Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Phillip Jolly
Assistant Professor
School of Hospitality Management
The Pennsylvania State University
Published in Journal of Organizational Behavior. This is not the final version of record. Please
refer to the final, published work:
Jolly, P. M., Kong, D. T., & Kim, K. Y. (2021). Social support at work: An integrative review.
Journal of Organizational Behavior, 42(2), 229-251.
https://doi.org/10.1002/job.2485
1
Social Support at Work: An Integrative Review
Abstract
Social support can have a range of positive outcomes for both employees and organizations.
Social support can lead to higher quality relationships, positive affective reactions, increased
individual performance, and can buffer the negative effects of stressful demands. The power of
social support has led to exponential growth in its investigation as a construct of interest in the
workplace. However, this growth has come with several issues, which are the focus of this
review. First, the literature is fragmented, with multiple conceptual frameworks employed to
predict how social support may function in the workplace. Second, many studies are vague when
defining social support, leading to diminished conceptual clarity. Third, there is no generally
accepted measure of social support, and we describe problems with the structure and/or use of
several commonly used measures. Finally, findings regarding the moderating effect of social
support are decidedly mixed, calling into question why this might be so. Based on an extensive
review of social support at work research, we highlight these issues, discuss how they can
and propose an integrative framework to guide the field forward. Finally, we identify multiple
Keywords: social support, social exchange, resources, demands, need satisfaction, supervisor,
coworker
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Introduction
Humans are social beings who need resources from others for their psychological and
social functioning (Hobfoll, 1989, 2002), and social support in the workplace, which broadly
refers to interpersonal1 support from other individuals at work, is an important source of these
resources. While definitions of social support vary widely (see below for further detail), in
general, social support refers to psychological or material resources that are provided to a focal
individual by partners in some form of social relationship. These resources may have direct
positive effects on important outcomes, such as the development of, or improvement in the
quality of, social exchange relationships and job attitudes (Holland, Cooper, & Sheehan, 2017;
Kim, Eisenberger, & Baik, 2016), or they may serve a buffering role between environmental
Indeed, the varying nature and wide-ranging impacts of social support have made it one
of the most popular constructs in organizational and psychological research (French, Dumani,
Allen, & Shockley, 2018). However, while many researchers recognize the importance of social
support in the workplace (e.g., Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008; Dawson, O’Brien, & Beehr, 2016;
French et al., 2018; Halbesleben, 2006; Viswesvaran et al., 1999) and continue contributing to a
large and still rapidly growing literature, we have observed four primary limitations which
motivated us to conduct a review of social support research in organizational settings: 1) the use
of multiple theories in isolation which has led to fragmented conceptual development, 2) a lack
1
We use the generic term “social support” throughout this paper to refer to general interpersonal social support. We
exclude support from non-person sources such as the organization (e.g., perceived organizational support;
Eisenberger, Huntington, Hutchison, & Sowa, 1986).
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results with respect to the moderating effects of social support. Each of these issues in isolation
would be problematic, but their co-existence in many studies we reviewed has the potential to
create significant issues for the field of social support moving forward.
We seek to highlight the above-mentioned limitations and move social support research
forward with this review article. After describing the methodology of our review, we then
describe each of the four primary issues we mentioned earlier in more depth. First, we review the
differences in the ways that four primary conceptual frameworks in social support research view
the construct. Second, we compare and contrast the many extant conceptualizations/definitions
of social support, and propose recommendations for defining social support specific to the
context of any study. Third, we consider and critique the most popular measures used to
empirical findings, with a focus on how issues of theory selection, definition, and measurement
may be to blame for some of the conflicting findings regarding social support as a moderator.
Following our review of existing limitations in the social support literature, and in an
attempt to provide some clarity regarding the problems at hand, we propose an integrative
“conceptual map,” based on four prominent theoretical frameworks. This conceptual map
considers the nuances of social support in terms of its sources and (content) types, highlights the
need for specificity in matching specific types of support with specific demands, and articulates
the intra- and interpersonal processes that link social support and work-related outcomes. Finally,
we highlight what we believe are some important directions for future research on social support
in organizational settings.
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In order to identify relevant published work, we conducted a systematic search of the
organizational literature up to April, 2018. We used title, keyword, and abstract searches to query
a wide range of relevant databases (Web of Science, Business Source Complete, PsycArticles,
Wiley Online) using combinations of social support-related terms (“social support,” “coworker
(“organization,” “work,” “workplace,” “business,” “employer,” “job,” and “firm”) to limit our
The initial search yielded 1,286 published studies. Following the initial search, the first
author reviewed the abstract of each article to determine whether it was relevant to the current
review. Articles were excluded if they did not examine a form of social support in a
This process identified 273 articles that were relevant to our review of social support in
or I/O psychology outlets. The final number of articles included was 193. A complete table of
articles included in the review is included in the supplemental material, and a diagram of the
systematic review process (PRISMA Diagram) can be found in Appendix A. After the final
sample of 193 articles were identified, each article was reviewed and coded by research
assistants for primary theoretical framework and source(s) of support. In addition, we tried to
extract2 the conceptual definition of social support used in each paper, and these definitions were
2
We use the word “tried” because in many papers (see Table 1) there was not a clear, succinct definition of social
support that was used in conceptualizing the research.
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coded by the authors in terms of the clarity of type, form, and source of support. Sample statistics
and characteristics (theory usage, definition characteristics) are reported in Tables 1 and 2.
Our review indicates that scholars have employed many theoretical frameworks to study
social support in organizations. However, we identified four prominent frameworks have been
employed in the majority of social support at work research. The Job Demands-Resources (JD-R;
k = 36) model (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007; Bakker, Demerouti, & Sanz-Vergel, 2014) and its
predecessor the demand-control-support model (Karasek, 1979), focus on how job resources
(including social support), jointly with job demands, determine work engagement, burnout, and
Neveu, Paustian-Underdahl, & Westman, 2014; Hobfoll, 1989) and its sub-theory social support
resource theory (Hobfoll, Freedy, Lane, & Geller, 1990) focus on how individuals use social
support, as a job resource, to regulate their personal resources (e.g., Xanthopoulou, Bakker,
Demerouti, & Schaufeli, 2009) and work behaviors. Social exchange (SET; k = 24) theory (Blau,
1964; Cropanzano & Mitchell, 2005) focuses on how individuals regulate the flow (reciprocity)
of social support (resources) with others. Finally, basic needs (BNT; k = 4) theory (Ryan & Deci,
2000, 2002; Van den Broeck, Ferris, Chang, & Rosen, 2016) focuses on how social support can
satisfy individuals’ basic needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness and enable their
These four frameworks have different foci on the role of social support and are often used
independently, yet they have inherent connections with one another (cf., Aryee, Walumbwa,
Mondejar, & Chu, 2015). We argue that the parallel development of these frameworks (without
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support at work (cf., Kim, Ployhart, & Gibson, 2018). More fully integrating these four main
theories can provide a more comprehensive and useful view on social support at work. To
provide a basis for comparison, we briefly review the way in which social support is
The JD-R model (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007; Bakker et al., 2014) proposes two general
categories of job characteristics: job demands and job resources. Job demands refer to “those
physical, psychological, social, or organizational aspects of the job that require sustained
physical and/or psychological (cognitive and emotional) efforts or skills and are therefore
associated with certain physiological and/or psychological costs” (Bakker et al., 2007, p. 312).
Job resources refer to physical, social, psychological, and organizational resources that are
conducive for accomplishing work goals and objectives and/or potentially reduce the negative
The JD-R model suggests two different processes of job demands and job resources.
Specifically, while job demands increase employee strain, job resources improve employee
motivation. Consistent with the demand-control model (Karasek, 1979), the JD-R model also
posits that job resources can buffer against job demands and job demands can amplify the
motivational potential of job resources. Because social support can be viewed as an important
job resource, the JD-R model is prevalent in the social support literature. For example, Turner
and colleagues (2010) examined the relationship between job demands and hazardous work
events. With a sample of 334 trackside workers, they found that while job demands were
positively associated with hazardous work events, support from senior managers, supervisors,
and coworkers were negatively related to these hazardous events. They also found that among
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the three sources of support, coworker support was especially important in attenuating the
negative consequences of high job demand situations. Sarti (2014), in examining the antecedents
of work engagement, found that supervisor support and coworker support, along with learning
opportunity and decision authority, constitute job resources that facilitated employee work
engagement.
