisors they
did ask us whether we want to go back. I was telling her that . . . I mean
I don’t mind going back I mean . . . I really don’t mind going back, but if I
have an opportunity to go and try out other schools I . . . I would take that
kind of opportunity. Yah. Because I think that it is good to look around, see
around to actually widen the perspective rather than just be comfortable in
one place where I’m already comfortable in. I think some changes will be
good to feel . . . to make oneself stronger and have a wider perspective about
things.
Teacher identity development, as this study has shown, is the complex interplay
of personal and professional identities, stories, and histories. In her path to develop
a teacher’s voice, Krystle is engaging with a variety of discourses that she evalu-
ates and questions. In this process, she develops a personalized understanding of
what being a teacher entails and progressively moves with more confidence into
the teaching CoP. While, as she admits, becoming a teacher has its fair deals of
challenges and difficulties (Excerpts 4, 5, and 6), it is still “manageable.” Through
her negotiated development of a professional self, Krystle is able to confidently
claim ownership of her teacher identity and refute discourse, which in her view,
represent an erroneous perspective on teaching.
Notes
1 I use the expression ‘emerging’ due to the fact that the participant was still a beginner/
untrained teacher at the time of data collection and only practiced a short (six months)
period of contract teaching.
2 The PGDE is a 1-year program which prepares university graduates to become primary,
secondary school or junior college teachers in Singapore.
3 OER 15/11 LEL: Building an Evidence-Base for Teacher Education and Development:
A Longitudinal Study (Phase I).
References
Ben Said, S. (2013). “A Lighthouse on the Beach”: Stories, metaphors, and anecdotes in
teachers’ personal recounts. Bellaterra Journal of Teaching & Learning Language &
Literature, 6(4), 1–15.
Ben Said, S. (2014). Teacher identity and narratives: An experiential perspective. Interna-
tional Journal of Innovation in ELT and Research, 3(1), 1–16.
Ben Said, S., and Shegar, C. (2013). Compliance, negotiation, and resistance in teachers’
spatial construction of professional identities. In S. Ben Said and L. J. Zhang (Eds),
Language Teachers and Teaching: Global Perspectives, Local Initiatives (pp. 127–149).
New York: Routledge.
Boler, M. (1999). Feeling Power: Emotions and Education. New York: Routledge.
Canagarajah, A. S. (2012). Teacher development in a global profession: An autoethnog-
raphy. TESOL Quarterly, 46(2), 258–279.
Cowie, N. (2011). Emotions that experienced English as a Foreign Language (EFL)
teachers feel about their students, their colleagues and their work. Teaching and Teacher
Education, 27(1), 235–242.
Introduction
In this chapter, our aim is to examine the experiences recounted in the shared
professional discourse of student teachers during their teacher education program.
This is done against the belief that “experience becomes linguistically and socio-
culturally transformed through narrative genres and through the activity of
recounting experiences for, to, and with particular interlocutors” (Ochs, 2006,
p. 64). The ultimate goal is to investigate the ways in which the interactions
provide scope for the sharing of experience, and in turn, the co-construction and
development of knowledge and identity. This is a unique chapter in this volume in
that it draws on a corpus of teacher discourse, which is a new endeavor in Language
Teacher Education (LTE).
We see identity and narratives as being pivotal to an evidence-based analysis
because “[i]ndividuals may tell narratives in order to entertain, to resolve tensions,
to justify or explain their actions, to demystify and make sense of life events, to
complain, to instruct [. . .]” (Vásquez, 2009, p. 260), therefore we may examine
how people shape and re-shape their identities via their narrative (Georgakopoulou,
2006). It has been suggested that “different people experience the world through
different eyes, different bodies; they have different life stories; they have different
names” and therefore have “individual human identities” (Johnstone, 2008,
p. 158). As a result, identities are complex and plural (De Fina, 2006), dynamic
and not fixed (Benwell and Stokoe, 2006), and “the selves we present to others are
changeable, strategic, and jointly constructed” (Johnstone, 2008, p. 155). Hence,
from a Labovian perspective (Labov and Waletzky, 1967; Labov, 2001), this
chapter examines narratives found in discussions between student teachers and
tutors on an MA TESOL program through two different modes of communica-
tion: online and face-to-face. Drawing on discourse analysis techniques, our
investigation begins with a codification of the narratives found, followed by
an investigation of the topics under discussion, and, in turn, the narratives are
scrutinized further to trace the nature of the identities projected by the student
teachers as they move from peripheral to full and legitimate participation (see
Lave and Wenger, 1991) in the professional teaching community through the
duration of their program. Our analysis highlights the importance of having both
Background
Methodology
Face-to-Face Online
Findings
Face-to-face discourse
This section examines two narratives in some detail, one from the informal peda-
gogical discussions that the student teachers had with each other and a peer tutor
in a group setting, and the second where the individual student teachers are in a
feedback meeting with their tutor/lecturer, based on a specific recent lesson they
taught. Due to the asymmetrical relationship and the institutional evaluation
requirement surrounding the TP on which the feedback is based, it can tend to be
relatively more formal in nature. The first example of a narrative presented here
contains all features from Labov’s framework (coded in square brackets in this
instance for exemplification). Here the group of teachers are discussing (with the
peer tutor) dealing with tension in the classroom, and Dyne (pseudonyms used) is
narrating an event about a disruptive student in class, how she addressed the issue,
and what the result was. Dyne has completed a postgraduate diploma in teaching
at secondary level and therefore has slightly more experience than some of the
other members of her MA group.
1 Tutor: Yeah well how did it compare with other classes, you . . . I
haven’t seen you teach before
ST: No it was okay before I think I just get before if they asked me a
question I would be able to answer it straight off but now I’m getting
more conscious of the “right” answer and solely the right answer so I
am thrown every time they ask me something, which is kind of, I don’t
know, because
5 when I talked to Mary teaching the week last, before last, the, my
lessons went really well and like I I everything I assumed came up and
when they asked me questions I was able to answer them and you, it was
fine and then last week I think something happ . . . was it last week? I
think, whatever group I had last week I got rattled again and now I am
kind of shaking when they ask me a question I’m going “no” (laughing)
so I’m not in the best of form with confidence of them asking me . . . .
10 Tutor: No I thought you were very confident in the classroom, I
thought your personality came across very nicely in the classroom and
you struck me as being somebody who was confident . . .
ST: Yeah
Tutor: . . . in the classroom.
ST: Yeah that is what I wanted, well, I don’t tend to feel as nervous
but when they ask me to
15 explain something it’s like “oh my god no” like and my mind goes
blank and it usen’t go blank before like when . . . and they both sounded
right . . .
This extract provides quite a comparison against Extract 1. Here we see the student
teacher presenting herself as novice and expressing feelings of fear and uncer-
tainty (lines 8, 9, 14) in a discussion with her tutor. The student teacher is not
trying to justify or excuse these feelings but is very open and honest. She may feel
that this is what is expected, a critical appraisal of her performance. She may be
very honest as she is not in the presence of her peers and is canvassing the support,
validation and advice of the more experienced mentor. And indeed, the tutor
provides this by reassuring through denying the identity presented by the student
teacher (lines 10, 11) (the paradoxical role of the tutor is also important here as
she is both a facilitator and assessor – see Farr (2011)). This is illustrative of
strongly guided co-construction between the teacher and tutor where the more
experienced “other” is helping to shape a novice teacher’s identity. It is possible
that this other (more experienced tutor) voice may need to be internalized by the
student teacher but it is certainly a legitimization of the identity formation and
presentation of a confident and capable teacher.
