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Views and Values on Family among Filipinos: An

Empirical Exploration

Article in Asian Journal of Social Science · April 2013

DOI: 10.1163/15685314-12341278

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Views and Values on Family among Filipinos:

An Empirical Exploration

Hannah M. Morillo, Joseph J. Capuno and Amado M. Mendoza, Jr.

University ofthe Philippines

Abstract
The Filipino family provides an interesting study because familism is embedded in its social
sphere, translating its relational quality outside the family. Being family-centred, child-centric,
having close ties, and a large family size (Medina, 2001; Miralao, 1994) are some basic elements of
families in the Philippines. Applying regression on the data from the World Values Survey for the
Philippines in 1996 and 2001, this study aims to explore the correlates of views on family values
among Filipinos, specifically those concerning the traditional nuclear family set-up, the woman's
roles within family, and the reciprocal relationship of the parent and child. While the results
show that Filipinos generally share family values, especially on those related to child rearing for
both parents, and child-bearing, there are indications that such views also differ across educa-
tional attainment, geographic location, social class, and ethnic groups. Disparities in views could
be reflecting shifting family values, which could then help explain current polarising policy
debates on issues on the reproductive health, divorce, and migration.

Keywords
family values, familism/familialism, Philippines

Introduction
Values guide behaviours, which can gauge cultural distinctions among groups
of people, nations, or individuals. For the past decades, cross-cultural studies
on values have elevated this interest to discover more about dimensions of
people (Knafo et al., 2011; Schwartz, 2011), a common frame of reference, as in
shared values, that distinguishes a group and could signify attributes to charac-
terise them. Nations have been subject of such research where cross-cultural
studies have been conducted, suggesting particular factors by which these
countries are alike or different from some others, or when they are marked by
certain values that convey these characteristics. Having shared values among
individuals indicate that their homogeneity to their group presents a more dis-
tinguishable connection with the certain value and the means by which they

© Kuninklijkf Brill NV, Uiden, 2013 DOI: 10.1IB:S/l.W!«:ll4-r234l278

6 Morillo et aL /Asianjoumal of Social Science 4> (2013) 5-28

would choose to act on it (Hitlin and Piliavin, 2004; Bardi and Schwartz, 2003),
or tuning into "self-aware motivational systems" (Bond et ai, 2004:189). Plac-
ing this unifying imperative on a nation, it enables their institutions to develop
and reinforce the shared values that may be manifested in similar cultural
practices (Sagiv and Schwartz, 2007).
In the same vein, given that the society holds emphasis on groups, the fam-
ily is closely looked into as the basic social unit The focus on the family goes
beyond the personal sphere and translates to broader impacts in the society
and social involvement (Mucchi-Faina et ai, 2010). Nye (1967: 248) suggests
that knowing the value systems of a family is not only a key component in
understanding behaviour, but more importantly adds that individuals' intrin-
sic values are maintained and are "central to the fulfilment" of the family. Link-
ing the behaviour and attitudes of the individual to the societal institutions,
studying the family thus serves as an avenue for a more comprehensive under-
standing of groups of people.
The family dynamics in the Philippines provides an interesting case study
because of the inherent qualities that encompass the typical Filipino family.
While no one single value is representative of the common family values of the
Filipino, the distinct ones that seem shared by most are: family-centeredness,
being child-centric, having close ties characterised by reciprocity, and large
family size (Medina, 2001; Miralao, 1994). The regard for the family is esteemed
and favoured, and in each unit, the family is of primary importance — its
members, the internal relations and group dynamics. The family system con-
forms to the idea that an individual is influenced by the processes and dynam-
ics of the group relational system; in the same way, when a member is affected
by extra-familial processes, or aspects outside the family like socialisation and
enculturation, some of this may be reflected to the rest of the family as well.
Presently, there have been other factors that impinge on the family structure
and dynamics, notably migration of family member(s), and the effects of glo-
balisation on the family.
The Filipino family is not simply the sum of its members since distinctive
associations and nuances in various relational phenomena in the society con-
tribute to its fuller picture. Still, how these common views or characteristics of
Filipinos are shared among family members and with the society at large
weighs great relevance. Up to the end of 2012, the intense and protracted policy
debates over controversial pieces of legislation — bills allowing greater choice
for couples to manage their reproductive health and divorce — have cut deep
into the core values of Filipino families. Thus, an empirical investigation into
the family values held by Filipinos will help inform the policy-making process.
More specifically, the extent of homogeneity or heterogeneity regarding family
 Morilbetcd./Asian Journal ofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28 7

values within groups of Filipinos, i.e., convergence or divergence of values

within, for example, an ethnic group, or people residing in the same geographic
region, will help legislators decide on the scope, substance, and coverage of
proposed laws. To illustrate, if Filipinos prove to have very different family val-
ues, then it would be difficult to legislate common policies for divorce and
other related family matters.
In this paper, we provide evidence of evolving Filipinos values using
survey datasets assembled for 1996 and 2001. By analysing these nationally-
representative survey datasets, we aim to re-evaluate the long-held but rarely
examined accounts on the Filipino family values. While the available datasets
may appear dated and that no similar survey has been undertaken since 2001,
the evolving family values that we explore here nonetheless were already
apparent at that time, and possibly continued up to now. Our results indicate
at least the initial correlates of the changing family values, which no doubt
must be validated with more recent data because of their important policy
implications. In particular, we find indications of evolving family values away
from traditional ones, which suggest that policies must also adapt to suit the
needs of the current generations of Filipinos.