COR theory explains individuals’ behaviors in stressful situations, with the assumption
that individuals seek to acquire, retain, and protect their resources (Halbesleben et al., 2014;
Hobfoll, 1989, 2001). According to COR theory, resources are defined as “objects, personal
characteristics, conditions or energies that are valued in their own right or that are valued
because they act as conduits to the achievement or protection of valued resources” (Hobfoll,
2001, p. 339). Individuals experience stress when encountering a threat from the actual or
potential loss of resources or a lack of expected gain ensuing from a resource investment, and
they may utilize their resources to buffer against the loss of resources or improve their existing
resources (Hobfoll, 1989, 2001). In the social support literature, COR theory is especially useful
for explaining how social support reduces employee stress and burnout (Halbesleben, 2006) as
well as withdrawal (e.g., Halbesleben, Wheeler, & Rossi, 2012) because social support helps
individuals expand and improve their existing resource base (Hobfoll, 1989, 2001). For example,
using COR theory, Toker, Laurence, and Fried (2015) found that while fear of terror increased
employee burnout through insomnia, coworker support could mute the indirect effect of fear of
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Social exchange is defined as “favors that create diffuse future obligations, not precisely
specified ones, and the nature of the return cannot be bargained about but must be left to the
discretion of the one who makes it” (Blau, 1964, p. 93). An important concept in social exchange
theory is the norm of reciprocity (Gouldner, 1960), which suggests that individuals who receive
benefits from another party develop felt obligation to reciprocate the benefits. Due to its focus on
support in the workplace, organizational support theory (e.g., Coyle-Shapiro & Conway, 2005;
Eisenberger et al., 1986), which is an offshoot theory of SET, is widely used along with SET.
perceptions of support in the organization (Rhoades & Eisenberger, 2002). Based on SET,
organizational support theory predicts that when an individual is treated well by others, he or she
is motivated to return the favorable treatment because the treatment induces felt obligation and
meets employees’ socioemotional needs (Eisenberger et al., 1986; Rhoades & Eisenberger,
2002). Thus, support in an SET context is often viewed through the lens of its direct effects.
For example, based on SET and organizational support theory, Eisenberger and
colleagues (2002) found that when subordinates received support from their supervisors, they felt
valued in the organization, and thus, they were likely to remain in the organization longer. They
also found that the relationship was strengthened by supervisors’ status. Similarly, Shanock and
Eisenberger (2006) found that when supervisors perceived that their well-being was cared for in
the workplace, they were motivated to behave in a supportive manner toward their subordinates
in return. Thus, subordinates received a high level of support from their supervisors and
consequently, they performed better in terms of both in- and extra-role performance.
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Although BNT has not been as commonly used in social support research, we found
several studies which employed this framework (e.g., Williams et al., 2014). According to BNT
(Ryan & Deci, 2000; Van den Broeck et al., 2016), a sub-theory of self-determination theory
(SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000), individuals have three fundamental needs which
“provide the basis for categorizing aspects of the environment as supportive versus antagonistic
to integrated and vital human functioning” (Ryan & Deci, 2002, p. 6): competence, relatedness,
and autonomy. When these needs are fulfilled, intrinsic motivation is likely to increase (Deci &
Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). In the social support literature, scholars have used BNT to
examine how social support can meet the three basic needs and thus facilitate psychological and
social functioning. For example, in a study of among 287 Norwegian workers, Williams et al.
(2014) found negative effects of supervisor need support on employee emotional exhaustion,
turnover intention, and somatic symptom burden through the mediating effect of intrinsic
motivation.
We highlight the above four theories and focus our review on them in particular because
they represent the conceptual bases for the majority of articles that we reviewed. However, we
do not intend to suggest that they are the only four theories that have been (or should be) used to
investigate social support. A large number of articles (k = 22) relied on theories other than the
four outlined above, yet each used theories that appeared in social support research only
sporadically. For example, Beehr, Bowling, & Bennett (2010) relied on social information
processing theory (Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978), theory of stress as offense to self (Semmer,
McGrath, & Beehr, 2005), and person-environment fit theory (Edwards, Caplan, & Van
Harrison, 1998) to explain when social support might have a strengthening effect on a stressor-
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strain relationship. As a particularly interesting example, Wu and Parker (2017) based their
their definition within the notion of secure-base support. Given its varied nature and wide
interest in a range of fields and sub-fields, the number of theories that could be employed to
investigate social support at work is significant. Interestingly, 85 studies in our review did not
clearly employ a theory-based conceptual framework for their investigation of social support.
Many definitions of social support “have been used in the literature, differing in
objectivity, dimensionality, and meaning” (Ganster, Fusilier, & Mayes, 1986, p. 103) and these
conceptualizations are “inconsistent, diverse, vague, and even contradictory” (Beehr, 1995, p.
in the area of social support. Given the varied nature of different kinds of social support
(described below), without a clear, consistent definition of the social support construct being
investigated in a particular study it becomes difficult to compare findings across studies and
provide a broader overview of the state of knowledge in the social support field.
Support can vary in terms of form, type, and source. First, the form of social support can
be conceptualized as either actual behaviors or individual perceptions, thus capturing either the
actual provision or use of social support or the perceived availability or receipt of social support.
This distinction is important, given that some findings demonstrate the differential effects of
employees’ actual use of support versus their perceptions of support availability (e.g., Butts,
Casper, & Yang, 2013). However, we note that others have found null effects regarding forms of
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Second, social support varies in terms of its (content) type (Cohen & McKay, 1984).
House’s (1981) conceptualization of social support identified four main categories: (a) emotional
support (the provision of psychosocial support such as empathy and caring), (b) instrumental
support (the provision of instrumental resources that help an individual in need to directly
address a demand), (c) informational support (the provision of general information that may help
an individual address a demand), and (d) appraisal support (the provision of information that
helps an individual in need to evaluate themselves). Each type of social support involves a
specific type of resource that may or may not address the immediate demand an individual
encounters.
Finally, social support can come from various sources such as supervisors, coworkers,
family members, community members, etc. (French et al., 2018). However, the effects of social
support may differ depending upon the source (e.g., Tews, Michel, & Stafford, 2020; Toker et
al., 2015). Unfortunately, as we highlight below, a lack of careful consideration of the form,
type, and source of social support when considering the definition of social support has led to a
fragmented understanding of the construct that has impeded our further understanding of social
support at work.
Interestingly, nearly half of all studies (k = 83) reviewed did not provide a clear, explicit
definition of social support. Of the studies reviewed, 110 provided some sort of explicit
definition of social support. However, many of these were vague with respect to the form (k =
34), source (k = 19), or type (k = 64) of support3. Below, we discuss the ways in which social
3
Numbers throughout may not sum to the total number of studies due to some studies’ inclusion of multiple support
constructs (e.g., supervisor support and coworker support).
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support was defined within each of the four prominent theories discussed earlier, and related
issues.
JD-R
Significant variation in the definitions exists among social support studies employing the
JD-R model. Notably, this group of studies had the highest number of papers in which we were
unable to locate a clear, specific definition of social support (k = 18; e.g., Cieslak, Knoll, &
Luszczynska, 2007; Thomas & Lankau, 2009). With respect to the form of social support, no
study explicitly defined this construct as a combination of behaviors and perceptions. Eight
studies defined social support as behaviors (e.g., Daniels, Boocock, Glover, Hartley & Holland,
2009; Rousseau, Salek, Aubè, & Morin, 2009; Van Yperen & Hagedoorn, 2003), and fewer (k =
4) defined social support in terms of perceptions (e.g., Biron & Bamberger, 2012; Turner,
Chmiel, Hershcovis, & Walls, 2010). Finally, four studies were vague in delineating the nature
of social support (e.g., Sarti, 2014; Tadic, Bakker, Oerlemans, & Wido, 2015).