An interesting phenomenon evident in this extract is the reporting of mental
states and thoughts through hypothetical direct speech. In line 8 the teacher reports
thinking “no” and in line 15 “oh my god, no.” This is an important resource in
Online discourse
A blog, or a weblog, is a website that contains posts, presented in reverse chrono-
logical order. They “have evolved to encompass any subject matter and they
reflect worldviews that range from the private world of the writer to the public
world of culture and current events, and everything in between” (Blood, 2002,
p. 6). Blogs are easy to create and maintain, do not require any technical back-
ground, and for these reasons are very attractive to the education arena (Ray and
Coulter, 2008). As a result, there has been a shift from writing in diaries and jour-
nals to that of blog writing (Higdon and Topaz, 2009). If we examine the informal
blogs the student teachers wrote privately, which could only be read by the peer
tutor (and were not assessed), an example of a narrative can be seen in Extract 3.
Here the student teacher is reflecting on her experience of observing another fully
qualified teacher’s class.
The scenario here is quite different, and in many ways the identity being
constructed is that of a successful student who should pass the course. A student
teacher has researched, prepared and taught a lesson. She has done some focused
reflecting, has had a feedback conference and has had a couple of days to reflect
further and complete a weekly blog. The blog counts as 10 percent of the overall
grade for the TP module on the program. Given these factors, there is an expecta-
tion among all parties that the student teacher will assume and project a more
confident and knowledgeable identity in her narratives and indeed this is very
much the case. This student teacher displays pedagogic knowledge (as evidenced,
for example, through her use of metadiscourse). She presents a lot of insight into
Notes
1 Labov’s original motive was to elicit narratives from people through spontaneous
everyday storytelling, in order to reduce the effects of the Observer’s Paradox.
2 This framework has its critics (see Georgakopoulou, 2006) as a result of it being inter-
viewer-led. However, it is used here merely for the initial codification of narratives.
3 We define novice as someone who is in training or who has recently finished their
training and has minimal classroom experience.
References
Benwell, B. and Stokoe, E. (2006). Discourse and Identity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univer-
sity Press.
Blood, R. (2002). The Weblog Handbook: Practical Advice on Creating and Maintaining
Your Blog. Cambridge MA: Perseus Publishing.
Introduction
As Burns and Bell (2011) point out in an article on narrative construction of
professional teacher identity, “To see teachers’ professional identities as narrative
constructions and to view them from the social constructionist point of view
where one’s identity is constantly constructed and reconstructed in interaction
with others offers a way for the teachers to empower themselves and overcome
the feeling of personal inadequacy in teaching” (p. 958). Teacher identity, as an
analytic tool to understanding teachers’ development (Beauchamp and Thomas,
2011; Varghese et al., 2005), has become a popular research topic in teaching and
teacher education over the past ten years (Beauchamp and Thomas, 2009; Lee,
2013; Trent, 2010; Tsui, 2007).
Since teacher identity research, especially narrative studies, has become an
increasingly important topic in the international academic community, the time is
ripe to identify how improved understanding of language teacher identity
might positively contribute to an improvement in teacher education. As
Beauchamp and Thomas (2009, p. 176) note, “Gaining a more complete under-
standing of identity generally and teacher identity in particular could enhance
the ways in which teacher education programs are conceived.” The purpose
of the review reported in this chapter is to survey and analyze key research output
that deals with the topic of language teacher identity based on narratives. The
review focuses on research papers published in international refereed journals
from 2003 to 2013. These journals are published by major established interna-
tional publishers in the field, and these papers have gone through a rigorous review
process.
The chapter begins by defining the selection criteria for the journals included
in the review. Next, it presents and discusses the results of the selected
research in terms of understanding teacher’s identity, factors affecting the
construction and re-construction of the identity, perspectives of nonnative
teachers of English of multilingual backgrounds, perspectives of novice teachers
of English, and importance of environments on the perspectives of teachers.
Lastly, future research directions and implications for teacher education are
discussed.
References
Akkerman, S. F., and Meijer, P. C. (2011). A dialogic approach to conceptualizing teacher
identity. Teaching and Teacher Education, 27, 308–319.
Bathmaker, A. (2010). Introduction. In A. Bathmaker and P. Harnett (Eds), Exploring
Learning, Identity and Power through Life History and Narrative Research (pp. 1–10).
London: Routledge.
Beauchamp, C., and Thomas, L. (2009). Understanding teacher identity: an overview of
issues in the literature and implications for teacher education. Cambridge Journal of
Education, 39(2), 175–189.
Beauchamp, C., and Thomas, L. (2011). New teachers’ identity shifts at the boundary of
teacher education and initial practice. International Journal of Educational Research,
50, 6–13.
Beijaard, D., Meijer, P., and Verloop, N. (2004). Reconsidering research on teachers’
professional identity. Teaching and Teacher Education, 20, 107–128.
Beynon, J., Ilieva, R., and Dichupa, M. (2003). “Do you know your language?” How
teachers of Punjabi and Chinese ancestries construct their family languages in their
personal and professional lives. Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, 2(1),
1–27.
Block, D. (2007). Second Language Identities. New York: Continuum.
Introduction
In the last two decades, much recent literature on teacher education has fore-
grounded the importance of identity (Duff and Uchida, 1997; Kramsch, 1993;
Norton, 1997; Sachs, 2005) which is a highly complex concept. While providing
a clear definition of identity is hard to achieve, the existing literature on teaching
and teacher education asserts the notion that identity is both multifaceted and
dynamic and that a teacher’s identity is prone to change in time with the influence
of external and internal factors: “internal to the individual, such as emotion . . .,
and external to the individual, such as job and life experiences” (Beauchamp and
Thomas, 2009, p. 177). Identity is a concept that is commonly discussed in rela-
tion to some of its dimensions (i.e., individual, social, personal and political). One
of the most challenging issues is the necessity to “comprehend the close connec-
tion between identity and the self, the role of emotion in shaping identity, the
power of stories and discourse in understanding identity, the role of reflection in
shaping identity, the link between identity and agency, the contextual factors that
promote or hinder the construction of identity” (Beauchamp and Thomas, 2009,
p. 176). For any analysis of identity development, researchers examine how
teachers’ identities are shaped and reshaped in their interactions with others in
their professional contexts. To put it succinctly, teachers’ identities shift in their
relationships with people, with learners and with colleagues. Thus, analyzing who
a teacher is, is relational in nature, and thus any analysis depends on how teachers
see others and how others see teachers in their shared experiences and negotiated
interactions (Johnson, 2003).
