Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi Yarnuna Kachru University of illinois, Urbana-Champaign See 1. Introduction In many languages of the world, subjects of predicates denoting subjective experiences are marked differently from subjects of predicates denoting states and actions, although the domain of such marked constructions may differ from language to Janguage (Masica 1976: Ch. 6). In Hindi, in addition to experiencer subjects, several other oblique subjects occur. In this paper, I will discuss a number of these to suggest a grammatical treatment of experiencer subjects that takes into account the semantic roles and pragmatic functions of the category. ! The theoretical framework adopted in this study is in the tradition of much recent work in functional grammar. In recent publications on approaches to syntax as well as studies in syntactic typologies (c.g. Andrews 1985, Nichols and Woodbury 1985, Van Valin and Foley 1980), proposals have been put forward to analyze grammatical units and constructions in terms of their functional role as well as their structural properties. Moreover, in many of these works, functional considerations have often been equated with communicative function (e.g. Van Valin and Foley 1980). Syntax is seen as primarily, though not exclusively, constrained by the interaction of semantic and pragmatic factors. The value of language-specific descriptions that take into account the interplay of discourse functions, semantic roles, grammatical functions and syntactic coding ptoperties is beginning to be recognized in theory construction. In my discussion of the experiencer and other oblique NPs in Hindi, I will follow this approach and discuss their syntactic properties, semantic roles, and pragmatic functions, and relate these to their discourse functions. I will suggest that it is useful to recognize a level of pragmatic structure in addition to a level of syntactic structure, as proposed in Van Valin and Foley (1980), to account for the facts of Hindi oblique subjects, especially the experiencer subjects. I will also suggest that Hindi is one of those languages that creates a HYPERROLE (Kibrik 1985) by combining the semantic roles of EXPERIENCER, RECIPIENT, GOAL and PATIENT. 2 First, I will present an account of the oblique NPs that seem to occupy the subject position in the Hindi clause in terms of word 5960 / Yamuna Kachru order to determine which ones share the behavioral properties of canonical subjects. Then, I will contrast two such oblique subjects--the dative-marked and the genitive-marked--in terms of their semantic roles to characterize the notion of experiencer subject in Hindi, Subsequently, I will discuss the discourse functions that the dative subject performs. Finally, I will attempt a typological characterization of Hindi. For the purpose of this study, I will refer to both the nominative and the ergative subjects as canonical or unmarked subjects, and I will use the term INSTRUMENTAL SUBJECT to refer to the instrumental subject of a selected set of intransitive and transitive, non-volitional verbs. The term will not include the passive agent as one of its referents. 2, The Phenomenon In Hindi, not only the nominative and ergative-marked NPs but also NPs marked as dative, instrumental, genitive, and locative seem to function as subjects, as in the following examples (Note that all the markers except nominative, which is zero, are postpositions): 1. ramesh ko kaafii pasand nahii3 Ramesh dat. coffee liking not ‘Ramesh does not like coffee.’ 2. bacce se shiishaa TuuT gayaa. child instr, mirror break went ‘The child (inadvertently) broke the mirror.’ 3. uskaa vah@a jaane kaa iraadaa na thaa. her there going of intention not was ‘She did not intend to go there.’ 4, asit par apne puure parivaar kii jimmevaarii hai. Asit on self whole family of responsibility is ‘Asit is responsible for his whole family.’ 5. usme apne bistare se uThne tak kii shakti nahii her in self's bed from getting up even of energy not ‘She does not have enough energy to leave her bed.’Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 61 In an earlier paper (Kachru et. al. 1976), we have already examined the subject properties (Keenan 1976) associated with the nominative, ergative, dative, and instrumental NPs that function as passive agents. Note that only instrumental NPs that function as agents of passive sentences were investigated in Kachru et. al. 1976; instrumental NPs that function as non- volitional agents as in 2 above were not examined in any detail in that study. I will not go into the details of the account given in Kachru et.al. here, especially, I will not reexamine the ergative subjects and passive agents. I will, however, examine the notion of oblique subjects in Hindi in some detail, which may include teferences to the excluded categories, whenever necessary. 