Only a few studies were clear about the source of social support: a supervisor (k = 5: e.g.,
Beattie & Griffin, 2014; Buch, Dysvik, Kuvaas, & Nerstad, 2015) or coworkers (k = 5: e.g.,
Turner et al., 2010; Xanthopoulou, Bakker, Heuven, Demerouti, & Schaufeli, 2008). More
frequently, the source of social support was defined vaguely as “others” or “other people” (k = 8:
e.g., Daniels et al., 2009; Van Yperen & Hagedoorn, 2003). With respect to the type of social
support, four studies referred to both instrumental and emotional support (e.g., Sargent & Terry,
2000; Tucker, Jimmieson, & Bordia, 2018), while fewer focused on emotional (k = 4; e.g.,
Hammer, Kossek, Anger, Bodner, & Zimmerman, 2011; Schaubroeck & Fink, 1998) or
instrumental support (k = 2; Daniels et al., 2009; Van Yperen & Hagedoorn, 2003) only. Finally,
six studies provided definitions such that it was difficult for us to determine the type of social
13
support under investigation (e.g., Li, Zhang, Song, & Arvey, 2016; Pekkarinen et al., 2013). The
JD-R model is clearer than COR theory (discussed next) with respect to defining resources as
aspects of the job that are functional in achieving work goals and/or reducing demands and the
costs of demands (Demerouti et al., 2001). However, it appears that many of the studies using a
JD-R framework to investigate social support have not drawn upon this definition to help situate
their definition of social support with respect to the form, type, and source of support.
COR
Social support studies employing a COR lens have offered a wide range of definitions
that vary with respect to the form, type, and source of social support. With respect to the
(behavioral vs. perceptual) form of social support, one study explicitly defined social support as
a combination of behaviors and perceptions (Halbesleben, Zellars, Carlson, Perrewe, & Rotondo,
2010), and an equal number defined social support in terms of behaviors (k = 6: e.g., da Costa,
Zhou, & Ferreira, 2018; Quade, Perry, & Hunter, 2017) or perceptions (k = 6: Halbesleben et al.,
2012; Garcia, Ng, Capezio, Restubog, & Tang, 2017). Six studies were vague in delineating the
nature of social support (e.g., Campbell, Liao, Chuang, Zhou, & Dong, 2017; Stoverink,
Regarding the source of social support, only a few studies clearly indicated that support
was provided by a supervisor (k = 5: e.g., Hammer, Kossek, Bodner, & Crain, 2013; Munc,
Costa et al., 2018). Seven studies (e.g., Halbesleben et al., 2012; Owens, Baker, Sumpter, &
Cameron, 2016) vaguely used “others” or “other people” without direct reference to the roles
occupied by those others (e.g., supervisors, upper managers, coworkers, friends, family
members, etc.). Five studies did not specify the source of social support (e.g., Lim & Lee, 2011;
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Quade et al., 2017). With respect to the type of social support, many studies refer to both
2013; Munc et al., 2017). Fewer focus specifically on emotional (k = 2: Hammer et al., 2011; da
Costa et al., 2018) or instrumental support (k = 3: Halbesleben et al., 2010, 2012; Lim & Lee,
2011). However, six studies were not particularly clear about the type of social support; instead,
many of them simply defined social support as “an important resource” (Toker et al., 2015) or
“the experience of supportive social relationships” (Owens et al., 2016). Three studies used
(Schreurs, Van Emmerik, Gunter, & Germeys, 2012; Stoverink et al., 2018; ten Brummelhuis,
Oosterwaal, & Bakker, 2012). Finally, many studies (k = 8: e.g., Hoppe, Toker, Schachler, &
Ziegler, 2016; Tucker & Jimmieson, 2017) did not offer a clear definition of social support.
Overall, the definitions of social support provided in COR-based studies were similar to
those provided in JD-R-based studies in that they were much more varied with respect to their
nature than those in the SDT-focused studies reviewed next. This is not entirely surprising,
considering the continuing debate in the broader COR literature regarding what constitutes a
resource, and how to define resources more generally (Halbesleben et al., 2014). When resources
are defined in a COR context as anything of value to an individual (Hobfoll, 1989), this provides
fairly little guidance with respect to how and when to consider differential combinations of form,
type, and source of support. As we highlight further below, this lack of conceptual clarity has
SET
While studies examining social support from a SET perspective have varied somewhat
with respect to their conceptualizations of the form, type, and source of social support, there is a
15
consistent focus on perceptions of supervisor emotional support. With respect to the form of
support, a majority of studies defined social support in terms of perceptions (k = 11: Guchait &
Back, 2016; Hayton, Carnabuci, & Eisenberger, 2012) versus actual behaviors (k = 5: Kim et al.,
2016; Nahum-Shani, & Bamberger, 2011). One study defined social support as a mixture of both
behaviors and perceptions (Bowling et al., 2004), and the definition provided by one study
(Bader, 2015) was so vague that we cannot determine whether social support was theorized as
behaviors or perceptions.
The source of social support most often identified within a SET framework is a
supervisor (k = 13: e.g., He, Lai, & Lu, 2011; Cole, Bruch, & Vogel, 2006), followed by “others”
in general (i.e., with no direct reference to the roles occupied by those others; k = 4: e.g.,
Bowling et al., 2004; Nahum-Shani & Bamberger, 2011), and finally coworkers (k = 2: Hayton
et al., 2012; Liaw, Chi, & Chuang, 2010). Finally, most SET studies define the type of social
support as emotional support (k = 9: e.g., Casper, Harris, Taylor-Bianco, & Wayne, 2011;
Gonzalez-Morales, Kernan, Becker, & Eisenberger, 2018), with a small group defining it as both
emotional and instrumental (k = 4: e.g., Biron & Bamberger, 2012; Munc et al., 2017), and a
single study defining social support as emotional, instrumental, appraisal, and informational
support (ten Brummelhuis et al., 2012). Several studies (k = 4) provided definitions that were
imprecise about the focal type of social support (Liaw et al., 2010; Nahum-Shani & Bamberger,
2011). Finally, six SET-based studies did not provide a clear definition of social support (e.g.,
The relative consistency (save some clear exceptions) with which studies employing an
SET framework have identified the form, type, and/or source of social support in their definitions
may be attributable to the significant number of studies that have drawn on the related construct
16
of perceived organizational support (POS; Eisenberger et al., 1986) for both their definition and
measurement items. The definition of POS as an employee’s perception of the degree to which
an organization values his or her contribution and cares about his or her well-being has been
widely adapted to a supervisory support context by simply replacing the word “organization” in
this definition with “supervisor.” This definition clearly defines the form of support as a
perception (i.e., perceived supervisor support, or PSS), clearly defines the source of support, and
captures emotional support, leading to more consistency in the definitions of social support
within an SET framework than is found within other theoretical frameworks of social support.
BNT
Studies employing a BNT lens to investigate social support showed some variability in
definitions with respect to the form, type, and source. Two studies conceptualized social support
in terms of perceptions (Park, Rhokeun, Jang, Soo, & Jung, 2017; Yu & Frenkel, 2013) and one
in terms of behaviors (Gillet, Fouquereau, Forest, Brunault, & Colombat, 2012). More studies
defined support as emotional support alone (k = 2: Gillet et al., 2012; Yu & Frenkel, 2013) than
as both emotional and instrumental support together (k = 1: Park et al., 2017). In terms of the
source of social support, all studies that provided a definition examined social support from
supervisors (k = 3). We identified one study that employed a BNT framework but did not
We do not intend to suggest that there should be one “correct” definition of social support
in all instances. Clearly, the conceptualization of social support is a complex issue. However, our
review does suggest that researchers should carefully consider their research questions,
theoretical foundations, and research designs as they craft their particular definition of social
17
support. We observe that researchers tended to assume that “everyone knows what social support
is”; thus, a significant number of studies (k = 83) failed to clearly define social support in their
specific contexts4. Yet social support may have different meanings to different people, so every
study should delineate what social support is (and is not) in its specific research context.