In a related vein, Gee (2001) suggests that identity refers to “a kind of person in
a context” (p. 99) and this core identity has multiple forms that are enacted across
different contexts. Linked to this, teacher professional identity forms the core of
the teaching profession. “It provides a framework for teachers to construct their
own ideas of ‘how to be’, ‘how to act’ and ‘how to understand’ their work and
their place in society” (Sachs, 2005, p. 15).
The potential of a framework for understanding teachers’ professional identity
mostly draws on Vygotskian sociocultural theory (Vygotsky, 1978). Based upon
the caveat that sees teacher professional identity as a framework for teachers’
Literature review
In the field of education, a growing body of research on teacher identity includes
the studies of teachers’ personal and professional lives (Atay and Ece, 2009;
Beijaard et al., 2000; Day et al., 2006; Flores and Day, 2006; Tsui, 2007), the
studies of teacher emotions (Ben Said, this volume; Evans, 2002; Reis, this
volume; Zembylas, 2003), the studies of teachers’ praxis (Britzman, 1991;
Santoro, 1997), and the ethno-politics of teacher identity (Butler, 2005; Clarke,
2009). Also, Beijaard et al. (2004) and Beauchamp and Thomas (2009) provide
useful and edifying overviews of existing literature on teacher identity. In essence,
the research on teacher identity formation has highlighted its multi-dimensional,
idiosyncratic and context-specific nature.
The studies with a focus on how teachers’ identities are shaped and reshaped in
their unique contexts mostly analyze teachers as the subject of their sociocultural
activities. There are some challenges observed though. First, there are not many
studies that ask teachers to describe their professional identity. Another challenge
is that “[r]esearch on language and identity have generally been conducted in
predominantly English-language native speaker settings” (Atay and Ece, 2009,
p. 21) and few studies have been conducted in EFL settings. In one of these rare
studies, Beijaard et al. (2000) investigated 80 experienced secondary school
teachers’ current and prior perceptions of their professional identity in the
Netherlands. The researchers analyzed teachers’ professional identity in terms of
the teacher as a subject matter expert, the teacher as a pedagogical expert, and the
teacher as a didactical expert. In this chapter, my purpose is also to capture how
the participating teachers describe their teacher identities. While the participants
in this chapter describe their professional identity, I observe that they also refer to
some “factors that may influence the teachers’ perceptions of their professional
identity” (Beijaard et al., 2000, pp. 755–756).
In another study, Flores and Day (2006) analyzed how the identities of 14
new teachers were shaped and reshaped in their first two years of teaching in
different school settings in Portugal. Data were gathered through semi-structured
interviews, the annual reports teachers wrote and a questionnaire. The data were
presented and discussed according to the three main influences: (1) prior influ-
ences; (2) initial teacher training and teaching practice; and (3) contexts of
teaching.
Study
With the present chapter, I aim to investigate a small group of EFL teachers’ ways
of constructing their teacher identities in their teaching contexts. Thus, I designed
this small scale study based on a qualitative analysis of the participants’ state-
ments. The participants were three EFL teachers, two females (Rana, 26 years old
and Fitnat, 24 years old) and a male (Hasan, 27 years old). They were all gradu-
ates of four-year English Language Teaching (ELT) undergraduate programs
offered by Turkish public universities and also MA students in an ELT graduate
program at a public university in Turkey. On a voluntary basis, they answered a
survey questionnaire. After a perusal of some of the existing teachers’ profes-
sional identity studies, I designed the survey questions which basically asked
them to reflect upon the two main concerns of the study: (1) what impacts the
construction of teacher identities of a group of EFL teachers; and (2) how they
deal with issues stemming from their own and their students’ multiple identities.
Data analysis that I did on the participants’ statements was qualitative content
analysis as it has “become closely associated with qualitative research” (Dörnyei,
2007, p. 245). Content analysis went together with coding as “regardless of the
specific methodology followed, qualitative data analysis invariably starts with
coding” (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 250, italics original). I observed that the participants’
statements gathered in the survey reflected certain patterns especially while they
were describing their professional identity. While discussing who they were and
how they saw themselves in their profession, the patterns frequently raised were:
(1) their attitudes and perceptions toward learning/teaching English; (2) their
Context
Besides being a Muslim country, Turkey has also adopted Western cultural values
and norms following Kemal Atatürk’s revolutionary principles; and thus, people
in Turkey live in an environment that is neither thoroughly Western nor Eastern
(Atay and Ece, 2009). Turkish is the official language and the language of educa-
tion. English is the only language taught as a compulsory subject at all levels of
education while French and German are provided as selective courses. Since
Turkey has increasingly been influenced by forces of globalization through the
English language, the number of schools offering English education has increased
(K#dirkgöz, 2007). Entrance to English-medium Anatolian high schools and
private schools is achieved through a centralized test. These high schools offer
one year English language education in the first year. Similarly, in universities,
where the medium of instruction is English in some fields, schools of foreign
languages offer a one-year English education before students start their studies in
their fields. Among the three participating teachers of this study, Hasan is the one
with the most teaching experience (five years). After teaching at both a public
school and a university in Istanbul, he is currently employed in the school of
foreign languages at a public university in Denizli. Rana is also currently employed
in a prep school but in a private university in Izmir. She has a four-year teaching
experience that she gained from private institutions and a public university in
Izmir. Fitnat is also currently employed in a private institution, in Denizli. She has
a one-year experience of teaching at a school of foreign languages at a public
university in Ankara.
We live in a globalizing world and the only way to keep up with the develop-
ments in the world is to speak English.
(Hasan)
Learning or speaking can give people the ability to travel around the world
flexibly. As this language is spoken in all continents in the world, there is no
limitation for people who know how to speak English to travel wherever they
want. Personally I think that English makes the world smaller for people,
Also, through English, we learn how similar and different people are.
(Rana)
Their attitudes toward speaking English were in line with Atay and Ece’s (2009)
emphasis on learning English as it is “particularly important for Turkish citizens to
enable the nation to pursue its international communication and keep up with devel-
opments in many fields in which English is the most-widely used language” (p. 217).
The participants were observed to see learning English as an investment in them-
selves “to signal the socially and historically constructed relationship of learners to
the target language and their sometimes ambivalent desire to learn and practice it”
(Norton, 1997, p. 411). These statements also remind us the fact that “[t]he English
language has had a history of imposition for political and material reasons in most
periphery communities” (Canagarajah, 1999, p. 57). A word of caution is due here.
The dominance of English over other foreign languages in Turkey and young
people’s desire to learn English as a sine qua non can be seen as the visible results
of the colonial expansion of English and Anglo-American imperialism.
However there were some turning points for each of the participants. Rana
attended a summer school, Fitnat and Hasan started to study a prep year in super
high schools where they admired their English teachers who inspired them to
study ELT in the following years. For the first time, they participated in some
activities (i.e., listening to English songs, playing games, working in groups
to do jigsaw tasks, etc.) that really attracted their attention and gave them a
sense of using the language for meaningful purposes. Similar to the participants
in Flores and Day’s (2006) study, while looking back on their learning past,
the participants both recalled negative and positive episodes which influenced
them and referred to the teachers they admired as people who shaped their
career choice. The teachers the participants of this chapter admired at high
school were following more communicative approaches and trying to involve the
whole class without paying much attention to their errors. The major reforms
in language teacher education in the mid-1990s in Turkey enabled teachers to
put greater emphasis on practical teaching methods, self and peer assessment
and reflection (Akyel, 2012). Practicum experience that Rana and Fitnat
gained at university was also important as this made an impact on their feelings
toward their future career, teaching English, in a highly positive way. Rana
mentioned how deeply she was affected with the great model her cooperating
teacher presented in her classes and Fitnat stated that she learnt a lot from
blogging experience that her supervisor teacher provided for their reflections.