3. Governing Predicates The first question that needs to be addressed is which classes of predicates govern oblique subjects. The following seem to tequire oblique subjects: a. A set of predicates denoting perception, liking, need, transient physical and mental states, belief, knowledge, gain, etc., take a dative subject, e.g. dikhaaii_denaa ‘to be visible’, pasand aanaa ‘to like’, gussaa_honaa/aanaa ‘to be/become angry’, cintaa honaa ‘to be/become worried’, buxaar_honaa ‘to have a fever’, vishvaas honaa 'to believe’, maaluum_honaa ‘to come to know', pataa_honaa/cainaa ‘to become aware’, milnaa ‘to obtain’, sviikaar honaa ‘to be acceptable’; and the obligative constructions (e.g. Sanjay _ko kal lauT jaanaa_thaa/paRaa ‘Sanajy had to return yesterday’; us ko kal JauT jaanaa caahiye 'He should go back tomorrow’) require a dative subject. b. A select set of non-volitional, non-active intransitive and transitive verbs such as girnaa ‘to fall’, TuuTnaa ‘to break’, honaa ‘to happen’, khona ‘to lose’ take the instrumental subject. c. A set of verbs of intention, belief, claim, etc., require a genitive subject, e.g. iraadaa_honaa ‘to intend’, vicaar_honaa ‘to think’; daavaa_honaa ‘to claim’; this is also true for sets of predicates denoting a permanent state such as janm_honaa ‘to be born’, mrityu_honaa ‘to die’, etc. d. A set of ‘inherent’ properties such as utsaah ‘enthusiasm’, dhairy ‘patience’, himmat ‘courage’, etc., require a locative subject.62 / Yamuna Kachru I will first look at the syntactic behavior of these oblique subjects, then discuss their semantic properties, and subsequently investigate the pragmatic and textual functions of the NPs that behave like subjects. 4. Syntactic Description As discussed in Kachru et.al. 1976, the following syntactic processes make use of the notion SUBJECT in Hindi: REFLEXIVIZATION, CONJUNCTION REDUCTION, EQUI NP-DELETION, and RAISING. Since raising is a very minor process in Hindi, and is not useful in the discussion of the phenomenon under consideration here, I am limiting this discussion to the first three processes mentioned above. 4.1 Reflexivization All the oblique subjects in Hindi, except the instrumental as in 2, control reflexivization, as is clear from the following examples: > ritaa ko apnaa ghar bahut yaad aa rahaa thaa. Rita dat. self's home much memory coming was ‘Rita was missing her home very much.’ 7.raam se *apne/ uske kamre kii caabhii kho gaii. Ram instr. self's his room of key lose went "Ram (inadvertently) lost the key to his room.' 8. uskaa apnaa kaam puuraa karne kaa iraadaa nabii thaa. his self's work complete doing of intention not was ‘He had no intention of doing his work.’ 9. viiresh mé apne pitaa ke saamne aane kii himmat nahii hai. Viresh in self's father of front coming of courage not is 'Viresh does not have the courage to face his father.’ Only sentence 7 with the reflexive apnaa is ungrammatical; in all the rest, the oblique subject NP is the antecedent of the reflexive. 4.2 Conjunction Reduction5Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 63 The dative subject controls conjunction reduction, as in 10, but does not undergo this process, as is clear from 11: 10. tasviir dekh kar use — gussa aayaa. picture see CP him dat. anger came "He became angry having seen the picture.’ 11. *gussa aa kar usne sab ko bahut DaaTaa. anger come CP he erg. all DO much scolded "He scolded everyone having become angry.’ The instrumental subject does not either control or undergo conjunction reduction as is clear from the examples 12 and 13: 12. *yahaa aa kar mujhse baRii bhuul huii, here come CP me instr. big mistake happened “Having come here, a big mistake happened by me.’ 13. *baRii bhuul ho kar maine sabse m4afii_ maagii. big mistake happen CP I erg. all from forgivenessasked *Having a big mistake happen, I asked forgiveness from all.’ The genitive subject also behaves like the instrumental subject in these respects: 14, *yahaa aa kar uskaa iraadaa hai ki ek axbaar nikaale.6 here come CP his intention is that a newspaper publish ‘Having come here, he intends to publish a newspaper.’ 15. *bambaii jaane kaa iraadaa ho kar raam ne TikaT xariidaa. Bombay going of intention be CP Ram erg. ticket bought ‘Ram bought a ticket intending to go to Bombay.’ The locative subject shares the behavioral properties of the genitive subject, as is obvious from examples 16 -19: 16, *paRh-likh kar asit par ghar samhaalne Kii jimmevaarii hai. read write CP Asit on home managing of responsibility is64 / Yamuna Kachru ‘Having become educated, Asit has the responsibility to manage the household.’ 17, *jimmevaarii ho kar asit ne apnaa kartavya nibhaayaa. responsibility be CP Asit erg. self's duty fulfilled *Responsibility having been, Asit fufilled his duties.’ 18. *ghar aa kar baccé m@ baRaa_ utsaah hai. home come CP children in much enthusiasm is "Having come home, the children are in high spirits.’ 19. *baRaa utsaah ho kar bacce maa kii madad kar rahe haf. much enthusiasm be CP children mother of help doing are *Much enthusiasm having been, the children are helping the mother." 4.3 Equi-NP Deletion” The dative subject both controls and undergoes equi, as is clear from 20 and 21: 20. laRke ko film dekhnaa pasand hai. by dat. film viewing liking is 'The boy likes to view films.’ 21. larke ne film pasand aane ki carcaa nabii kii.8 boy erg. film liking coming of mention not did 'The boy did not mention (his) liking the film.’ The instrumental subject does not control equi as the verbs that govern equi do not take an instrumental subject. It does not undergo equi either, as is obvious from 22: 22. *bacce ne shiishaa TuuTnaa nahif’ caahaa.? child erg. mirror break not want ‘The child did not want the mirror to break.’ The genitive subject controls equi, but does not undergo the process, as is evident from 23 and 24:Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 65 23. rohit kaa fiziks paRbne kaa iraadaa hai. Rohit of physics studying of intention is ‘Rohit intends to study physics.’ 24. *usne axbaar nikaalne kaa iraadaa hone kii baat bataaii. he erg. newspaper publishing of intention be of matter told ‘He told of intending to publish a newspaper.’ The locative, like the genitive, controls equi, but does not undergo the process, as is clear from 25-28: 25. roshan m® apne desh = IauTne ~—kaa_baRaa utsaah hai. Roshan in self's country returning of much enthusiasm is ‘Roshan has a great deal of enthusiasm about returning to his country." 26. *roshan ne ghar lavTne kaa utsaah honaa caahaa,10 Roshan erg. home returning of enthusiasm be wanted. ‘Roshan wanted to have enthusiasm to return home.’ 27. hemaa par saaraa ghar samhaalne kii jimmevaarii hai. Hema on entire home managing of responsibility is "Hema has the responsibility of managing the entire house.’ 28. *usne saaraa ghar samhaalne kii jimmevaarii honaa she erg. entire house managing of responsiblity be caahaa,!1 wanted. "She wanted to have the responsibility of managing the entire house.’ To summarize the discussion so far, all oblique subjects, except the instrumental, control reflexivization. No oblique subject undergoes conjunction reduction; only the dative controls conjunction reduction, Only the dative subject undergoes equi and all oblique subjects except the instrumental control equi. It is clear that dative subjects exhibit most of the behavioral66 / Yamuna Kachru properties of unmarked subjects in Hindi; no other oblique subject shares the range of syntactic behavioral properties that characterizes the unmarked, i.e. nominative and ergative subjects. a Semantics of Oblique Subject Constructions A close look at the semantic properties of predicates that take oblique subjects makes it clear that most of them denote subjective states and change-of-states or processes rather than actions. Since the instrumental subject plays no role in any of the syntactic processes associated with subjects, it need not be discussed any further. It is obvious that in sentences such as 2, repeated here for convenience, the child is treated as an instrument in spite of it being an animate NP: 2. bacce se shiishaa TuuT gayaa. ‘The child (inadvertently) broke the mirror.’ The genitive and the locative do not seem to play any role in any syntactic process that depends crucially on grammatical subjecthood, except reflexivization, either. Note that controlling equi is not a property that is associated exclusively with subjects in Hindi as the direct and indirect objects control equi as well (Subbarao 1974). Since undergoing equi is restricted to the subject only, and neither the genitive nor the locative meet that condition, they are not very subject-like in Hindi. In case of genitive subjects, this points to a syntactic change in that in Sanskrit, genitive subjects are more prominent than dative subjects (Hock 1988). As mentioned earlier, most oblique subjects occur with non- volitional non-active verbs, although a total correlation between semantically nonvolitional non-active predicates and oblique subjects does not obtain. For instance, the genitive subject occurs with predicates such as iraadaa_honaa ‘to intend’, daavaa_honaa ‘to claim’, praN_honaa ‘to have a resolve’, etc., all of which are deliberate mental actions. This is not surprising in view of the fact that the genitive is the marker associated with subjects in a number of syntactic processes. For instance, in reduced clauses of various sorts (¢.g. participles, complements), the subject of the non-finite verb is marked genitive.!12 Semantically, the genitive subject has more control over whatever is denoted by the predicate as compared with the dative subject.Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 67 In addition to the predicates mentioned above, genitive subjects occur in possessive constructions that denote inalienable possession (see Kachru 1969 for a detailed discussion) and with predicates that express an event that results in a permanent state, e.g. janm_honaa ‘to be born’, shaadii/vivaah_ honaa ‘to be married’, maut/mrityu honaa 'to be dead’, hatyaa_honaa ‘to be murdered’, aarambh/shuruaat_honaa ‘to begin’, ant/xaatmaa_honaa ‘to end’, etc. It is obvious that the phenomenon of genitive subject is a result of a grammaticization process, and is not predictable on the basis of the semantics of the predicates. The dative subject occurs in possessive contructions with predicates denoting transient physical and psychological states, e.g. buxaar_honaa ‘to have a fever’, khaasii_honaa 'to have a cough’, xushii_honaa 'to be happy’, afsos_honaa ‘to regret, to be sorry'.!3 It occurs in the obligative construction and with predicates denoting obligation, logical necessity, and desirability as in the following: 29, maalik kii aagyaa hai, tumko — abhii jaanaa paRegaa. boss of order is you dat. now emph. go inf. fall fut. ‘It is the boss's order, you will have to go just now.’ 30. tumko vahaa jaane kii kyaa zaruurat thii? you dat. there go inf. of what necessity was ‘Why was it necessary for you to go there? 31. usko jaldii naukrii DhttRh lenii —_caahiyé, s/he dat. soon job search take inf. (desirable) ‘S/he should look for a job soon.' 32. mujhe caar baje pahiicnaa thaa, par der ho gaii. me dat. four oclock arrive inf. was but delay occurred "I was to arrive at four, but got delayed.’ Note that in Hindi, transient psychological states, beliefs, knowledge, want, need, etc. can be expressed with active constructions too. Compare the following sets in which the stative and change-of-state verbs require a dative subject and the active takes an unmarked subject:68 / Yamuna Kachru 33. Sets of Predicates stative change-of-state active gussaa honaa ‘be angry’ gussaa aanaa gussaa karnaa pasand honaa ‘like’ pasand aanaa pasand karnaa dikhaaii denaa ‘become dekhnaa visible’ yaad honaa ‘remember' yaad aanaa yaad karnaa bhuukh honaa ‘be hungry’ bhuukh lagnaa buxaar honaa ‘have a fever’ buxaar aanaa = ------------- vishvaas honaa ‘believe’ - vishvaas karnaa pataa honaa ‘know’ pataa calnaa pataa karnaa In addition to verbs in the active set above, there are lexical verbs such as caahnaa ‘to want’, jaannaa ‘to know’ which occur in the active construction. The choice of a verb from the above related sets and the lexical set of action verbs signal control or lack of control on the part of the subject of the sentence. Typically non- volitional states or events, such as ‘get a fever’, ‘catch a cold’, etc. do not have an active counterpart. Where there is a choice, as in the case of involuntarily remembering something/someone, or committing something to memory/consciously recalling something or someone, the choice of the dative subject or the active subject construction has enormous semantic consequences. 6. Pragmatic and Textual Function In view of the facts discussed above, it is reasonable to claim that a Hindi clause reflects a pragmatic level of structure where unmarked subjects are Actors, whereas dative subjects are Undergoers, although both are grammatical subjects in terms of syntactic properties, Although the dative subjects are not Actors, they signal Pragmatic Peak, i.e., they have discourse prominence and they are the speaker's focus of interest (Van Valin and Foley 1980). In an earlier paper, I have discussed the role of dative subjects in topic maintenance and have shown that they are comparable to unmarked active subjects in this respect (Kachru1987). Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 69 The speaker perspective that is signalled by the choice of an Undergoer as grammatical subject is one of accidental event and consequently the subject's lack of control and reduced responsibility for the event. Where volition, control and full responsibility are to be signalled, the active construction is chosen. A few examples from texts make this very clear:!4 34, 35. 36. is kaale-kaluuTe shariir m€ dil kaalaa na thaa, aur shiighra this black body in heart black not was and soon hii shaanti ko is baat kaa _pataa cal gayaa. emph Shanti dat. this fact of | came to be known ‘The black body did not have a black heart, Shanti came to realize this very soon.' (Ashk 1958: 423) is biic mé shaanti ko maaluum ho gayaa ki gomtii kaa this mid in Shanti dat. came to be known that Gomtii of vivaah hue varSO biit cuke hat, par usne —_abhii marriage happened years gone by have but she erg. yet apne pati kii suurat nahi dekhii, self’s husband of face not saw ‘Meanwhile Shanti had come to know that years had gone by since Gomti had got married, but she had not yet seen her husband's face.’ (Ashk 1958; 424) Shaanti ne jaanaa thaa, kis prakaar gomtii kaa pati Shanti erg. known had how Gomti of husband kaam karne lagaa, use le gayaa aur caar baccd kii work do began her took went and four children of maa banaa_ diya aur gomtii ne ummii kaa aur duusre mother make gave and Gomti erg. Ummi of and other baccd) = kaa haal puuchaa thaa. children of condition asked had ‘Shanti found out, how Gomti's husband began to work, took her away and made her the mother of four children, and70 / Yamuna Kachru Gomti had asked about Ummi and the other children. (Ashk 1958: 430) The story is about the friendship between a woman from the upper middle class and a woman from the financially depressed class. The first two examples are about the former, Shanti, gradually becoming aware of the facts regarding the latter, Gomti. The third example is about the two friends meeting after a gap of several years and in the course of conversation, Shanti finding out about Gomti's life in the interval. The first two examples contain dative subject constructions involving predicates denoting accidental knowledge, the third an active construction involving the predicate of deliberately acquired knowledge. The following two examples also confirm the use of the active predicate jaannaa ‘to know’ in the context of deliberate acquisition of information: ow 37. us samay mai ne yah nahii jaanaa thaa ki unkii patnii that time I erg. this not known had that his wife premaa jauhrii aajkal ilaahaabaad trening kaalej ki Prema Jauhari these days Allahabad training college of vidyaarthii hat... student is ‘At that time I had not realized that his wife Prema Jauhari was a student of the Allahabad Training College . . .' (Bacchan 1971: 51-52) The use of the verb jaannaa ‘to know’ here seems to signal that the author is accepting responsibility for his lack of awareness of certain facts in view of the role the acquaintance, and later friendship, with Mr. Jauhari was to play in his life. The next example explicitly expresses acquiring information with effort and volition: 38. maf apnii siimaaé jaantaa hid; yahii mai ne jaannaa I self's limits know this emph. I erg. know inf, caahaa thaa--'merii siimaa® batlaa do." wanted had = ‘my limits tell give’ ‘I know my limits; I wanted to know this very (thing)--"Tell me my limits.” (Bacchan 1971: 67)Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 71 7. Conclusion The discussion presented here makes it clear that although there are a number of oblique subjects in Hindi, the one that occurs most frequently, exhibits the most subject properties and has definite semantic and pragmatic functions is the dative subject. This discussion has also provided evidence that a more satisfactory account of dative subjects can be given by recognizing the interplay of pragmatic and syntactic structures in Hindi clause structure. This can be further demonstrated by a discussion of the dative marking of the subjects of obligative constructions as in examples 29-32. It is obvious that in the obligative constructions, the Actor has reduced control over his/her actions; as such, the same device that is utilized to indicate non-volitionality and lack of control of the subject with predicates of subjective experience is made use of here as well. Furthermore, NPs that are marked with the postposition ko, which is phonologically identical with the dative marker, include indirect objects, and direct objects if they are animate and/or specific. Notice that the Recipient and Patient (especially, if animate) roles also are characterized by lack of control and non-volitionality. It is, therefore, economical to