Our results suggest that a definition of social support should be explicit about the
characteristics (form, type, and source) of social support. Social support must be defined as
either behaviors or perceptions. In addition, researchers should specify the source of social
support. Multiple meta-analyses have shown the independent and often differential effects of
social support from various sources (e.g., Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008; French et al., 2018; Ng &
Sorensen, 2008). These findings, and the suggestions of these authors to consider the source of
social support, have gone largely unheeded. Finally, we suggest that researchers clarify the type
support, informational support, appraisal support, or some combination of these types? Given the
importance of matching demands to types of support (Cohen & Wills, 1985), failure to carefully
diverge due to the heterogeneous nature of social support investigated in different studies, even
A lack of clarity regarding the nature, types, and sources of social support in various
studies also makes it difficult to compare findings across studies. This may explain the mixed
effects of social support that have often been noted in previous reviews (e.g., Beehr, Farmer,
Glazer, Gudanowski, & Nair, 2003; Viswesvaran et al., 1999). We deem it important for
4
We provide our full coding sheet in the online supplemental materials so that any interested reader can more
deeply explore the definitions and coding for all papers included in our review.
18
researchers to carefully consider the characteristics of social support in their specific contexts
and communicate such information clearly in their papers. Such efforts may (a) facilitate a more
nuanced and accurate understanding regarding the effects of social support in various contexts,
(b) reveal that “conflicting” findings do not in fact necessarily conflict, and (c) prevent
social support in much empirical research. For example, Halbesleben (2006) reported 39 distinct
measures of social support in the 122 samples included in his meta-analysis. The lack of
consistent measurement can lead to confounding results, particularly when measures do not
capture the characteristics of support that may be integral to the relationships between variables
of interest. Once social support is defined, it is vital that researchers employ a measure that
provides an “accurate indication of the respondent’s standing on the construct (i.e., construct
validity)” (Heggestad et al., 2019, p. 2598). Use of a measure that captures a construct other than
the construct of conceptual interest, or that fails to capture the entire domain of a construct, leads
As we discuss below, our findings are in line with other reviews that have noted a lack of
clear agreement on survey measures for capturing social support (Halbesleben, 2006). Many
researchers have used self-developed items, shortened existing scales, or adapted existing
measures for specific contexts. All 193 papers we included in our review were empirical studies
that measured social support with scale items. If each self-developed, explicitly modified, or
archival measure in our review is counted as a different measure, these studies cited the use of
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In an attempt to catalog the diversity in measurement, for each paper in our review, we
coded the measure cited, the measure actually used (if somehow different from the original, cited
measure), whether the measure was adapted in some way (if noted by the authors), the reported
reliability, and the items used (when available). There is certainly a large amount of overlap in
many of these measures, but there are also many small and/or large differences between them
that could introduce noise into results. Because so many measures were used, we chose not to
review each individual scale here, but instead refer interested readers to the supplemental
materials for more information. However, an analysis of several commonly used scales provides
insights into the challenges that exist in measuring social support and the pitfalls that exist when
The most widely used scale was Caplan et al.’s measure (1975), which was used in 27 of
the studies in our sample, with seven studies somehow adapting the measure’s items or length.
The Caplan measure consists of four stem questions: (1) How much does each of these people go
out of their way to do things to make your work life easier for you? (2) How easy is it to talk
with each of the following people? (3) How much can each of these people be relied on when
things get tough at work? And (4) how much is each of the following people willing to listen to
your personal problems? Each of these four stem questions is associated with the three referents:
(a) your immediate supervisor, (b) other people at work, and (c) your spouse5, friends, and
relatives.
The Caplan measure fails to clearly capture some of the characteristics (form, type, and
source) of social support. First, the items are unclear as to the type of social support; Item 1
pertains to instrumental support, Items 2 and 4 emotional support, and Item 3 does not specify a
5
The original (1975) version refers to “wife” instead of “spouse” in item 4
20
type of social support. We note that Beehr, Bowling, and Bennett (2010) argued that these four
stem items would reflect two types of social support—instrumental support (Items 1 and 3) and
emotional support (Items 2 and 4), but we argue that these items are vague. For example, Item 3
does not specify how others could be relied on – for instrumental resources to deal with heavy
workloads (one way to construe “…things get tough at work”) or for emotional support due to
strained relationships at work (another way to construe “…things get tough at work”).
Furthermore, it is not clear whether the scale captures the perceived availability of social support
One particular source of concern with this scale is how it captures the source of social
support. This is not necessarily an inherent shortcoming of the scale, but instead pertains to how
it has been applied in empirical research. For example, while some studies used this scale
appropriately to assess social support from specific sources (e.g., supervisor: Brough,
Drummond, & Biggs, 2018; supervisor, coworker, friends and family: Fenlason & Beehr, 1994),
others combined multiple sources into a single overall support measure (e.g., supervisor and
others at work into “work” support: Ho et al., 2013; Lim, 1996). This aggregation confounds the
source of social support received at work. At times, the full 12-item scale was combined into a
general measure of overall social support (e.g., Linnabery, Stuhlmacher, & Towler, 2014; Mor
Barak & Levin, 2002), which confounds the source of social support by including both work and
non-work sources.
The second most-used scale identified in our review is the Survey of Perceived
(e.g., perceived supervisor support). Some form of this measure was employed in 25 of the
21
articles that we reviewed, and in 13 studies the measure was adapted in some way. An analysis
of the more widely-used 8-item short form of the POS scale reveals that the measure is closely
matched with organizational support theory’s (Eisenberger et al., 1986) focus on emotional
support from the referent other. Example items include “My supervisor really cares about my
well-being” and “My supervisor takes pride in my accomplishments at work.” This scale is used
almost exclusively within papers examining support from an SET framework. However, we
should note that several items from the long-form 36-item SPOS do appear to tap instrumental
support. For example, “my supervisor is willing to extend him/herself in order to help me
perform my job to the best of my ability” and “my supervisor would grant a reasonable request
Yet our review indicates that the 8-item short measure is used much more frequently than the full
measure, and the short measure captures only emotional support. Regardless, researchers
employing this measure should be clear as to what specific items from the original 36-item SPOS
scale are being used so that an evaluation of the types of support measured can be made.
The third most commonly used scale (k = 12) is the Job Content Questionnaire (JCQ;
Karasek, 1985; Karasek et al., 1998), of which 6 uses were adapted in some form. This scale taps
four facets: (a) coworker socioemotional support, (b) coworker instrumental support, (c)
supervisor socioemotional support, and (d) supervisor instrumental support. Sample items
include “my supervisor is concerned about me” and “my coworkers are helpful.” Compared to
the Caplan measure, this scale is clearer regarding the source and type of social support.
However, it is not clear regarding the (perceptual vs. behavioral) form of social support.
22
Again, the use of the JCQ in practice presents the major source of concern. While the
initial design of the JCQ identified four facets varying by type and source (Karasek et al., 1998),
in practice these facets are often collapsed into different structures, for example, as an overall
measure of social support (e.g., Kitaoka-Higashiguchi et al., 2003; Moisan et al., 1999), which
confounds the nature, type, and source of social support. Other studies collapsed different types
of social support while being clear about the source (e.g., Haines, Patient, & Marchand, 2018; Li
et al., 2016; Sarti, 2014). Certainly, there are exceptions where the JCQ was used as intended to
assess the distinct facets of social support from distinct sources (e.g., Falkenberg, Nyfjall,
Hellgren, & Vingard, 2012), but many instances of the use of this measure are concerning.
We do not intend to assert that any particular social support measure is the “right” one to
use or better than the others. We simply recommend that researchers carefully consider the form,
type, and source of social support that are relevant to their research question/s and carefully use a
measurement instrument of social support that fits their purpose. If a study focuses on the effects
demands, then the measure of social support used should contain items that only capture
instrumental support; using items that tap supervisor emotional support would lead to
support to a subordinate in the form of guidance, resources, and strategies to deal with the work
load, and yet be cold, aloof, and uninterested in a subordinate’s personal problems or emotional
well-being. In this instance, including items of supervisor emotional support would not help
researchers appropriately address the intended research questions and may lead to incorrect
conclusions.
23
While our suggestion to carefully select measures seems somewhat elementary, our
review indicates that this is not something that is currently being done in much research on social
support at work. In order to facilitate a more careful consideration of measure selection by future
researchers, we refer readers to the spreadsheet in the supplemental online materials, which
provide more detailed information on social support measure use in all papers included in our
review6. In addition, we provide more specific guidance for measure selection in Section 4.3
below. There is clearly a strong need for improvement of measurement practices in the social
support literature.