Again the power of teachers in creating the necessary motivation in students was
explicitly expressed.
English is the main tool of communication and when I was at high school I
liked reading books in English, listening to English songs, doing grammar
so I decided to be an English teacher. Even at high school I tried to do
The prep year at high school was a milestone. I really admired my teachers
and decided to study ELT to become one of them.
(Fitnat)
I feel more confident in class now. Last week for instance I realized that I talk
a lot sometimes in class and remembered the article we read on teachers’
talking time. I said “Rana you should talk less, don’t you remember?” I also
feel privileged among my colleagues. They give more importance to my
ideas in meetings. With this degree, I can be promoted to a higher position, I
can be a course coordinator or a head in time.
(Rana)
I am Turkish, Muslim, a son of my parents and male. I make use of these iden-
tities in different situations. For instance, I’m a boy and I create some sentences
that attract boys and make girls angry. While teaching “tend to” for instance, I
say “Girls tend to gossip more than boys” and this creates a lot of talk. I use
my Islamic identity while giving examples from my religion. (R: Such as
what?) For instance, for the “shouldn’t/mustn’t” structures, I ask “We mustn’t
eat pork. Is it true or false?” and students say yes, it is true teacher.
(Hasan)
When asked whether the existence of these dominant identities caused any prob-
lems in their teaching, all of them said that as teachers they were highly flexible
and positive about other cultures and teaching Western values. Similar to Atay
and Ece’s (2009) results, the participants of this study were not observed to regard
Western identity or Western values as a threat to their existing identities but
believed that knowing about other cultures broadened their worldview. Similarly,
they believed that it was one of teachers’ tasks to introduce and comment on other
cultures and values:
I have a lot of Christian friends that I made in the US where I stayed for 4
months with work and travel program. I know that there are people with
different beliefs and customs. While teaching English, we also teach different
cultures and I am aware that each culture is unique and we can learn from
others.
(Rana)
All the participants believed that being exposed to Western values while studying
or teaching English did not mean assimilation. They viewed their exposure to
Western culture as a tool to broaden their horizons. However, having such flexi-
bility toward other cultures, Western culture especially, was not always there but
was achieved with time. Hasan for instance described the identity crisis he used to
have at secondary and high school and how his opinions have changed in time.
The following statements illustrate this:
I am a person who values moral qualities. (R: Can you explain this further?)
There are certain things we should not do. For example when we learn English
we see certain things which are not acceptable in our culture. (R: Such as
what?) Maybe . . . You know relationships. There is more freedom in terms
of romantic relationships in the USA and England. Some live together in the
same place without getting married. We see such couples Sandra and Jack
living together then I start to question if it is acceptable in my culture. I had a
lot of doubts like these when I was a student but now I am more flexible. As
I learnt English and their culture more, my opinions changed. I believe these
couples can live together.
Although Hasan felt disturbed at first by the free life style reflected at some text-
books printed in the USA or the United Kingdom, he got used to living with such
examples as his experiences with English increased in time. He now believes that
his moral values are not harmed as he has learnt to be more flexible toward others’
value systems. His increasing knowledge of the English language and the Western
values indicated that Hasan has developed his mind and views through interaction
with the world around him, and this development is one of the fundamental
premises of Vygotskian sociocultural theory (Vygotsky, 1978).
I mostly observe students’ Turkish and Muslim identities. (R: When do you
observe those?) I observe their Turkish identity when the topics are girl and
I can classify the students’ basic identities into four categories: The first
group of students believes that they do not have to tire or bore themselves by
trying to learn English. If foreigners want to talk to them, they should learn
Turkish. These students state that they hate the dominance of English all over
the world, and trying to learn their language means to accept the superiority
of British and American people. These students’ strongest identities are their
Turkish and Islamic identities. They are also low scorers in exams. The
second group of students is the reckless ones. They just stay in class and do
nothing. They do not know how to learn or do something without help. I call
the third group of students the pragmatists. These students are eager to learn
English as they know that it will be beneficial in their lives. They want to
learn English for a good job or position in the future, some want it to live
abroad, and some want it to communicate with foreign people. The last group
consists of students who want to be like native speakers of English. They are
my favorites because they want to learn not only the target language but also
the target culture. They are curious about traditions, daily routines, life styles
of the target cultures. In fact, they pay attention to intonation, spelling and
grammar, I mean everything attached to language. Unfortunately the number
of such students is very low.
(Rana)
How the participating teachers deal with issues stemming from their
own and their students’ multiple identities
As for the second main concern of the study, I asked the participants to reflect on
how they dealt with the issues stemming from their own and their students’
multiple identities, and the participants mostly referred to the strategies they
developed in time. They stated that students’ Turkish and Islamic identities caused
problems when the textbooks presented some behaviors that are at odds with those
of their students. Some statements are as follows:
The students’ most visible identities are their Turkish and Muslim identities.
Some feel resented or disturbed when they see some characters in the book
who drink till the morning and suffer from being hang over next day. (R: How
do you deal with this?) We make connections with our lives. I say “Look,
they drink too much and miss the exam next day. So what do we learn from
this text?” but some students are very religious and they do not want to talk
about such issues. I cannot make jokes to such students, either. When I want
to make a joke, I choose more extravert talkative students who I know can
take the joke. There are also nationalistic students in class. I ask them ques-
tions about Turkey. Some other students like Western culture and they like
(R: When do you receive resistance from your students?) When students feel
disturbed with some cultural differences. (R: What do you do then?) We
discuss the differences. I say, for instance, “It is not OK in our culture to live
together before marriage but it is their culture and it is very important to learn
about other people’s lives. Of course you do not have to implement these in
your lives. If you learn these things, you can have an idea about their lives.
Maybe you will have foreign colleagues in the future and you will need
to exchange such pieces of information.” But when it comes to religion, I
avoid discussing things in detail because it is not possible to change people’s
religious beliefs. Therefore, I prefer not to talk about politics and religion.
They are taboo topics to me.
(Fitnat)
Last year, I had some students whose Kurdish identity was very strong. While
studying “can” questions, they expressed that they can also speak Kurdish.
The other students felt disturbed (R: What did you do?) I stopped it immedi-
ately because class is not an appropriate place to talk about politics, I mean
Turkish-Kurdish issues or similar delicate issues.