The Role of the Family in the Formation of the Filipino Identity

Familism in the Philippines is reflected in the society (Miralao, 1994). The kin-
ship structure that is translated outside the family reinforces the basic rela-
tional functions of the individual where societal norms can also be perceived
as being rooted in the family. Filipinos are often found to relate to total strang-
ers as manang (older sister), kuya (older brother), tita (aunt), nanay (mother)
and tatang (father). Attributing familial names makes one feel that the other is
not a stranger, thereby fostering deeper affiliation as it familiarises, if not
endears them to the other. Ascribing such names to people can also include
them in the family circle. The godmother/-father is fondly regarded as ninangi
ninong, and in-laws are also distinctly recognised as bilas, bayaw or manugang.
There are also ceremonies to solidify these bonds and create binding ties with
these people, regardless of previous affiliation. In addition, kinship calling is
connoted to affirming personal traits or qualities, with Filipino equivalences of
descriptives, such as a mother's care, blood brothers, being fatherly or sisterly.
Influential mass media networks adopt the familialism by using slogans to call
their viewers or listeners, like kapamilya (family member), kapuso (beloved
one) and kapatid (sibling), to appeal to the loyalty of supporters. The weight
that Filipinos give to the family affects how they, as individuals within a soci-
ety, translate the valuation to the social realm. Perhaps there is something
 8 Morillo et aL /Asian journal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28

maintained within this relational network that enables the links to extend out
ofthe family circle.
It is clear that Filipinos value the family, and there are reasons to believe
that they share the same family values. According to the Young Adult Fertility
and Sexuality Survey (YAFS, 2002; Raymundo and Cruz, 2004), the attitudes of
the youth today are very much shaped by influences ofthe family. Attachment
theories (Bowlby, 1956; Ainsworth, 1968) are reinforced by evolutionary per-
spectives on the primary importance of establishing a 'secure base' by which
the relationship of at least the parent/caregiver is provided to the offspring.
There is more positive contribution in the physical and psychological wellbe-
ing of the child ifthey are raised by both parents, (Lucas ei a/., 2008; Pillsworth
and Haselton, 2005) with some evidence drawn from the Filipino context
(Carandang et ai, 2007). For the Filipino family, this set-up would be the tradi-
tional nuclear family; where a mother, a father, and their offspring are present.
Yet, there are also some factors that undermine the Filipinos' regard for tradi-
" tional family values. In particular, the country's peninsular geography and con-
tinued internal and external migration strain the link between and among family
members. Fortunately, the developments in information and communication
technology have helped bridge geographical distances. Balikbayans, or returning
Filipinos who are based abroad, still relish family ties. Some retire to their ances-
tral provinces and most send remittances to their kin in the home country.
Through time, the close-knit kinship system is tested, and much as there are
converging beliefs, such as the high regard for the elderly, respect for the
authority of parents, and placing the children's concerns central to the family's
goals, there may also be variations in how groups of Filipinos perceive these
values. There are different living arrangement patterns that are emerging: rela-
tionships that extend to one parent and child, both parents and child, just par-
ents, or parents with their in-laws plus the child (Medina, 2001). These
arrangements may be concentrated in varying living environments, as well as
religions that permit or encourage a particular way of family living. Variables
such as education, social class, and employment may also cause changes in the
relational patterns and living arrangements in the Filipino family (Jones, 2009;
Alcantara, 1994). In this paper, we explore the correlation of these factors with
the emerging views and values on the family among a sample of Filipinos. The
correlates of emergent family values identify possible channels by which pub-
lic policies can influence positive values or reinforce distinct cultural traits as
basis of Filipino society and nationhood.
 Morillo et aL / Asian Journal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28 9

Data and Methods

Survey Data
The data used here are from the two rounds ofthe World Values Survey (WVS)
conducted in the Philippines in 1996 and 2001, the only years thus far that the
country participated in the WVS on family. Sponsored by the World Values
Survey Association, a non-profit association in Stockholm, Sweden, the WVS
has been implemented since 1981 in over 97 countries, including the Philip-
pines. The data from these surveys have been used in other studies, e.g., the
analysis of cross-cultural human development hy Welzel et al. (2003) and the
link between cultural values and prediction of economic growth by Minkov
and Blagoev (2009).
Conducted by the Social Weather Stations (SWS), the survey for each year
had nationally-representative random samples of 1,200 Filipinos of voting age
(i.e., at least 18 years old). The total samples in each year were drawnfi-omthe
country's broad regions, namely National Capital Region, the rest of Luzon, the
Visayas, and Mindanao. Translated into five local vernaculars, the interview
schedule is designed to collect information on the respondent's background
characteristics and on their personal, family, social and political values. While
the survey responses could only he reflecting the respondent's views, we sur-
mise that nonetheless such views are rooted in the respondent's actual values.

Indicators ofFamily Values

From the 1996 and 2001 WVS, we identified six indicators of family values, and
other possible covariates. The six survey questions from which the indicators
of family values are based are:

• If someone says a child needs a home with both a father and a mother to grow up
happily, would you tend to agree or disagree?
• Do you think that a woman has to have children in order to be fulfílled or is this not
necessary?
• Do you agree or disagree with the following statement? "Marriage is an outdated
institution."
• If a woman wants to have a child as a single parent but she doesn't want to have a
stable relationship with a man, do you approve or disapprove?
• Which of these statements do you tend to agree with? (1) Regardless of what quali-
ties and faults of one's parents, one must always love and respect them. (2) One does
10 Morillo et at /Asianjoumal ofSocial Science 41 (2013} 5-28

not have the duty to respect and love parents who have not earned it by their behav-
iour and attitudes.
• Which of the following statements best describes your views about parents' respon-
sibilities to their children? (1) Parents'duty is todo their best for their children even
at the expense of their own well-being. {2) Parents have a life of their own and should
not be asked to sacrifice their own well-being for the sake of their children.