Many researchers have noted the inconsistent or even contradictory results pertaining to
the moderating effect of social support in stress management processes (“buffering effect,” e.g.,
Beehr et al., 2003; Ganster et al., 1986; Viswesvaran et al., 1999). As we have already
social support. Our review included 80 studies that investigated at least one moderating effect of
social support, and 26 of these found either a lack of support for a moderating effect or support
for an effect in an unexpected direction. While it is impossible to conclude with certainty why
these mixed results exist, we argue in the following sections (and provide examples to support
our argument) that a mismatch between theory and measurement is a likely cause of many
The “matching hypothesis” holds that the type of social support must match the type of a
stressor or demand under investigation (Viswesvaran et al., 1999). However, few researchers
take heed of the importance of matching social support with demands with respect to their types
(Cohen & Wills, 1985; Ganster et al., 1986; Halbesleben, 2006). This is not a new observation
6
We thank the associate editor for this suggestion
24
on our part, as many previous conceptualizations of social support highlighted the need to match
the demands targeted by social support to the sources of social support, its recipients, and its
(content) types (House, 1981; House, Umberson, & Landis, 1988; Cohen & Wills, 1985).
However, while significant effort has been invested toward better understanding the sources
family; Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008; Halbesleben, 2006; Kossek et al., 2011), we observe that
many studies still do not appropriately consider how to match demands and support either
conceptually, methodologically, or both. This highlights the need for the use of a strong
conceptual framework that can provide better guidance as to when and why certain types,
sources, and forms of social support may exhibit strong or weak moderating or main effects
This poor matching problem may be a result of a lack of clarity surrounding the different,
but related, roles that social support can play depending on the theoretical lens employed. For
example, some researchers focus on the effects of overall social support (Van den Broeck et al.,
2016) whereas others focus on the effects of specific types of social support such as instrumental
support, socioemotional (affective) support, and work-family support (Kossek, Pichler, Bodner,
& Hammer, 2011). Different types of social support appear to have different effects on different
outcomes (Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008), presumably due to different intra- and interpersonal
processes. While we have some understanding regarding the effects of different types of social
support on work attitudes and behaviors (Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008), we need to better
elucidate how different types of social support influence different types of work attitudes and
behaviors.
25
We note that it may be that certain relationships are conceptually less likely to be
moderated by social support, providing an alternative explanation for the mixed results that exist.
However, although most moderation hypotheses we reviewed involved the moderating effect of
social support on the relationship between job demands (e.g., role overload, incivility, general
work stress, etc.) and outcomes such as physical (e.g., sleep quality, alcohol use, etc.) or
psychological strain (e.g., burnout, emotional exhaustion, etc.), job attitudes (e.g., organizational
there is no clear pattern in terms of what kinds of relationships might be more or less susceptible
to the moderating effect of social support. For example, there did not seem to be more support
for the buffering hypothesis with respect to job attitudes as outcomes versus physical strains as
outcomes; this is presumably because of a lack of matching among job demands, social support,
and outcomes of interest, and not necessarily a function of job demands and outcomes
themselves. Below we discuss examples that highlight how a lack of matching among theory,
definition, and/or measurement could cause unexpected results, and present these examples
within the context of the four main theoretical frameworks that we have identified. We note that
we do not wish to criticize these studies as particularly egregious examples (they are not), and
we emphasize that we selected these exemplar studies to illustrate widespread, systemic issues
JD-R
The JD-R model (Bakker & Demerouti, 2007) and the related demand-control-support
model (Karasek, 1979) provide the conceptual basis for the buffering hypothesis, which states
that social support is expected to attenuate the negative effects of job demands. Thus, many
studies employing this conceptual framework have investigated how social support might play an
26
attenuating moderator role. However, there is a significant variation in findings. Many studies we
reviewed reported findings that supported the role of social support as a buffer against demands
in shaping employee outcomes (e.g., Beattie & Griffin, 2014; Brough et al., 2018; Daniels &
Guppy, 1994; Karasek, Triantis, & Chaudhry, 1982). Yet many others found only partial or no
support for the buffering role of social support in certain situations (e.g., Brown, Pitt-Catsouphes,
McNamara, & Besen, 2014; Lin, Wong, & Ho, 2014; Melamed, Kushnir, & Meir, 1991; Van
What, then, might help explain at least some of these conflicting findings? We again
point to a lack of agreement in theory, definition, and operationalization as one potential driving
force. Take Brown et al. (2014) as an example. Drawing on Job Demand Control Support model
(a relative of JD-R model), Brown et al. hypothesized that the negative relationship between job
demands and job satisfaction would be lower for employees who received higher social support.
They then operationalized job demands and social support using items adapted from the JCQ
(Karasek, 1985). The results of their analyses rendered no support for the buffering role of social
support for the negative relationship between job demands and job satisfaction.
An analysis of the items, however, reveals a mismatch in the types of demand and
support that may help explain the failure to find support for their hypotheses. The nine demand
items used (see Brown et al., 2014: Table 1, p. 3120) are oriented largely to task overload. For
example, demand items include “I have enough time to get the job done” and “During a typical
workweek, how often do you have to work on too many tasks at the same time?” Given these
types of demands (i.e., instrumental demands), it would be appropriate for the researchers to
focus on instrumental support that would directly address employee ability to complete assigned
tasks. However, the support items used (see Brown et al., 2014: Table 1, p. 3212) do not tap
27
instrumental support that would directly address the ability to deal with instrumental demands.
For example, support items include “My supervisor recognized when I do a good job” and “I feel
part of the group of people I work with.” This mismatch has the potential to drive the non-
COR
From a COR perspective, social support may directly affect outcomes given its nature as
an important and valued personal resource, or it may again serve a buffering effect when a
different valuable personal resource is threatened (Halbesleben et al., 2014). Social support may
operate as a stand-in or replacement resource for another threatened resource, or the existence of
high levels of social support may signal to the individual whose resource is threatened that they
can draw on a network of support to acquire further resources to replace any being threatened
(Hobfoll, 1998). However, the moderating role of social support is still unclear in COR-based
studies due to conflicting findings. Some studies we reviewed found that social support did
outcomes (e.g., da Costa, Zhou, & Ferreira, 2018; Garcia et al., 2017; Lawrence et al., 2013).
However, others found mixed or no support for the buffering role of social support (e.g., Lingard
& Francis, 2006; Schreurs et al., 2012; Toker et al., 2015). Finally, others found a reverse
buffering effect, wherein increasing levels of support actually strengthened the relationships
between stressors and outcomes (e.g., Kaufmann & Beehr, 1986; Mayo, Sanchez, Pastor, &
Rodriguez, 2012).
These conflicting findings again may be attributed to both conceptual mismatch between
demands and support (type, source) and measurement issues. For example, Schreurs et al. (2012)
investigated the role that coworker support and supervisor support might play as a buffer against
28
job insecurity in shaping in- and extra-role performance, in which they found support for only
one of their four hypotheses –supervisor social support moderated the effect of job insecurity on
in-role performance. Supervisor social support did not moderate the effect of job insecurity on
extra-role performance; nor did coworker support moderate the effect of job insecurity on either
in- or extra-role performance. Conceptually, these inconsistent findings may not be surprising,
given the mismatching of the demand – job insecurity – and social support. Supervisors, given
the nature of their control over resources, are likely to provide information (e.g., positive
performance appraisals) that can help employees attenuate their feelings of job insecurity.
Coworkers, on the other hand, do not necessarily have the ability to attenuate employees’
feelings of job insecurity, because coworkers do not have the decision-making authority or
SET
Among the studies employing the SET framework, main effects of social support have
been the empirical focus and far less attention has focused on moderating effects. Considering
the nature of social exchange (with the norm of reciprocity or felt obligation as the underlying
mechanism driving reactions to resource exchanges), this main-effect focus makes conceptual
sense. That is, social exchange reactions do not provide a clear conceptual basis for explaining
As an example, Sakurai and Jex (2012), in their SET study of the link between supervisor
support and employee reactions to coworker incivility, hypothesized that supervisor support
would moderate the relationship between negative emotions (caused by coworker incivility) and
employee work effort or counterproductive work behaviors (CWB). These arguments drew on
7
We note that Schreurs et al. (2012) provided similar reasoning in their discussion as to why they may have found
no support for the moderating effect of coworker support. We agree, and reiterate many of their points here as an
illustrative example of the importance of matching the nature of the demand with the nature of the support
hypothesized and measured.