(Rana)
When the participating teachers observed an issue stemming from their students’
multiple identities, they mostly made comparisons between cultures or religions,
shared their flexible and positive views toward other cultures and religions, made
a careful choice among students while discussing certain issues or changed the
topic all together not to deepen the identity crisis that they observed in their
students. Making comparisons between cultures is in line with Alptekin and
Alptekin’s (1984) suggestions for teachers in EFL contexts “that local and inter-
national contexts which are familiar and relevant to students’ lives should be used
(instead of unfamiliar and irrelevant contexts from the English-speaking world)”
(p.14).
The participants also stated that they preferred not to discuss certain topics
which they called “taboo” or “delicate” issues such as politics and religion in
class. Among the taboo topics, Rana complained about the issues that arise from
some of her students’ Kurdish identity. The Turkish-Kurdish conflict in Turkey
has existed since the Ottoman Empire and it is an issue that remains unsolved
because of a number of “conflicting goals and interests as well as the unavaila-
bility of acceptable solutions” (Saatci, 2002, p. 560). Religion is seen as another
taboo topic. It is certain that there is a huge bond between religion and identity.
Religious meaning systems define a great range of relationships “to self; to others
Conclusion
This chapter reflects on what impacts a group of EFL teachers’ construction of
their teacher identities and how they deal with the issues stemming from their own
and their students’ multiple identities through a qualitative analysis of their state-
ments. The most dominant identities observed were the Turkish and Muslim iden-
tities and the participants developed certain strategies to deal with their students’
identity crises which especially raised when students were exposed to some mate-
rials in class that were at odds with their values. Since Turkey is geographically
situated like a bridge between the East and the West, it accommodates a variety of
life styles, beliefs and values. Therefore, while this results in richness in world-
views and attitudes, this also brings about potential identity crises not only
between individuals and also within individuals while learning a foreign language.
This chapter presents certain insights into teachers’ identity construction but it has
certain limitations as well. It has a fairly small sample and uses one-time survey
questionnaire and semi-structured interviews as data collection tools. To address
several issues attached to teachers’ professional identity construction, a more
longitudinal approach with participants in various teaching settings is needed.
References
Akyel, A. S. (2012). Preservice English language teacher education in Turkey. In
Y. Bayyurt and Y. Bektaş-Çetinkaya (Eds), Research Perspectives on Teaching and
Learning English in Turkey (pp. 25–37). Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Alptekin, C. and Alptekin, M. (1984). The question of culture: EFL teaching in non-English
speaking countries. ELT Journal, 38, 14–20.
Atay, D. and Ece, A. (2009). Multiple identities as reflected in English-language education:
The Turkish perspective. Journal of Language, Identity, and Education, 8, 21–34.
Over the past two decades, teacher identity has emerged as an important issue
among applied linguists and education specialists interested in strengthening an
understanding of professional development and teacher education processes
(Beauchamp and Thomas, 2009; Beijaard et al., 2004; Varghese et al., 2005). This
research has highlighted the important role that professional identity plays in
teachers’ beliefs and everyday practices (Cohen, 2010). Central to current defini-
tions of teacher identity is its characterization as a “collective term referring to the
dynamic organization of sub-identities that might conflict with or align with each
other” (Mishler, 1999, p. 8). Despite recognition of the importance of multiple
identities, few studies have investigated how teachers form and negotiate these
multiple identities as they develop professionally.
This chapter presents a study that aims to understand teachers’ multiple identi-
ties by investigating how L2 writing teachers in university composition courses
construct and negotiate their identities through talk about course goals, practices,
and roles as teachers of multilingual writers. To this end, we draw on the notion
of identity as something embedded in teachers’ practices and negotiated primarily
through discourse (Block, 2007; Connelly and Clandinin, 1988; Gee, 2000).
Qualitative analysis of interviews with seven composition teachers revealed three
overarching identities: (1) general writing teacher identity; (2) language teacher
identity; and (3) L2 writing teacher identity. These identity positions were closely
tied with teachers’ beliefs about L2 writing instruction.
1 What L2 writing teachers’ multiple identities emerge as they talk about their
teaching practices?
2 What factors influence how these teachers construct these identities?
The study
Findings
The following identity positions were observed: (1) general writing teacher iden-
tity; (2) language teacher identity; and (3) L2 writing teacher identity. Each iden-
tity was characterized by distinct positions regarding how teachers understood
their students’ needs and how they worked to address these needs. However,
many elements of these identities inherently overlapped; some teachers constructed
identities representing two or more identities at the same time. Despite possible
overlap, not all teachers shared all three identities, highlighting the distinct char-
acteristics of each identity.
I found that the personal narrative paper was much improved when I read the
final draft because they filled in a lot of spots that any audience would say,
“well, why this?” and “what happened next?” and that sort of thing.
If I had to articulate for myself, um, for my students, it would be, um, getting
to know the academic genres of writing. Being able to not just be able to live
a successful life, you know, but a huge part of that is being able to learn how
to communicate in the academy. So that could be writing papers, writing
essays.
It really concerned me. But um, you know, he wants to do well. And I just, I
can’t pass them on and particularly because they, most of them are going into
business and they’ve gotta take [business writing]. And I hear the [business
writing] teachers talk all the time about things that simply don’t add up.
Most interesting in this excerpt is her implicit positioning of herself with respect
to instructors for discipline-specific writing courses. As a writing teacher, she is
responsible for understanding students’ writing needs, a responsibility she feels
unique from that of her discipline-specific colleagues.
All teachers also emphasized the relationship between critical thinking
and writing, a goal clearly articulated in the writing program’s teacher guide.
This emphasis was observed both in teachers’ discussions of goals as well
as their assessment criteria. This was the case for Rebecca, as she described an
assigned writing task as well as the assessment of a student’s performance on this
task:
He’s been struggling with the, like the other students who struggle with
writing and abstract thinking, he struggles with understanding the assign-
ment. And I’m not sure, I’m not convinced that it’s a difficulty with language.
I get the sense, because they have to do one page responses on the assigned
readings. Anytime there’s assigned readings. And the responses aren’t
summaries, they’re more analytical responses. And this is not, this not an
expression of his writing ability. That the level of his thinking just is not that
complex.
Although the student Rebecca mentioned was a multilingual writer, she stated that
his problems were similar to other students in her mainstream writing class.
The characteristics of the general writing teacher identity reflect the overall
goals of the FYC program. However, the teachers’ communication of these goals
also reflects the shared understanding among members of this professional
community. These characteristics also reflect their conceptualization of their
I try to work on, needless to say, writing skills, in which you can talk about
rhetorical strategies, critical thinking, critical reading, but also, intercultural
competence. And on pragmatic competence, in writing, and in language, as a
part of the ESL class. ’Cause I think that is an equally important component
that is frequently overlooked.
This emphasis on general language skills is also reflected in his choice of tasks
and assignments. In addition to the writing tasks, Ben included a multi-media
project involving outside classroom observations, note-taking, and an oral presen-
tation that specifically targeted verbal and presentation skills. Ben stated that he
felt his students were enjoying his class because he included a wider range of
activities beyond the required writing tasks. As he put it: “I never thought that I’m
supposed to teach only writing.”
An important factor influencing Ben’s identity as a language teacher was his
educational background. From the outset, he stated: “I’m a linguist.” He then
continued on to list bachelor’s, master’s, and PhD degrees with Linguistics
focuses. It was clear throughout the interview with him that his identity as a
language teacher was a primary influence on his approach to teaching multilingual
students, as evidenced in his descriptions of tasks, feedback and assessment.