Corresponding to each question, six binary indicators are created, as shown

in Table 1. In particular, the values indicator child_parents takes on a value of
1 if the response to the first question above is "agree" and 0 if "disagree" or
"don't know". The indicator woman_chdd takes on a value of 1 if the response
to the second question above is "yes" and 0 if "no" or "don't know". The indica-
tor marrLage_outdated takes on a value of 1 if the response to the third ques-
tion above is "disagree" or "don't know" and 0 if "agree". The indicator
woman_sparent takes on a value of 1 if the response to the fourth question
above is "disapprove" or "don't know" and 0 ifapprove". The indicator par-
ents_loved takes on a value of 1 if the response to the fifth question above is "1"
and 0 if "2" or "don't know". The last values indicator is pbest_children takes on
a value of 1 if the response to the last question above is "1" and 0 if "2" or "don't
know".
The values of the six indicators allow us to classify whether the respondent
has "traditional" or "non-traditional" views on family values, following the soci-
ological classifications of traditional and non-traditional living arrangements
and compositions of Filipino families (e.g., Medina, 2001), obedience to par-
ents, and as well as the parent's unconditional support (Porio et ai, 1978). Spe-
cifícally, we classify as traditional values a response of V, "disagree" or
"disapprove" in the aforementioned survey questions. Conversely, a response
of "2", "agree" or "approve" would be classified here as non-traditional values.
While creating an index of the values indicators would strongly suggest pre-
ponderance or strength of views, we analyse pairs of indicators based on their
affinities or that they reinforce each other. The pairs are views on family com-
position (child needs both parents, woman has to have a child), marriage (dis-
approved of woman as single parent, marriage is not an out-dated institution),
and parent-child relationship (parents must do what is best for their children;
children must love their parents unconditionally).

Correlates

To identify the correlates of these family values, we also used several variables
from the survey data. Table 1 shows the binary indicators of individual-level
characteristics that include gender (male), marital status (in_union), parental
 Morillo etaL / Asian Joumal ofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28

Table 1: Variable definitions and summary statistics (Af=

Variable Definition Mean Std. Dev.
Values indicators
child_parents 1= if agrees that a child needs both a 0.96 0.20
father and a mother to grow up happily;
o=othervñse
woman_child 1 =if agrees that a woman has to have 0.87 0.34
children in order to be fulfilled;
o=otherwise
tnarriage_outdated i=if does not agree that marriage is an 0.84 0.36
outdated institution; o=otherwise
woman_sparent i=if does not approve of a woman who 0.85 0.35
wants to have a child as a single parent
but doesn't want a stable relationship
with a man; o=othervkáse
parentsjoved i=if agrees that, regardless of the qualities 0.94 0.23
and faults of one's parents, one must love
and respect them; o=otherwise
pbest_cbildren i=if agrees that parent's duty is to do their 0.91 0.30
best for their children even at tbe expense
of their well-being; o=otherwise
Corretates
male i=if male; o=otherwise 0.50 0.50
age Age in years 37-51 14.64
age" Square of age in years 1406.60 214.41
in_union 1= if married or living together; 0.72 0.45
o=otberwise
with_child 1= if has at least one child; o=otherwise 0.72 0.45
employed i=if employed; o=otherwise 0.52 0.52
ownhouselot i=if own house and lot residing in; 0.54 0.50
o=otherwise
urban i=if urban; o=otherwise 0.59 0.49
Educational level
highscbool i=if completed high school only; 0.41 0.49
o=othervȇse
post_highschool i=if attended at least some college 0.15 0.35
education; o=otherwise
Social_class
upper_middle i=if belongs to upper middle class; 0.13 0.33
o=otberwise .
lower_middle i=if belongs to lower middle class; 0.36 0.48
o=otherwise
working class i=if belongs to working class; o=otherwise 0.23 0.42
12 Morillo et aL / Asianjoumai ofSocial Science 41 (20/3)5-28

Table 1 (cont.)

Variable Deñnition Mean Std. Dev.

lower class i=if belongs to lower class; o=othe 0.26 0.44
Ethnicity
Tagalog i=if Tagalog; o=otherwise 0.30 0.46
B i saya i=if Bisaya, Cebuano or Boholano; 0.29 0.45
o=otherwise
Uonggo i=if Ilonggo; o=otherwise 0.08 0.27
ßikolano l-if Bikolano; o=otherwise 0.05 0.22
Ilocano i=if Ilocano; a=otherwise 0.12 0.32
Waray i=if Waray; o=otherwise 0.03 0.16
Kapampangan i=if Kapampangan; o=otherwise 0.04 0.19
Region
Luzon i=if in rest of Luzon; o=otherwise 0.42 0.49
Visayas i=if in Visayas; o=otherwise 0.20 0.40
Mindano 1 =if in Mindanao; o=otherwise 0.23 0.42
Religion
Roman Catholic 1 =if Roman Catholic; o=otherwise 0.77 0.42
Iglesia ni Kristo i=if Iglesia in Kristo; o=otherwise 0.04 0.19
Islam 1=if Islam; o=otherwise 0.02 0.15
Y2001 i=ifyear is 20oi;o=otherwise 0-53 0.50

status (with_child), employment status (employed), educational attainment

(bigh_school, post_highschool), self-assessed social class membership (upper,
middle, lower_middle, working class, and lower class), and housing tenure sta-
tus (ownhouselot), as a more objective measure of socioeconomic status. The
respondent's age and its squared value (i.e., age and age^) are also included to
account for the possibility that age (and therefore perhaps knowledge, experi-
ence and wisdom) could have a non-linear effect on one's appreciation of fam-
ily values. The respondents are also grouped in terms of location (urban),
region of residence (Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao), religion (Roman Catholic,
Iglesia ni Kristo, Islam), and ethnicity (Tagalog, Bisaya, Ilonggo, Bikolano, Ilo-
cano, Waray, Kapampangan).
Half of the samples are male, employed, or own the house and lot they
occupy; about three in five reside in urban areas, married or living together, or
have at least one child. The mean age is about 38 years and only nearly 15 per
cent had some college education. The majority of them consider themselves as
lower-middle class, working class or lower class. Almost 60 per cent of them
consider themselves as Tagalog or Bisaya. About 42 per cent are from Luzon
and 77 per cent are Roman Catholics.
 Morillo et aL /Asian Journal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28 13