mark all these roles with the same marker. A question may arise, why does the language need a set of subjects that are marked with the instrumental postpostion? Note that in addition to the subjects of non-volitional, non-active intransitive and transitive verbs identified above, two other sets of NPs are marked with the instrumental postposition--the agent of the passive and the mediating agent of the causative construction. These NPs share the semantic property of reduced control with the dative marked NPs, but they do not share the property of undergoing an experience, rather, they have some characteristics of direct agency still attached to them (Pandharipande 1979), Thus, while the dative marker identifies entities that are affected by the state, process or action of the verb, the instrumental identifies entities that have an instrumental role. The genitive marked subjects seem to be a relic from the history of the Indo-Aryan; I am unable to find a semantic and/or pragmatic explanation for the genitive marking except for the observation that genitive is the most neutral marker associated with the subject. For example, as mentioned earlier, the subjects of various types of reduced constructions are all marked with the genitive marker.72 / Yamuna Kachru NOTES 1. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Conference on Experiencer Subject in South Asian Languages organized as part of the 17th Annual Conference on South Asia at the University of Wisconsin at Madison on November 4, 1988. I am grateful to Phil Morrow for reading an earlier version of this paper. 2. Kibrik 1985 mentions only the combining of roles of Experiencer, Recipient and Goal in several languages. 3. The abbreviations used in this paper are as follows: CP = Conjunctive Participle, dat. = dative; DO = direct object; emph. = emphatic particle, erg. = ergative; fut. = future, inf. = infinitive; instr. = instrumental 4. For a detailed discussion of reflexivization in Hindi, see Kachru and Bhatia 1977. 5. The label Conjunction Reduction is being used here for a syntactic process by which, under certain conditions, conjoined and subordinate clauses are reduced to a conjunctive participle. For a detailed discussion of the process, see Kachru 1981. 6. The sentence is grammatical as a variant of uskaa_iraadaa_hai ki_yah&a aa kar ek axbaar nikaale "He intends to come here and publish a newspaper’. 7. The label equi-NP Deletion is being used here as a convenient term to refer to the process by which the zero subject of a subordinate clause is understood as being coreferential with the subject or an object NP in the main clause. 8. See Subbarao 1974 for a description of such constructions. 9. The source for this sentence, if grammatical, would be bacce ne - iishaa_ Tr -naliif’caahaa ‘The child did not want [the mirror break by him].' 10. The source for this sentence, if grammatical, would be roshan haa_[r mé_gh uTne_k; 0] ‘Roshan wanted [Roshan have enthusiasm to return home].'Experiencer and Other Oblique Subjects in Hindi / 73 11. The source for this sentence, if grammatical, would be usne caahaaluspar_saaraa_ghar_samhaalne kii jimmevaarii_ho] ‘S/he wanted [S/he have the responsibility to manage the whole house].' 12. For instance, the participle and the complement clause subjects are marked with genitive, as in bacchan_kii likhii_huii riya haf ‘The poems written by Bacchan are very popular’ and mai reNu kaa vah@a_ja: hii ‘I consider it necessary for Renu to go there.' 13. For a detailed description of possessive constructions, see Kachru 1969, 1980. 14. The texts analyzed for ascertaining the frequency and pragmatic and textual functions of oblique subjects include the following: niiR kaa nirmaaN phir by Harivamsh Ray ‘Bacchan’, Rajpal and Sons, Delhi, 1971 (2nd ed.) and several short stories from sattar_shreshTha_kahaaniyaa by Upendranath ‘Ashk', Nilabh Prakashan, Allahabad, 1958.74 / Yamuna Kachru REFERENCES Andrews, A. 1985. The major functions of the noun phrase. In Language typology and syntactic description. Vol. 1. Clause structure. Ed, by T. Shopen. Cambridge University press. 62-154. Hock, Hans. 1988. Oblique subjects in Sanskrit? Paper presented at the Conference on Experiencer Subject, Madison, Wisconsin, November 1988. Kachru, Y. 1969. A note on possessive construction in Hindi-Urdu. Journal of Linguistics 6. 37-55. Kachru, Y. 1980. Aspects of Hindi Grammar. New Delhi: Manohar Publications. Kachru, Y. 1981. On the syntax, semantics and pragmatics of the conjunctive participle in Hindi-Urdu. SLS 11:2. 35-49. 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