Emily also communicated a language teacher identity, but her negotiation of
this identity was not as straightforward as Ben’s, whose educational background
connected relatively neatly with his approach to teaching. Emily received her PhD
in Rhetoric and Composition and, throughout her discussion she emphasized the
importance of understanding the writing process, improving organization, and
developing strong rhetorical arguments as central for preparation “to survive in
the university.” When assessing students, however, Emily viewed problems in
It’s been hard for me this term because I have five Arab students and fifteen
Chinese. And I don’t want the Chinese students all in one group because they
need to keep speaking in English better.
Although Emily also focused on specific areas of writing, her classroom was a
space for targeting her students’ language needs as a whole. It is not surprising
then that Emily included a presentation task that also focused on verbal skills and
oral communication, reflecting her role in improving her students’ language
proficiency.
While Ben and Emily negotiate their identities differently, neither of them
saw writing and language teacher identities to be in opposition with one another.
Ben focused primarily on general language issues but also communicated the
importance of rhetorical knowledge and process as key elements in his
teaching. Emily’s identity as a writing teacher, on the other hand, complemented
her identity as a language teacher in addressing the needs of her multilingual
students.
In contrast to Ben and Emily, who both had extensive experience teaching
multilingual writers, Farah was at the beginning of her experience teaching multi-
lingual students. A “literature professor” without background in TESOL or
linguistics, she seemed to be negotiating her writing teacher identity in light of her
developing understanding of the new student population. At the time of the inter-
view, she had 11 years’ experience teaching mainstream sections of FYC but this
was her first semester teaching a multilingual section. When discussing her goals
as a writing teacher, she was clear in highlighting the importance of voice, audi-
ence, and “classical argument,” but she was far more tentative in discussing how
she addressed the needs of multilingual students. For example:
I did provide other readings, because the textbook I selected, this is my first
time teaching [a multilingual section], I’m not familiar with the needs of
international students. I did not consider the textbook in finding readings that
were more cultural based, that connected with their culture. Most of the read-
ings in this text were for an American audience. So I paid, I spent a lot of time
in selecting the book for [next semester] and I did look for textbooks that had
readings on different cultural groups. And I’m going to spend some time
during Christmas break looking for other readings that I can use to enhance
the course.
She (Farah’s colleague) said, um, “you want to make sure that students under-
stand that . . . they only speak English” . . . And so I did that at first, and I felt
a little awkward . . . later in the semester, I stopped. I just felt, I don’t know,
I didn’t feel comfortable saying that. But maybe that, is that something you
[Juval] do?
Her question directed at Juval, who was interviewing her, seems to indicate that
Farah is still negotiating her understanding of teaching multilingual students and
the extent to which teaching this population involves other non-writing language
skills. Although her identity still seems to be emerging, it seems that language
issues are looming large in her negotiation of teacher identity.
In these teachers’ narratives, the language teacher role seems to entail more
than teaching written English. Instead, all of their instructional goals seem to
encompass classroom communication and oral proficiency, which go beyond the
goals and objectives of the FYC program.
Well, before I really got into the theory behind second language learners and
second language writers, a lot of what I would focus on was grammar related.
And I’ve noticed that a lot of my friends now who have that one or two ESL
students in their class, that’s what they can’t get past, trying to fix every
single error, it doesn’t sound native-like at all, and so earlier in my teaching
career that’s what I would focus on.
Claire no longer believed that “trying to fix every single error” was effective, and
now felt it to be a misinterpretation of multilingual students’ needs as writers. She
Instead of being overly concerned with grammar issues, Claire emphasized her
role in familiarizing students with the writing process and the different written
genres that they may encounter in university coursework. This also meant creating
tasks that acknowledged the diverse cultural and educational backgrounds of her
students. In describing her writing assignments, she emphasized choosing topics
that were accessible to students, something she accomplished both through careful
crafting of the assignment itself as well as working with students on topic
selection.
Claire’s development as an L2 writing teacher can be connected to her
education, a master’s degree in TESOL and a current PhD student in Rhetoric
and Composition. Her experience with multilingual writers also played an
important role in her development. Although her first experience teaching
FYC was in a mainstream course five years prior, she emphasized that she
“always had a few students whose proficiency or their first language was not
English. So I’ve always been – it’s always been a factor.” Thus, it seems that her
identification as an L2 writing teacher began early on in her career even before
being fully aware of how to effectively address her students’ needs. As she further
developed professionally, her identity as an L2 writing teacher became more
established.
Adam, who had extensive experience teaching writing to multilingual students,
was similar to Claire in avoiding an overemphasis on grammar. In discussing his
experiences with his current class, his goals as an L2 writing teacher are clear:
I think that the writing they produce is, some people might get confused by
this, but they’re producing as complex and deep writing as I would see for
freshman in my mainstream classes. But of course there are the grammatical
differences. But I think that when you’re able to overlook those that it’s not,
there isn’t a big gap . . . So I think by and large, the writing has been really
great. There are a few students who at this level still have some grammatical
issues. I think that people put too much stress on those actually.
While acknowledging that the needs of his multilingual students’ may extend
beyond writing skills, Adam chooses to focus primarily on his students’ writing
needs. His conceptualization of his course as a writing and not a language course
and his role as a writing teacher are further seen through the tasks and activities he
assigned throughout the semester. Adam’s L2 writing teacher identity stands out
further when contrasted with the language teacher identities of Ben and Emily,
who did conceptualize their practice to include addressing their students’ language
needs beyond writing.
References
Antonek, J. L., McCormick, D. E., and Donato, R. (1997). The student teacher portfolio as
autobiography: Developing a professional identity. The Modern Language Journal,
81(1), 15–27.
Introduction
Interviewer: Has your professional identity as an applied linguist changed since
the time you finished your doctoral program in foreign and second language
education?
Respondent: I am not sure if the word change is the right word for me. I think my
identity expands horizontally and vertically. When I started my career after my
doctoral program, I taught, did some research, and presented papers. Later, I took
on a series of administrative jobs. Then, I was asked to be a workshop leader for
Thai schoolteachers and was invited to be a guest lecturer at other universities in
Thailand. Last year, I started giving lectures at universities outside of Thailand, for
example in the Philippines. I am now organizing the Thailand Association of
Applied Linguistics, writing a proposal, preparing a constitution, and asking
friends to join the organization. A leadership role like this is new to me and it is
challenging. I am not sure what I will encounter personally and professionally, but
I tell myself that I will gather the rose buds while thee may.
1 What are the language choices that participants use for authoring their
accounts and how do these language choices reveal their commitment to and
evaluation of their past and present experiences and the sources of legitimacy
that they ascribe to their identity claims?
2 How do these individuals describe the transition from doctoral study to
professional life and what individual differences emerge in the analysis?
What accounts for these different pathways?