Further, a dummy variable for year 2001 (Y2001) is introduced to control for
possible idiosyncratic political or economic events that differentiated the two
years or other time-invariant unobserved factors. The total number of observa-
tions is 2,395.
Corresponding the aforementioned binary indicators are the default catego-
ries female (for gender), not married/divorced/separated/widowed (for mari-
tal status), no education or lower than secondary education (for educational
level), upper class (for social class), indigenous people and other ethnic groups
(for ethnic classification). National Capital Region (for region), and other reli-
gion and atheists (for religion). While a finer breakdown of these group catego-
ries may be desired, the limited sample size however precludes this.

Probit Regressions

To identify the significant correlates of family values, each of the six values
indicators is regressed using probit regression models (with sampling weights)
against the individual-level, household-level and area-level characteristics.
Obtained using STATA u, we report the marginal probabilities of the covari-
ates instead ofthe usual coefficient estimates in the tables of regression results
in the next section. Indicated under the column dy/dx in the tables, the mar-
ginal probability of a regressor X is the change in the probability of the tth
respondent espousing a family value Y. as X changes by one unit, holding all
other independent variables constant (i.e., d?T{Y.=i\X)jdX^, wbere A'is a vector
of regressors (Greene, 2008). We evaluate the statistical significance ofthe cor-
relates atp<o.io; however, we also report the actual/a-values.
In line with the objectives ofthe paper, the regression will help only to iden-
tify those characteristics that are associated with the probability of having (or
not having) a particular value, i.e., without establishing the causal link between
the correlates and values. The regression estimates will allow us to suggest
whether a characteristic is independently correlated with a particular value,
holding all other characteristics constant. Such correlation may indicate causal
relation, but possibly, the direction could also be inferred from the values to,
say, group membership, e.g., strong inherent family values made one person
join a religious group with traditional views on the family. Alternatively, the
observed correlation may be driven by a third, yet unobserved factor, e.g., in
conflict-ridden areas, a two-parent family may be a rarity and, thus, women
and the society they live in may be tolerant of single parenthood. While the
causal relations are not explored here, owing to data limitations (particularly
lack of suitable instrumental variables), the results reported here nonetheless
can point the directions for further research.
14 Morillo et aL / Asianjoumal of Social Science 4> (2013)5-28

Results

Test of Means

Table 2 shows the results ofthe tests of equality of means ofthe values indica-
tors and selected covariates for the years 1996 and 2001. While the sampling
design used is the same for the two survey rounds, it is possible that over the
four years that separate two rounds that views and values may have changed,
possibly due to changes in demographics or in socioeconomic environment
Indeed, the table indicates a noticeable evolution of views regarding a child
needing both parents, marriage being not an out-dated institution, a woman
being a single parent, and unconditional love and respect for parents. In con-
trast, most of the respondents still espouse the traditional view regarding a
woman having a child to be fulfilled and that parents must do their best for
their children over the same period.
The samples across the tu'o rounds also differ systematically in terms of
average age, marital status or living arrangements with their partners, having
at least one offspring, ownership ofthe house and lot they reside in, and resi-
dency in urban areas. Arguably, the socioeconomic environment before the
Asian financial crisis of 1997 was different from that in the succeeding years,
which could have implications on the living conditions and, possibly, on fam-
ily arrangements. To tease out the effects ofthe temporal factors from the other
correlates of family values, we pool the two-year samples but introduce a
dummy variable for year 2001.

Table 2: Test of equality of means, by year

Year 1996 Year 2001 Equal means

Independent variables Mean Mean p>\z\

child_parents 0.9516 0.9691 0.0279

woman_child 0.8674 0.8695 0.8804
marriage_outdated 0.8710 0.8118 0.0001
woman_sparent 0.8717 0.8448 0.0710
parentsjoved 0.9558 0.9333 0.0160
pbest_children 0.9083 0.8950 0.2729
male 0.5000 0.5000 1.0000
age 36.2050 38.8042 0.0000
in_union 0.6900 0.7483 0.0015
with_child 0.6867 0-7590 0.0001
employed 0.5250 0.5067 0.3691
ownhouselot 0.5042 0.5725 0.0008
urban 0.6250 0.5542 0.0004
 Morillo et aL /Asianjoumal ofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28 15

A Child Needs Both Parents and a Woman Needs a Child

Table 3 shows the regression results for the analysis of expressed values that a
child needs both parents (child_parents) and a woman needs a child to be ful-
filled (woman_child). Arguably, both values have deep biological, psychologi-
cal and cultural bases to be enduring and widely shared. Since these values
tend to reinforce each other, this could account for the large majority of the
respondents who declared to espouse either values.
In the left half of Table 3, we find that all the independent variables are insig-
nificant correlates of child_parents, save for the variable, Waray. A respondent
who considers herself to belong to this ethnic group (mostly found in the East-
ern Visayas region) are about 18.43 percentage points less likely to say that a
child needs both parents (when compared to those who belong to other ethnic
groups not otherwise classified). Put differently, this particular value seems
universally held that any classification of Filipinos is unlikely to uncover statis-
tically significant differences across categories. Not surprisingly, those with at
least one child opine that both parents are needed (0.0655).
In contrast, there are more variations among Filipinos across categories
with regard to the view that a woman needs a child to be fulfilled. As shown in
the right half of Table 3, the statistically significant negative correlates of this
particular values are male (-0.0466), those with high school (-0.0305) or post-
high school education (-0.0766), and Waray (-0.3022). Those that are likely to
have similar views are the Ilonggos (0.0912) and Kapampangan (0.1289), ^nd
those residing in Mindanao (0.0544). There are no statistically detectable dif-
ferences in views across religious affiliations, age, marital status, employment
status, social class or years.