29
the logic that if individuals felt obligated to reciprocate positive treatment from their supervisor,
then they would be less likely to decrease their work effort or increase CWB even when
coworker incivility caused negative emotions. These arguments were based on a definition of
social support that included both instrumental and emotional support and the authors used
Sakurai and Jex (2012) found support for the moderating effect of supervisor support on
the relationship between negative emotions and work effort, but did not find support for its
moderating effect on the relationship between negative emotions and CWB. The authors
speculated that the latter could be attributed to either (a) insufficient statistical power or (b) a true
lack of buffering effect of supervisor support against negative emotions evoked by coworker
incivility in shaping CWB. We would argue that a third possible explanation exists: a mismatch
between theory and measurement. First, the demand originates from coworkers (incivility, which
leads to negative emotions). However, SET views social support as creating feelings of felt
obligation toward the provider of support (in this case, the supervisor). It is unclear how feelings
of felt obligation toward a supervisor would attenuate the negative effects of coworker incivility
Second, the Caplan measure that Sakurai and Jex (2012) used, as we noted earlier,
confounds the instrumental and emotional types of social support. Either emotional support or
instrumental support could help attenuate negative effects of incivility on negative emotions, if
the supervisor provides social support to deal with the coworker incivility. But when social
support is hypothesized to moderate the relationship between negative emotions and work
effort/CWB, the Caplan measure has several issues. First, instrumental support in general should
facilitate work effort. Second, emotional support should indeed lead to desirable reciprocal
30
responses to a supervisor in terms of enhanced work effort. This clear relationship between these
types of resources and work effort helps explain the interactive effect of negative emotions and
general measures of emotional and instrumental support do not seem to have a clear conceptual
link to the relationship between negative emotions evoked by coworker incivility and CWB.
Conceptually, CWB is less linked to the supervisor (particularly if they take the form of
interpersonal CWB directed at coworkers). Therefore, unless the measured type of supervisor
support is specifically directed at resources provided that help deal with coworker incivility, it is
not surprising that supervisor support played a null moderator role in buffering against negative
BNT
suggests that social support can play a direct role in meeting basic needs for autonomy,
competence, and relatedness, which can then lead to higher levels of intrinsic motivation and a
range of desirable work outcomes. For this reason, only one study we reviewed investigated
support as a moderator (Olafsen, Halvari, Forest, & Deci, 2015), reporting that perceived need
support moderated the relationship between distributive justice and basic need satisfaction.
Integrative Framework
While each of the four theories we have reviewed has been used to investigate social
support as an important phenomenon at work, we identified only five studies that explicitly
integrated at least two of these theories in order to build the conceptual basis for their work. Each
theory underlies a related, but fairly separate stream of research into the role of social support at
work, and the siloed nature of the social support literature intensifies when researchers do not
31
integrate the insights from multiple theories into their investigations. In order to move research
3). This framework draws on Bakker and Demerouti’s JD-R model (2017, p. 275) as a starting
point and serves as a comprehensive “conceptual map” showing how (perceptual or behavioral)
social support, independently from and jointly with job demands, shapes work outcomes via
This framework, largely built upon the integration of the four theoretical frameworks
outlined earlier, distinguishes different forms, types and sources of social support, considers the
matching between different types of social support and different types of job demands, outlines
the intra- and interpersonal processes, and connects these theoretical frameworks. Our integrative
framework describes the paths by which different types of social support, independently from
and jointly with different types of job demands, build personal resources and subsequently evoke
intrapersonal motivational and stress reactions that lead to work outcomes. Our framework also
delineates the paths by which social support from different sources or of different types shapes
different kinds of social exchange relationships and, through these interpersonal processes,
evokes intrapersonal motivational reactions and subsequent work outcomes. For the sake of
The JD-R model proposed by Bakker et al. (2014) suggests that job resources and job
demands trigger two processes, namely, a motivational process and a stress process. In terms of a
motivational process, social support serves as an important job resource, which evokes positive
intrapersonal motivational reactions (e.g., work engagement and autonomous motivation) and
subsequent work outcomes, through personal resources or otherwise. In terms of a stress process,
32
various kinds of job demands can evoke intrapersonal stress reactions (e.g., burnout and strain;
Bakker et al., 2014), which in turn impair intrapersonal motivational reactions (e.g., work
engagement and autonomous motivation) and work outcomes (Bakker & Demerouti, 2017).
Earlier JD-R research did not examine personal resources, but recent research (see Bakker et al.,
2014) has begun exploring the intermediary role of different types of personal resources
including basic needs satisfaction (Van den Broeck, Vansteenkiste, De Witte, & Lens, 2008; also
see Van den Broeck et al.’s (2016) meta-analysis; i.e., integrating BNT), self-efficacy
(Xanthopoulou et al., 2007), and optimism (Xanthopoulou et al., 2007). This provides an
opportunity for integration between JD-R and BNT. Therefore, as depicted in Figure 1, within
our integrative framework we highlight how social support, independently from and jointly with
job demands, shapes basic needs satisfaction and other personal resources, which then influence
Bakker et al.’s (2014) JD-R model is unclear about whether social support of different
forms, sources, and types has differential effects on (a) different types of personal resources, (b)
intrapersonal motivational reactions and (c) intrapersonal stress reactions, or whether social
support of different forms, sources, and types moderates the relationships between different types
of job demands and intrapersonal stress reactions. First, following previous research, we argue
that perceived social support should have a more proximate, stronger effect on various kinds of
personal resources (e.g., self-esteem) as well as intrapersonal motivational and stress reactions
than social support behaviors, given that social support behaviors shape perceived social support
33
(Uchino, 2009). In other words, perceived social support is a reflection of social support
behaviors (Barrera, 1986; French et al., 2018; House, Umberson, & Landis, 1988).
Second, according to previous research, social support from leaders tends to promote
employees’ personal resources and intrapersonal motivation reactions and reduce employees’
stress reactions to a larger extent than social support from coworkers (e.g., Karasek et al., 1982;
Ng & Sorensen, 2008). This is aligned with a number of meta-analytic and empirical studies
showing that leaders have a larger influence on various employee outcomes (perceptions,
attitudes, and behaviors/performance) than coworkers (e.g., Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008; Liaw,
satisfaction, and autonomy (e.g., work flexibility) support may promote employees’ autonomy
need satisfaction. Employees’ need for competence can be satisfied by instrumental support,
which facilitates their skill development and task completion (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Also from
the perspectives of Vroom’s (1964) expectancy theory and Bandura’s (1997) self-efficacy
theory, instrumental support, which involves the provision of tangible resources that are
instrumental to task accomplishments (Cohen & McKay, 1984; French et al., 2018), can promote
employees’ positive outcome expectancies and self-efficacy, with which employees likely feel
that they are able to accomplish or master specific tasks and thus have fulfilled the need for
support, which facilitates their attachment to and integration in social groups and receipt of
socioemotional benefits (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Socioemotional/affective support involves the
provision of resources such as care, trust, and respect, which make employees feel valued and
34
respected (Cohen & McKay, 1984; French et al., 2018) and fulfill their need to be connected to
and be loved and cared for by others (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Deci & Ryan, 2000).
Employees’ need for autonomy can be fulfilled by autonomy (e.g., work flexibility) support that
provides employees a sense of choice and psychological freedom to act (Deci & Ryan, 2000).
Social support for work flexibility allows employees to choose when, where, and how they work
(Allen, Johnson, Kiburz, & Shockley, 2013; Rau & Hyland, 2002), thus fulfilling their need for
autonomy.
Fourth, according to the “matching hypothesis” (i.e., the type of social support must
match the type of job demands; Viswesvaran et al., 1999) outlined earlier, we expect (a)
instrumental support to facilitate personal resources and intrapersonal motivational reactions and
reduce stress reactions to a larger extent when job demands are in the instrumental form versus in
intrapersonal motivational reactions and reduce stress reactions to a larger extent when job
demands are in the socioemotional/affective form versus in other forms; and (c) autonomy
support to facilitate personal resources and intrapersonal motivational reactions and reduce stress
reactions to a larger extent when job demands are in the autonomy form versus in other forms.