3 What are the identity trajectories of a group of practicing applied linguists
who participated in an apprenticeship model of doctoral study? A corollary to
this question is what affordances does this model of doctoral training provide
Conceptual framework
The conceptual framework for this study is derived from two sources. The first
source is the recent work on apprenticeship models of doctoral training proposed
by the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching (CFAT) and fully
articulated in its book-length report The Formation of Scholars: Rethinking
Doctoral Education for the Twenty-First Century (2008). The second source of
our conceptual framework is taken from Trent (2013). In his study of identity
trajectories of language teachers in Hong Kong, Trent documents the accounts of
language teachers who have transitioned to the role of teacher educator. In his
study, Trent combines several approaches taken principally from Wenger (1998),
Laclau and Mouffe (1985), and Fairclough (2003) into an integrated framework
for the investigation of identity formation. Each of the two conceptual frame-
works is described below in the context of our collaborative work with doctoral
students.
Figure 16.1 Trent’s integrated framework for examining identity formation (2013).
Methodology
Findings
Identity pathways
To examine the identity pathways (Holland and Lave, 2001) of these individuals
and how they differed in their transitions from student to professional life, we
asked respondents to describe the relationship of their respective formation during
doctoral programs with their current positions in the field of applied linguistics.
Three prominent threads emerged in the respondents’ answers to this question.
First, a number commented on their lack of preparation for the service expecta-
tions that they encountered as they transitioned to faculty positions. As one
respondent stated, “At the time I finished my doctoral program, I was not familiar
with community service and did not expect to be involved in it . . . I had no idea
of the time commitment that service requires.”
Second a number mentioned their susceptibility to conflicting demands and
expectations since their current academic position is not within a department of
applied language education at a research intensive university. For example, in the
words of one respondent, “I’m struggling because the university in which I teach
relies on generalists and I see myself as a foreign language educator and an applied
linguist.” Another respondent speaks to her need to make “a quick transition to
identify [herself] as an Asian Studies Scholar and as an Applied Linguist.”
The third prominent thread, and the most positive from our point of view,
expressed by numerous respondents was the ways in which they have continued
to grow their professional identities. The following accounts of the respondents
illustrate this pathway to expanding identities in the field: “My identity expands
horizontally and vertically.” My identity “keeps on changing as I advise more
Master’s students, participate in professional meetings and publish more.” “My
position as administrator fits very well with earlier goals to influence the quality
of language education beyond my classroom teaching – there are many possible
roles that one can play: be aware of your goals.” “My work experiences have
enriched my identity but I still keep my core principles.”
When I began the program, my goal was to get a PhD so that I could teach at
a college. I had no intention to work at a research-oriented university and
thought that I would end up at more of a teaching-oriented college. Once I
became a full-time PhD student (I was part-time for two years), I realized that
perhaps I was capable of doing research.
Discussion
Several findings concerning the development of professional identity and its rela-
tions to doctoral training can be drawn for this study. Based on the analysis of
these practicing professionals, three findings appear clear.
First, it appears that our attempts to apprentice doctoral students into the culture
of the academy and the profession were relatively successful allowing former
students to relate past experiences to current work and to continue to expand and
transform professional identities in positive ways. All participants identified
aspects of the apprenticeship model as outlined above that integrated centrally
into their current professional lives and identities as applied linguists. For example,
participants spoke of the aspects of their doctoral programs that allowed them
to benefit from connections to a larger network of research beyond their
specializations, from their participation in designing research studies, analyzing
data, and co-authoring with professors, and from learning from the intentional
presentation of the implicit aspects of professional life. As one respondent reported
I had no idea of the time commitment that service requires. I thought that I
couldn’t possibly be busier than during my dissertation year, but that was
nothing compared to now. Aspects of service such as serving on committees,
meeting with students, visiting schools, attending conferences, and providing
professional development are extremely time-consuming. It is difficult to
know when it is okay to say “no” and when it is not. I often feel pressure to
provide service when I feel that I should be working on my research instead.
Based on this finding, we maintain that broader aspects of future professional life
need to be incorporated into discussions of apprenticeship models. Absent from
the apprenticeship model is developing professional identities that include being
a “good citizen”, understanding that local and external service is an important
requirement of a faculty member in contemporary university programs and depart-
ments, and realizing that full participation in academic and professional life is not
exclusively about teaching and research. This all too often ignored part of one’s
professional identity-in-practice needs to be addressed intentionally during
doctoral study to ease this boundary crossing from student to professional.
This finding suggests that in many cases doctoral training may unintentionally
romanticize life in the academy leading to serious identity-in-practice contradic-
tions in new faculty members. The same assistant professor above goes on to state
“sometimes I feel like I am experiencing an identity struggle. My interests lie in
the field of foreign language education and applied linguistics, but the size of the
university in which I teach relies on faculty who are more like generalists.” The
essential question then is how to prepare doctoral students for the complex
professional and personal identity of a university faculty member beyond that
At the time that I finished the doctoral program, I was not familiar with
community service and did not expect to be involved with it. Currently, I and
another two colleagues, work with a few school districts and a Japanese
heritage school. We provide workshops for teachers and parents, observe
classes, and offer advice. In addition, service at the department level, the
college level, and the university level are required. One third of my work is
community service. In summary, my teaching load has become heavier and
community service is an important part of what I must accomplish.
A third finding of this study is that despite challenges to one’s professional identi-
ties that occurred at boundary crossings, the individuals in this study often found
creative solutions to identity conflict. These solutions, as the analysis indicates,
were largely the result of having apprenticed into various aspects of professional
life during doctoral study. Developing collaborative relationships with communi-
ties of practice representing diverse ideas and research initiatives allowed these
individuals to resolve unexpected conflicts and contradictions that arose when
they crossed the boundary from student to professional.
Indeed, in all ten cases, conflicts of various kinds arose along the pathway from
student to professional. We are compelled to point out, however, that the most
conflict emerged when the newly minted PhD was a trailing spouse; that is, where
the recent graduate followed the husband to his new position. In contrast, for
seven out of ten cases, the partners or husbands of our respondents were trailing
spouses and moved to a new location so that their partners or wives could assume
a new position. In these cases, fewer challenges to identity emerged.
The experience of one trailing spouse reveals how agency interacts with iden-
tity and how creative and concrete reformulations of the self may take place when
present reality does not coincide with figured professional worlds developed
during graduate study. A trailing spouse recounts her inability to find work suit-
able to her academic background but explains how she has creatively ‘recovered
[her] professional identity” through her children, her work in a university summer
language program, and her involvement in professional organizations.
It is noteworthy that this trailing spouse concludes her account with the statement
that her professional identity sustains her in a professionally restrictive environ-
ment. Although, she is not able to participate fully in professional life, her iden-
tity, which she ascribes to her doctoral formation, becomes a source for creative
solutions to the problem of lack of employment opportunities and for finding a
redemptive identity-in-professional practice, albeit part-time and volunteer.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the narratives of these ten individuals who have followed different
pathways since the time of their doctoral study present us with a lens through
which we can trace the journey from doctoral training to professional life, assess
our work with doctoral students, and understand more completely issues of profes-
sional identity formation and re-formulation in the field of applied linguistics. Our
hope is that by giving voice to these dedicated professionals through their discur-
sive constructions of self in the context of their current positions, their work with
others, and their life events, we have a deeper understanding of how professional
identities are shaped, modified, and enacted in the various contexts of work in
applied linguistics.