Table 3: Marginal probabilities:

A child needs both parents and a woman needs a child to be fulñlled
Chüd_pa rents Woman_child
Independent variables dyldx Std. Err. p>|z| dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\

Male -0.0080 0.0097 0.413 -0.0466 0.0163 0.004

Age -0.0024 0.0018 0.168 -0.0009 0.0028 0.740
age^ 0.0000 0.0000 0.285 0.0000 0.0000 0.806
in_union -0.0132 0.0168 0.433 0.0253 0.0232 0.274
with_child 0.0206 0.0158 0193 0.0665 0.0261 0.011
Employed 0.0030 0.0101 0.769 -0.0060 0.0179 0.738
Ownhouselot -0.0031 0.0096 0.743 0.0110 0.0159 0.491
Urban -0.0039 0.0113 0.727 -0.0193 0.0186 0.299
Educational level
Highschool 0.0083 0.0112 0.456 -0.0305 0.0178 0.087
 i6 Morilio et aL /Asianjoumal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28

Table 3 (cont)

Chüd_pa rents Woman_child

Independent variables dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\ dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\

post_highschool 0.0092 0.0159 0.564 -0.0766 0.0266 0.004

social_ctass
upper_middle 0.0591 0.0492 0.230 0.0198 0.0569 0.728
lower_middle 0.0665 0.0494 0.179 0.0567 0.0557 0.309
working class 0.0679 0.0510 0.183 0.0684 0.0571 0.231
lower class 0.0569 0.0514 0.269 0.0255 0.0588 0.664
Ethnicity
Tagalog -0.0247 0.0174 0.157 0.0228 0.0369 0.536
Bisaya -0.0166 0.0153 0.280 0.0305 0.0411 0.458
llonggo 0.0009 0.0138 0.946 0.0912 0.0365 0.012
Bikolano -0.0269 0.0299 0.368 -0.1266 0.0614 0.039
Iiocano -0.0316 0.0243 0.194 0.0336 0.0419 0.422
Waray -0.1843 0.0478 0.000 -0.3022 0.0833 0.000
Ka pa m pangan -0.0225 0.0280 0.423 0.1289 0.0386 0.001
Region
Luzon -0.0054 0.0134 0.687 -0.0181 0.0234 0.439
Visayas -0.0230 . 0.0236 0.329 -0.0055 0.0394 0.888
Mindanao 0.0137 0.0164 0.406 0.0544 0.0323 0.091
Religion
Roman Catholic -0.0079 0.0122 0.519 0.0225 0.0211 0.287
Iglesia ni Krísto 0.0052 0.0220 0.814 0.0522 0.0397 0.189
Islam -0.0715 0.0713 0.316 0.0368 0.0596 0.537
Y2001 0.0130 0.0089 0.144 0.0013 0.0154 0.931
Number of obs. 2,393 2.359
Wald/2 (28) 92.68 146.25
Prob >x^ 0.0 0.0
Pseudo R"^ 0.0845 0.0996
Log pseudolikelihood -13030.593 -29275.068

Disapproval of the Woman as a Single Parent and Marriage as an Out-Dated

Institution

Table 4 shows the regression results for the expressed values that it is not
acceptable for a woman to be a single parent and that marriage is not an out-
dated institution. Arguably, these values are not inconsistent — i.e., if society
is less accepting of voluntary single parenthood, then it must consider mar-
riage still as an important requisite to building a family. While both values are
 Mordió et aL /Asianjoumai ofSociai Science 41 (2013)5-28 yj

held by the majority, noté that almost 15 per cent of the respondents do not
share either values (refer to Table 1).
In the left half of Table 4, we find that age has a non-linear relationship with
the view that it is not acceptable for a woman to be single parent. In particular,
younger ones tend to have this traditional value, but less so as they get older.
Those that are also less likely to conform to the traditional view are those in the
upper-middle class (-0.0712) or are Waray (-0.2094). Interestingly, those inter-
viewed in year 2001 are also less likely than those sampled in 1996 to say that it
is acceptable for a woman to be a single parent, indicating some temporal fac-
tors that contribute to the shift in family values.
As shown in the right half of Table 4, the same temporal shift is found with
regard to the value that marriage remains a relevant institution. In 2001, we
find that respondents seem to think it is less so when compared to their cohorts
interviewed in 1996. The other statistically significant negative correlates of
these particular values are male (-0.0363) and urban (-0.0495). Likewise, age
has a non-linear relationship: in this case, however, the younger ones regard
more that marriage is an out-dated institutions — a view that gets tempered as
they grow older. Interestingly, being an Ilonggo, Bikolano or from Luzon
increases the probability that one will consider marriage still relevant by 10.33
percentage points, 15.29 percentage points and 7.06 percentage points,
respectively.