COR theory helps explain the direct or indirect links between resources and stress or
motivational reactions. Specifically, Hobfoll (2002) noted that (a) a resource can transform into
another resource (e.g., social support transforming into personal resources), (b) a resource can
reduce individuals’ vulnerability to stress (e.g., social support reducing intrapersonal stress
reactions), and (c) a stressor can deplete personal resources and evoke individuals’ resource
conservation (e.g., job demands depleting personal resources and reducing work engagement).
35
This offers an opportunity for further integration between JD-R model and COR theory, depicted
in Figure 2. Specifically, we consider (a) both social support (as a job resource) and personal
resources (e.g., Bakker & Demerouti, 2007) to be negatively related to intrapersonal stress
reactions and (b) various kinds of job demands to be negatively related to personal resources and
Different from Bakker et al.’s (2014) JD-R model, SET focuses on interpersonal
reactions to social support, which, in the perceptual or behavioral form, serves as a currency of
social exchange (Cole, Schaninger, & Harris, 2002). Thus, we incorporate SET through a
have shown, when receiving social support of various types from others, individuals will be
motivated to reciprocate such benefits and thus build high-quality social exchange relationships
(Blau, 1964; Cropanzano & Mitchell, 2005). When social support is provided by their
relationships with the supervisors (e.g., Bagger & Li, 2014). When social support is provided by
their coworkers, employees will be motivated to develop and maintain high-quality coworker
exchange relationships (cf. Sherony & Green, 2002). Depending on the types of social support,
the quality of a social exchange relationship may also vary. For example,
relationship than instrumental support that is necessary for job completion, as a high-quality
social exchange relationship differs from a low-quality one in terms of the exchange of
socioemotional/affective resources.
36
Through their high-quality social exchange relationships, individuals can gain sufficient
and idiosyncratically tailored resources that ultimately facilitate their work effectiveness
(Cooper, Kong, & Crossley, 2018; Graen & Uhl-Bien, 1995; Wang, Law, Hackett, Wang, &
Chen, 2005) via their satisfaction of basic psychological needs (Lian, Ferris, & Brown, 2012)
and other personal resources and subsequent work engagement or autonomous motivation (Van
Our integrative conceptual map is not intended to be a theoretical model, but rather
outlines insights from extant research and suggests the opportunities for future research in the
area of social support. First, this “map” suggests that there are intra- and interpersonal processes
through which social support influences employees’ work outcomes, depending on the forms,
types, and sources of social support as well as other factors. This “system” of social support in
the workplace is rather complex and is not currently fully captured by any one theoretical lens.
We consider the consideration of these interwoven processes to be promising avenues for future
Second, our integrative conceptual map suggests the potential problem of omitted
variables in empirical studies that merely consider an intra- or interpersonal process linking
social support and employees’ work outcomes. We found that while job demands (k = 111),
intrapersonal stress reactions (k = 88), and work outcomes (k = 83) are well-represented in the
literature on social support at work, fewer studies have investigated the role of personal
other than social support itself (k = 8; e.g. trust, etc.). It is important for researchers to account
37
for relevant intra- and interpersonal processes, as these two processes influence each other and
provide a range of valuable insights into the complex functioning of social support at work.
resources as well as resultant motivational and stress reactions. Such empirical efforts can help
unpack how the matching between different types of social support and of job demands operates
in predicting employees’ psychological reactions and work outcomes. Finally, due to the
complexity of the “system” of social support in the workplace, it is important for researchers to
explicitly test causality and account for endogeneity in their empirical research on social support.
Theoretical Integration
In reviewing the conceptual map developed in the last section, it becomes clear that there
exist significant opportunities for the integration of multiple theories when exploring social
support in the workplace. We believe that each theory provides important insights into social-
support related processes at work, but that none fully captures the totality of effects. For
example, research that is interested in interpersonal processes that alleviate stress may draw on
SET to investigate differences in the extent to which individuals possess high-quality social
exchange relationships. The existence of these high-quality relationships may then lead to
(consistent with BNT), which may then reduce intrapersonal stress reactions.
This is but one of nearly unlimited examples of how the multiple theories that have been
traditionally used to conceptualize social support can be integrated in order to provide a clearer
understanding of social support processes at work. Some theories speak to different social
38
support-related intrapersonal processes, and other theories speak more directly to interpersonal
processes; however, both intra- and interpersonal processes play important roles in the system of
social support at work. If researchers wish to better understand this issue, it will be necessary to
Our review reemphasizes what has long been argued in social support research (e.g.,
Cohen & Wills, 1985), that when the types of social support and job demands are matched, the
processes seem stronger. We encourage researchers to make more refined arguments to justify
why they choose social support and job demands of specific types in their research, and to
explain how such social support and job demands are predictive of personal resources of interest
and subsequent engagement or motivation. This would improve upon the currently observed
practice of making general arguments that social support is important to personal resources
and/or work engagement/motivation, particularly in the presence of high job demands (e.g.,
More specifically, these considerations regarding the definitions of social support and
matching should be taken in the context of the conceptual frameworks employed. For example,
we earlier highlighted that one reason for the disparate definitions used in COR-based social
support research may be that there is some disagreement over how to define resources in the
context of COR theory. We argue that beyond defining clearly what social support is in terms of
its form, type, and source, if a researcher plans to employ a resource-based view (and measure)
for social support research, then it is important for the researcher to understand exactly what a
resource is in a particular context. JD-R model identifies a resource as something that is valuable
39
for goal attainment or that lessens a particular stressor. Recent definitions of resources in COR
theory also focus on perceived value for goal attainment as the key defining feature of a resource
precisely what kinds of stressors and outcomes are being investigated (e.g., role conflict, work
overload, emotional exhaustion, work-life conflict, job satisfaction, work engagement) and how
these are related in a goal-oriented context. That is, there is value in specifically matching the
form, type, and source of support to these stressors and strains within the context of a particular
For example, if a study looks at role overload as a stressor and is interested in job
level of job satisfaction is the goal an employee wants to attain. In order to understand how
social support might play a part in this role overload-job satisfaction relationship, conceptual
arguments should be designed to better predict how social support could help alleviate role
overload’s hindrance of achieving this goal. First, is the demand/stressor that is faced generally
affective or behavioral in nature? Once these questions are answered, the appropriate source,
type, and form of support must be identified. What type of social support might be most useful to
that employee, who in the employee’s network is best positioned to provide useful social
support, and is it more important that the employee actually receive support or simply perceive
that it is available when needed? Providing explicit answers to these questions can facilitate
research that more clearly aligns the nature of demands, support, and outcomes, and will allow
for more precise design of empirical tests of social support’s effects at work.
40
Our review highlights the need for better-designed and comprehensively validated
measures of social support that are built around the nature, type, and source of social support.
One or more carefully constructed measures are needed as clear means to tap behavioral or
support, and are oriented toward a specific source. Not only would such measures allow
researchers to more closely match their theory to study designs, but widespread use of validated,
high-quality measures would allow for better comparisons between studies. Currently, the wide
range of social support measures used, and the issues identified in this review with many of
them, impede the understanding of how social support functions in the workplace. However,
while recent work has attempted to develop more facet-specific and source-specific measures to
address these issues (e.g., Lawrence, Gardner, & Callan, 2007), these measures have not yet been
in wide use.
should explicitly justify their choice of a specific measure of social support, focusing on why it is
appropriate for their particular conceptual question and empirical setting. We have provided a
more in-depth review of existing measures in the online supplemental material. This review
provides information on the source, reliability, and items (where available) of measures that are
in use so that future researchers can make more informed decisions when selecting measures for
research. If future researchers carefully consider the broader nature of social support (e.g., in a
measure would be the most appropriate fit for a given research context.
Second, our review found that a significant number of social support measures were
adapted from existing measures (k = 69) or self-developed for a particular study (k = 27).