Notes
1 We sincerely thank the respondents for their detailed and candid comments to our survey
questions.
2 Recent discussions on doctoral education have emphasized that among all the educa-
tional innovations in primary, secondary, and tertiary education that have taken place
during the past decade, doctoral education remains the one area that has not undergone
significant innovation and improvement.
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Brian Morgan
In his article, Corson details specific policy developments of concern: e.g. the
Ontario government’s preoccupation with skills for a high-tech/knowledge
economy, its reduced funding for fine arts and social sciences, and the introduc-
tion of standardized curricula and mandatory provincial tests – with the results
and rankings of schools released to the public, again, based on the populist
assumptions that such rankings can be taken at face-value with the concomitant
parental “choices” enhancing value-for-dollar expenditures in education. As
Corson recognized, one of the most damaging and long-term consequences of this
type of ranking and exposure was the effects it was having on the identity forma-
tion of teachers in the province. The government’s propensity to blame teachers
for any failures or shortcomings in the changes imposed by the bureaucracy was
generating a loss of confidence in public education and the professionalism of its
teachers and administrators.
Corson’s article is exemplary not only for the way in which he reveals the
havoc resulting from misguided educational policies, but also in the specific
recommendations he offers for teacher agency. In particular, he identifies the need
for critical language awareness as a tactic of resistance for schooling and for
public life. And he uses it most effectively in his article, particularly the way he
There was nothing natural about laissez-faire; free markets could never have
come into being merely by allowing things to take their course. Just as cotton
manufacturers – the leading free trade industry – were created by the help of
protective tariffs, export bounties, and indirect wage subsidies, laissez-faire
itself was enforced by the state . . . [leading to] an enormous increase in the
administrative functions of the state, which was now being endowed with a
central bureaucracy able to fulfil the tasks set by adherents of liberalism.
(p. 139, emphasis mine)
We might debate the extent to which Polanyi’s historical analysis rings true today,
and Corson’s article suggests that there is much truth to it. Still, when we research
and talk about notions such as “human capital theory” (e.g. Gibb, 2008) or
“language as commodity” (Heller, 2010), we affirm the extent to which our
identity/subjectivity can be reconstituted on economistic terms, whereby partic-
ular language practices and a whole range of social relations and activities can
become quantified and monetized, and treated as factors of production, which in
turn become overriding priorities for education in the service of market-place
utility. Corson certainly saw this as a dominant trend and particularly dangerous
for the loss of diversity involved and life chances of ethno-linguistic minorities.
To reiterate, he strenuously argued that neo-liberal discourses were not common
sense, and they should not remain unchallenged by those of us who are language
educators and professionals.
Given that accreditation renewal requires a minimum five hours of PD, the list
above is certainly not onerous, and indeed promotes important aspects of ongoing
professional identity work. But what is particularly intriguing for me is the cali-
bration and commodification of each item – again, a bureaucratic accomplishment
that echoes scientific management and the spirit of market-place utility. It would
indeed have been interesting to participate in the decision-making process by
which these quantified exchange values were determined and assigned to each PD
activity.
Please be advised that 10% of renewals due in every given month are selected
randomly and receive a PD Audit Notice about a month before the renewal
due date. The selected members will be required to submit (mail, fax, email,
or deliver) their proof of PD by their accreditation expiry date to be eligible
for accreditation renewal.
(http://www.teslontario.net/accreditation/activities-recognized-as-pd)
Conclusions
In sum, new ESL teachers in Ontario are forced to climb a mountain of bureauc-
racy with diminished opportunities at the pinnacle. This is a concern I share with
researchers such as Burnaby, Fleming, Haque and Cray. As they note, most of the
jobs for which these teachers are certified consist of hourly paid, part-time work,
a lack of benefits, and persistent job insecurity. These highly qualified teachers
often work in LINC classrooms without adequate space and resources. And they
often teach multi-streamed classes with continuous intake – a further challenge
not often acknowledged by the creators of the CLBs and LINC.
Polanyi’s insights on the bureaucratic paradox of laissez-faire can be re-stated:
In service to a globalized, “knowledge economy,” both the federal and provincial
What then about the future of ESL and language teacher education in Ontario, and
other jurisdictions with similar experiences. In terms of LTI negotiation, my sense
is that new student-teachers recognize many contradictions: they see that while
governments emphasize the essential need for skilled immigrant labor, those
entrusted with their language training are treated as non-essential labor.
Accordingly, a TESL Ontario certificate for many is a temporary stop, something
to use for travel or a part-time source of income while pursuing better life
opportunities.
Recent data from the TESL Ontario members survey (Valeo, 2013) seem to
corroborate such analyses. In its survey of 1,327 respondents (30 percent of the
membership), data show only 37 percent with full-time ESL teaching work, 31
percent with part-time employment, and 21 percent not employed at the time of
the survey. These levels of under-employment are particularly disappointing
when measured by the fact that 40 percent of the respondents “have completed
education beyond the minimum required for professional accreditation” (p. 56).
Valeo (2013) also notes important demographic data: a large majority of women
in the field, and an aging membership with “36% approaching retirement in the
next 10 years” (p. 56).
It’s difficult to read too much into these statistics, but I would like to interpret
them in the broader context and purposes of this chapter. As Foucault (2008)
observed, for a free labor market to flourish, “there must be a large enough number
of sufficiently competent, qualified, and politically disarmed workers to prevent
Notes
1 The sense and implication of danger here is attributable to Foucault (1983a): “My point
is not that everything is bad, but that everything is dangerous, which is not exactly the
same as bad. If everything is dangerous, then we always have something to do”
(pp. 231–232).
2 There is a relevant contrast to be made regarding the function of bureaucracy in Polanyi
and Foucault’s work. Whereas in Polanyi’s analysis, the “double movement” of bureau-
cratic growth is viewed as a mitigating response against the excesses of laissez-faire, in
Foucault’s work, bureaucracy appears as an intrinsic element of governmental reason, as
can be gleaned from the latter’s discussion of the management of freedom in neoliber-
alism: “The new governmental reason needs freedom, . . . this liberalism is not so much
the imperative of freedom as the management and organization of the conditions in
which one can be free, . . . Liberalism must produce freedom, but this very act entails the
establishment of limitations, controls, forms of coercion, and obligations relying on
threats, etcetera” (Foucault, 2008, pp. 63–64).
3 The RTCC specifies the components of three areas of accreditation: Theory (70 hr.),
Methodology (120 hr.), and the Practicum (50 hr.) For access to the complete chart, go
to: http://www.teslontario.net/accreditation/institutional In the section on “Initial
Accreditation”, click on “here” (MS Word File).
4 For example, the RTCC states: “Practicum hours should be completed in at least two of
these settings in Ontario [emphasis added on website]: LINC, Adult ESL, EAP (English
for Academic purposes), ELT (Enhanced Language Training), ESP (English for Specific
Purposes), OSLT (Occupation Specific Language Training)”.
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