Table 4: Marginal probabilities:

Woman not as single parent and marriage is not an outdated institution
Woman_sparent Marriage_outdated

Independent variables dyldx Std. Err. PM dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\

male 0.0087 0.0181 0.631 -0.0363 0.0170 0.033

age 0.0059 0.0035 0.087 -0.0040 0.0035 0.033
age^ -0.0001 0.0000 0.094 0.0001 0.0000 0.092
in_union 0.0292 0.0272 0.284 -0.0222 0.0265 0.402
with_child -0.0147 0.0311 0.637 -0.0083 0.0286 0.770
employed -0.0050 0.0192 0-794 0.0316 0.0179 0.079
ownhouselot -0.0015 0.0172 0.929 -0.0107 0.0167 0.522
urban -0.0210 0.0215 0.328 -0.0495 0.0197 0.012
Educational level
highschool -0.0133 0.0209 0.525 0.0295 0.0198 0.136
post_highschool -0.0021 0.0246 0-931 0.0330 0.0254 0.194
sociaLclass
upper_middle -0.0712 0.0399 0.075 0.0756 0.0509 0.138
lower_middle -0.0434 0-0351 0.217 0.0403 0.0500 0.420
 i8 Morillo etaL / Asian journal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28

Table 4 (cont.)
Woman_sparent Marriage_outdated
Independent variables cfyldx Std. Err. P>Í2| dyldx Std. Err. P>|2|

working class -0.0365 0.0366 0.318 0.0503 0.0509 0.323

lower class -0.0574 0.0373 0.125 0.0066 0.0516 0.899
Ethnicity
Tagalog 0.0146 0.0308 0.636 0.0316 0.0383 0.409
Bisaya -0.0702 0.0445 0.114 0.0357 0.0373 0-339
Ilonggo -0.0151 0.0465 0.746 0.1033 0.0369 0.005
Bikolano 0.0007 0.0462 0.987 0.1529 0.0373 0.000
Ilocano -0.0230 0.0377 0.541 -0.0353 0.0493 0.474
Waray -0.2094 0.0839 0.013 -0.0551 0.0614 0.369
Kapampangan 0.0348 0.0493 0.481 0.0670 0.0559 0.231
Region
Luzon 0.0463 0.0332 0.164 0.0706 0.0261 0.007
Visayas 0.1276 0.0417 0.002 0.0049 0.0403 0.903
Mindanao 0.1654 0.0387 0.000 0.0353 0.0365 0.333
Religion
Roman Catholic -0.0025 0.0207 0.904 -0.0289 0.0196 0.141
Iglesia ni Kristo 0.0203 0.0432 0.638 0.0536 0.0363 0.140
Islam 0.1415 0.0928 0.127 -0.0879 0.0622 0.158
Y2001 -0.0308 0.0170 0.070 -0.0555 0.0159 0.000
Number of obs. 2,202 2,379
Wald ^2 (28) 72.21 99.75
Prob >/^ 0.0 0.0
Pseudo «2 0.0379 0-0553
Log pseudoiikelihood -30422.205 -33300. 1 2 3

Parents'and Children's Love and Respectfor Each Other

Finally, Table 5 shows the marginal effects for the expressed values that par-
ents must be loved and respected (regardless of their qualities and faults) and
that parents must do what is best for their children (regardless ofthe personal
consequences). Recall that in Table 1 more than 90 per cent of Filipinos espouse
either value, possibly both. The mutual affections that parents and children
have for each other define a stable, functional family that most would desire.
The left half of Table 5 shows that the likelihood of espousing the view that
parents must be loved and respected is higher among those with high school
education (0.0441) or higher (0.0356), the middle class (around 0.09), the Iloca-
nos (0.0521) and Kapampangans (0.0645). Surprisingly, the likelihood is lower
 Morillo etaL /AsianjoumalofSocialScience41 (2013)5-28

among the employed (-0.0225), Roman Catholics (-0.0208) and in year 2001
(-0.0340).
In the right half of Table 5, the statistically significant positive correlates of
the view that parents must do what is best for their children are age (both the
younger and older respondents), Bisaya (0.0542) and Ilonggo (0.0599) and, per-
haps expectedly, with child (0.0538). As in the other value, the general view in
2001 is less traditional than in 1996. Recall also fi-om Table 2 that around 90
percent ofthe samples in each year hold this particular value, which perhaps
explain why the explanatory variables altogether, as attested by the/^ test sta-
tistic, are simultaneously statistically equal to zero.

Table 5: Marginal probabilities:

Parents must be loved and parents must do what is best for children
Parents loved* Pbest children
Independent variables dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\ (fyjdx Std. Err. / » | z |
male -0.0190 0.0122 0.119 -0.0121 0.0138 0.383
age 0.0014 0.0020 0.483 0.0042 0.0024 0.086
0.0000 0.0000 0-532 0.0000 0.0000 0.072
-0.0123 0.0162 0.450 -0.0210 0.0205 0.304
with_child -0.0052 0.0182 0.776 0.0538 0.0222 0.016
employed -0.0225 0.0132 0.088 -0.0192 0.0152 0.205
ownhouselot 0.0103 0.0115 0.370 0.0002 0.0145 0.990
urban -0.0066 0.0116 0.570 0.0242 0.0167 0.149
Educational levei
highschool 0.0441 0.0127 0.001 0.0111 0.0165 0.500
post_highschool 0.0356 0.0169 0.036 0.0020 0.0215 0.926
social_class
upper_middle 0.0918 0.0527 0.081 -0.0096 0.0403 0.811
lower_middle 0.0970 0.0519 0.062 0.0091 0.0372 0.806
working class 0.0739 0.0531 0.164 0.0202 0.0376 0.592
lower class 0.0832 0.0530 0.117 0.0000 0.0390 0.999
Ethnicity
Tagalog 0.0404 0.0277 0.146 0.0065 0.0385 0.865
Bisaya 0.0314 0.0275 0.253 0.0542 0.0296 0.067
Ilonggo 0.0417 0.0306 0.173 0.0599 0.0333 0.072
Bikolano 0.0121 0.0512 0.813
Ilocano 0.0521 0.0295 0.077 0.0467 0.0374 0.211
Waray 0.0423 0.0339 0.212 0.0348 0.0439 0.428
Kapampangan 0.0645 0.0333 0.053 0.0522 0.0448 0.244
Region
Luzon -0.0065 0.0163 0.688 0.0040 0.0184 0.830
 Morillo et aL /Asianjoumal ofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28