41
However, few studies presented justification for adapting existing measures; some justification
seems necessary given the number of validated social support measures in existence. Thus, we
recommend that future researchers provide justification when adapting a measure, with reference
to its appropriateness for the particular empirical setting and the conceptual foundation of the
consult recent work that has developed recommendations and best-practices for scale adaptation
(Heggestad et al., 2019). Relatedly, if researchers wish to use a full measure that has not
(beyond the primary studies) which establish the psychometric features of the measure, ideally
In addition to the above recommendations that flow directly from our review and
conceptual map, we also identified several other promising directions for future research. The
first two directions—(1) the reverse buffering effect and (2) benefits and costs to support
providers—recognize the need to move beyond a dominant focus on positive effects for support
recipients. The next two directions we identified pertain to (3) broadening the scope of research
by considering other sources (e.g., off-the-job) of social support, and (4) examining cultural
differences. We believe that the promising research directions discussed below, though by no
means exhaustive, are instrumental to the advancement of social support theory and research as
well as better-informed managerial practice that improves the welfare of employees and others
42
Regarding the buffering effect of social support on a stressor-strain relationship, in this
review, we mainly consider conceptual and methodological factors that may help explain
significant buffering effect. However, as we mentioned earlier, some studies have found a
significant negative buffering effect, in other words, a reverse buffering effect, wherein social
support may actually strengthen the relationship between stressor and strain (e.g., Kaufmann &
Beehr, 1986; Kickul & Posig, 2001). Our review also helps better understand such a reverse
buffering effect. Though far fewer studies have investigated this phenomenon, a growing body of
research has established the existence of reverse buffering, particularly when there is
incongruence between the sources of a stressor and support (e.g., a supervisor who
simultaneously creates stressful situations and then provides some sort of support regarding those
situations; e.g., Mayo et al., 2012). More recently, research has focused on supervisory emotion
management as a factor which influences how the buffering effect of social support operates.
This research suggests that support from supervisors high in emotion regulation can indeed
buffer a stressor-strain relationship, while support from supervisors low in emotion regulation
Given the importance of matching the source and type of support to a particular stressor-
strain relationship when investigating the reverse buffering effect (Beehr et al., 2003; Mayo et
al., 2012), it is crucial that researchers properly define support and match the measurement of
support to its conceptual definition. When the type or source of support (or both) are
inappropriately specified or measured, it is difficult to determine when and where social support
43
Research on social support, thus far, has largely focused on how recipients react to social
support, yet providing social support may also have benefits and costs for the provider. However,
this issue has received scant attention. Koopman, Lanaj, and Scott (2016) found that engaging in
organizational citizenship behaviors (OCB) could lead the provider to experience positive affect
but perceive interfered work goal progress, and that these positive and negative psychological
experiences in turn mediated the effect of the actor’s engagement in OCB on their daily well-
being. As engaging in OCB includes providing social support, Koopman et al.’s (2016) findings
suggest that providing social support at work may be concurrently beneficial and costly to the
provider, and yet the net benefit of doing so warrants more research.
One specific suggestion is that future social-support specific work should build upon
related findings from the OCB and interpersonal helping at work literatures that have found the
Rosen, & Johnson, 2018; Lanaj, Johnson & Wang, 2016). Employing a COR framework to
determine the costs and benefits to a provider of social support from a resource conservation and
acquisition perspective would help broaden our understanding of social support at work, in that it
is broadly seen as a positive in almost all contexts (Tilden & Gaylen, 1987). Mirroring our call
for a better understanding of how and when social support may actually be negative for
recipients (reverse buffering effect), we believe that a more systematic investigation of the
positive and negative implications for support providers is one of the most promising avenues for
As our review shows, the vast research in this area focuses on social support from
supervisors and coworkers. Yet according to work-life balance research, individuals’ life outside
44
the workplace can facilitate or interfere with their work life. We encourage researchers to
broaden the scope of social support research, as we need to better understand how off-the-job
social support shapes individuals’ on-the-job experience. For example, Singh, Shaffer, and
Selvarajan (2018) found that perceived neighbor support was positively correlated with
factors can be important predictors of individuals’ work attitudes and behaviors, such as turnover
intentions (Kirk-Brown & Van Dijk, 2016; Peltokorpi, Allen, & Froese, 2015), social capital
development behaviors (Ng & Feldman, 2010), and voice behaviors (Detert & Burris, 2007; Ng
& Feldman, 2013). Notably, social support from the community can facilitate employees’
organizational embeddedness.
One particularly promising path for expanding the scope of social support research would
be to investigate the role that social network use (e.g., LinkedIn, Facebook, etc.) plays in
providing social support in a work context or to individuals seeking support for work issues. A
growing body of work in fields outside the organizational sciences (e.g., High & Buehler, 2019;
Nabi, Prestin, & So, 2013; Oh, Ozkaya, & LaRose, 2014) has demonstrated the importance of
social networking on individual perceptions of social support availability. Given the rising
number of younger employees in the workforce, and the tendency of members of recent
imperative that the social support literature take into account how changes in communication
technologies may be shifting the types and sources of social support. For example, given the
ability of social networking sites to connect individuals to larger networks of individuals with
45
relevant skills and experience, might social networks have the potential to increase the quality
Kim, Sherman, and Taylor (2008) noted cultural differences in social support seeking
behavior. Specifically, those in more individualistic cultures are more likely to seek social
their own well-being and recognize that potential support-givers have free will to decide whether
or not to provide support. However, those in more collectivistic cultures are more cautious in
seeking social support “because they share the cultural assumption that individuals should not
burden their social networks and that others share the same sense of social obligation” (p. 519).
These findings from the general social support literature raise the question of whether there any
cultural differences in employees’ reactions to social support? While this question has not been
widely examined in work settings (see Pines, Ben-Ari, Utasi, & Larson, 2002 for an exception),
As Taylor and colleagues (2004) noted, the concept of partaking in a social system where
individuals regularly seek the assistance of others is potentially specific to Western culture.
Because much importance is placed in ensuring social unity, Asian culture demands that the
individual forego seeking external help that could potentially place a spotlight on the individual’s
issues or add a burden onto another individual and thus threaten a group’s unity. Indeed, research
has shown that Asians (more collectivistic) tend to have more concerns about relationship
maintenance and experience more psychological stress in reaction to social support (e.g., advice
and emotional solace) than European Americans (more individualistic) (Miller, Akiyama, &
Kapadia, 2017; Taylor et al., 2004; Taylor, Welch, Kim, & Sherman, 2007). Consequently,
46
Asians are less inclined to rely on social support for stress coping (Taylor et al., 2004). Thus,
there is a need for more cross-cultural research to extend our understanding of social support at
Conclusion
We undertook this review because we believe that social support can be one of the most
important resources that individuals possess at work. Social support serves as a valuable resource
that drives behavior, influences affect, and can provide a buffer against stressful job demands.
clarity regarding the different forms, types, and sources of social support likely hold back the
further advancement of this research area. Nearly all of these issues have been highlighted, to a
greater or lesser extent, throughout the development of the field of social support at work
research, and yet our review underscores the continuing need to address them. This review seeks
to draw attention these issues, provide guidance regarding the conceptualization and
research on this important issue. Although we know a great deal about social support at work, we
47
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Table 1
Use of Theoretical Lenses in Social Support at Work Research
Theory Count Percentage
Social Exchange Theory (SET) 24 12.44
Conservation of Resources (COR) Theory 27 13.99
Job Demands-Resources (JD-R) Model 36 18.65
Basic Needs Theory (BNT) 4 2.07
Other theories 22 11.40
No clear theoretical lens 85 44.04
Notes. k = 193. The total of papers sums to 198 (102.59%), because five employed
more than one theoretical lens.
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Table 2
Characteristics of Social Support Definitions
Count Percentage (%)
Number of studies with a clear definition 110 56.99
Form
Behavior 40 36.36
Perception 29 26.36
Behavior and Perception 7 6.36
Vague 34 30.91
Source
Coworkers 14 12.73
Supervisor 33 30.00
“Others” 47 42.73
Vague 19 17.27
Type
Emotional 28 25.45
Instrumental 8 7.27
Informational 3 2.73
All/Combination 13 11.82
Vague 64 58.18
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Appendix A
PRISMA Diagram
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