Table 5 (cont)
Parents_loved* Pbest_children

Independent variables dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\ dyldx Std. Err. p>\z\

Visayas -0.0333 0.0255 0.193 -0.0404 0.0322 0.210

Mindanao -0.0113 0.0209 0.589 -0.0310 0.0306 0.311
Religion
Roman Catholic -0.0208 0.0117 0.077 -0.0015 0.0180 0.936
Iglesia ni Kristo 0.0279 0.0344 0.417
Islam 0.0229 0.0184 0.213 0.0187 0.0384 0.626
Y2001 -0.0340 0.0112 0.002 -0.0243 0.0135 0.073
Number of obs. 2,251 2,395
Wald;i'2 (28) 88.22 3709
Prob >x^ 0.0 0.1168
Pseudo R^ 0.0746 0.0241
Log pseudolikelihood -15922.799 -25928.445
• The variables Bikolano and Iglesia ni Kristo are dropped due to multicollinearity.

Discussion
The larger social implications of the regression results and of their correspon-
dence with previous findings are discussed below according to the themes of
the study previously explained.

The Changing Roles ofthe Woman in the Family

Looking into gender-differentiated roles among women via the values of
woman_child and woman_sparent, more divergence between values is appar-
ent when it involves women's roles particularly, child-bearing and child-
rearing. While the results suggest that males are unlikely to consider that a
woman needs a child to become fulfilled, there can be two factors why a woman
may consider otherwise. First is the biological need to become a mother and
secondly, being socially-conditioned to bear children. Perspectives from evolu-
tionary research (Lucas et ai, 2G08; Bornstein and Cote, 2004) suggest that this
intrinsic biological need could arise from an 'individual reproductive success',
which may exceed marital satisfaction, perhaps discounting whether she sim-
ply cohabits with or marries the father. In addition to this, if one feels that they
are more stable individually, i.e., basic physical and emotional requisites are
met, then the biological need is affirmed and the readiness to conceive and
raise children is secured. In the Philippines, a pronatalist position is regarded,
where the child is central to the concerns of the family and fertility is the key
 Morillo et aL/AsianJoumatofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28 21

factor in the Philippine household power allocation (Alcantara, 1994). The Fili-
pino family being child-centric enables societal pressure on the woman to bear
children; a corollary of which would be how the mother nurtures her children.
Regional difference is also factor that produced differing views on woman_
child and woman_sparent, which perhaps captures possible regional varia-
tions in sociocultural adherence to a more traditional perception of the mother
and wife roles of the woman.
Inherent individual differences particularly age, marital status, having a
child, and educational attainment also show striking variation in responses
concerning women in the family. In the presented results, differences in edu-
cational attainment can be seen in those with less than high school education
versus those who attained post-high school levels. Those with higher educa-
tional attainment do not necessarily agree with woman_child as much as those
who are less educated. Previous studies suggest that employment and educa-
tion are major factors in re-aligning personal priorities, especially for the
woman. The "modern educated Filipina" (Medina, 2001) has more opportuni-
ties offered to her, such as education and employment, and these not only pro-
vide a wider range of choices, but also substantial standards that measure one's
self-fulfilment In a way, the gender-differentiated roles of men and women
become less apparent, especially when more opportunities are given to the
woman. According to Raymundo and Cruz (2004), there is a positive correla-
tion between education and remaining single, as there is a decrease in suitabil-
ity in men, and higher opportunity costs (for the women) in marriage and
family formation. Thus, the grov^ing number of solo-parenting in the gender-
differentiated role of the woman can be derived from the awareness of her
needs and satisfying these, then deciding the time and conditions she prefers
in childbearing and child-rearing, regardless of the living arrangement. Jones
(2007) sees a similar trend in Southeast Asia where the higher employment
and continuing education for women causes a delay in marriage, or even non-
marriage, and a decline in fertility. Singlehood among women is also a choice
(Williams et ai, 2007; DePaulo and Morris, 2005) as well because of other alter-
natives, such as cohabitation.

Living Arrangements and Evolving Family Dynamics

Coming from the urban area had minimal differing factors across groups. Fili-
pinos from the urban area compared to those living in the rural area shared
views on all values, but are more open with marriage_outdated. This under-
scores previous studies Qones, 2007; Medina, 2001; Pineda, 1981; Contado, 1981)
that living in urban areas shifts to less traditional family living arrangements.
22 Morillo et aL /Asianjoumai of Social Science 4' (20/3)5-28

compared to the "complete" (both parents with child) family in the rural area.
However, some evidence also attests to the closeness of the kin even in the city
(Medina & de Guzman, 1994). In the results presented, we can add that mar-
riage among urbanités is still a factor that maintains this close-kin connection.
Employment status is also is related to variations in views regarding marital
arrangement being outdated and parents should be loved unconditionally, i.e.,
when compared to the unemployed, the employed sector were less likely to
agree with these two values. Those who are employed believe in marriage more
and are more traditional with how they regard their parents. Muslim Filipinos
are viewed as more hierarchical (within family composition) and close-knit
because of religious considerations (Hall, 2010), however, this distinction did
not differ significantly with the rest of the religious affiliations in the Philip-
pines. Employment, ethnicity and regional differences are likely to disagree
with marriage being out-dated, while being male and living in urban areas are
more likely to agree with it.
The value ofthat a child needing both parents stands as a fundamental con-
sideration, more than the social institutions intended to keep the family
together. The biological attachment of the parent-child confirms a more pro-
found element than kinship ties built on social constructs, where parental
investment, or "any investment by the parent in an individual offspring's
chance of surviving (and hence reproductive success) at the cost of the par-
ent's ability to invest in other offspring," contributes a vital role in this relation-
ship (Trivers in Durrant and Ellis, 2003). Kinship ties underpin most, if not all
Filipino families, but more still adhere to the traditional family arrangement
where there is a complete set of parents, cohabiting. Geary (2000), however,
says that parental investment also tends to be contingent on social and eco-
logical factors, as well as on the parental condition. In their study on the effect
of childbearingon Filipino women's economic stability, Montague and Walker-
Andrews (2002) concluded that childbearing does take a toll on the women in
certain aspects of their professional careers. Despite some significant shifts to
a non-traditional living arrangement, as seen in marriage_outdated being one
of the values with the most number of diverging groups, the attachment pat-
terns of parent-child are still well-regarded even if there are challenges imposed
on the family. To keep the family together, the belief that having both parents
present for the child, more than institutions, converged on nearly all Filipino
groups. The impact of the legalisation of divorce poses another alternative to
living arrangements within the family, if consequently more Filipinos loosen
their view of marriage as an institution. Other child-related values that look
out for the interest of the child, such as the view that parents always do what is
best for their children and that a woman finds fiilfilment if she bears a child
also had strong resonance across groups.
 Morillo et aL / Asian Journal ofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28 23

Observance of traditional values in the Filipino family was evident in the

results that were obtained, the most salient of which is the consistent conver-
gence within various groups on the view that a child needs both parents. The
nuclear family composition is maintained \aû\ male and female sharing the
same value on the importance of having both parents in child-rearing. Child
development is optimised when both biological parents engage in child-rearing
(Lucas etai, 2008; Amato, 1993), and it is notable in this study that we observed
that both genders value the importance of having both parents for the child.
The need for children to grow up with parents seems to be the most shared
value among groups of Filipinos, save for ethnic background. This valuation
agrees on the importance of having both parents available for the growth and
development of the child, which draws from an instinctive need to support
and be with one's child. In the study, the temporal factor on the one hand,
loosens this aspect ofthe family.
Looking out for the welfare of the child in trying to achieve a "complete"
family supplements the reciprocity of the parent and child. The value of par-
ents wanting the best for their children is the second most shared view among
groups, supporting the nurturing aspect of child-rearing that espouses the
child-centric characteristic ofthe Filipino family. Closeness in the kinship ties
of the Filipino family is also observed in the reciprocity that are sustained
between the child(ren) and parent(s), even when they are not in a common
living arrangement Examples of this are when an offspring takes care of an
elderly parent, the parent keeping responsibility of household management
even ifthey are abroad to work, and continuing parental responsibilities to the
offspring even if they are of age and stable status already. Religious affiliation
was also not seen as a differing element in the belief of these values. In the
results, however, the child-centric characteristic of the family still remains.
While most groups share the value that parents must do what is best for their
children, the traditional relational family value, that parents must be loved
unconditionally, has the highest numbers of diverging views within groups,
which could contribute to the child-centric valuation of the Filipinos. This is
perhaps indicative of a wavering unconditional obedience to parents perhaps
to a more individualistic preference in certain choices and decisions.

Social Implications on the Family

Trends in the changing face ofthe Filipino family are correlated by actual and
real economic pressures hinged on the family and a current pressing concern
is on the growing increase of migration. Migration in the Philippine context
occurs when a family member leaves locally or goes overseas to look for better
prospects to sustain the needs of the family. It started out as the husbands
24 Morillo et aL / Asianjoumal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28

leaving, but steadily over the past two decades, there has been an upsurge of
wives/mothers who work abroad (Ochiai and Maloney, 2008; Jones, 2007). The
results in this study highlighted the shared belief of both parents valuing the
presence ofthe mother and father in childrearing. However, economic pres-
sures drive at least one of them to leave the home (Semynov and Gondzeisky,
2004). Not only is the family living arrangement far from the traditionally pre-
ferred set-up, but the child also shares in carrying the burden, even to extent of
a traumatic childhood where 'token attention' is intermittently given (Caran-
dang, 2007). Looking into what the Filipino family values foremost prevents
these stirred relationships and complications to the family system. This may
also be subject to stresses on gender roles, especially with the proliferation of
the féminisation of international migration, which plays a factor in the dual
roles ofthe mother and other member(s). For the parent who is left at home,
dual roles transpire, where the father acts as both the father-mother. The
mother who leaves to work them assumes a second role ofthe provider and the
child-bearer. Further, there is evidence that childbearing is negatively affected
by migration (Adair et ai, 2008), and employment brought by migration has
been observed to disrupt fertility as it increases birth intervals (Jensen and Ahl-
burg, 2004). As a consequence of migration, different family living arrange-
ments may result and the occurrence of evolving dynamics stated above are
important to look deeper into. Since it was conveyed in this study that the
basic unit of attachment between parent and child remains central, the rela-
tionship between parental living arrangements and the child could be further
explored as it has lasting effects on the child's development

Conclusion
Applying regression analysis on survey data, we were able to identify the cor-
relates that show evidence on the convergence or divergence in views con-
cerning family values within groups in the Philippines. The family values we
investigated here reflect some traditional and non-traditional Filipino per-
spectives on living arrangements and family composition. We find that the
most shared value among various groups is that both parents are critical to
child rearing. However, the results also indicate that the parents need not be
married, since there is indication of wide disagreement among groups about
the continuing relevance of marriage as an institution. Also, we surveyed vari-
ous groups that hold differing views about the woman's need to have a child
and a disapproval of her choice to be a single parent. Groups also equivocate
on absolute love for parents, as they do with regard to marriage. Educational
 Morillo et aL /Asianjoumal ofSocial Science 41 (2013)5-28 25

attainment (high school or higher), gender (male), income class (upper mid-
dle, lower class), location (urban; Luzon, Visayas), and ethnicity (Bikolano,
Ilonggo, Waray, Kapampangan) and, to some extent, religion (Roman Catho-
lic) are significant sources of variations in views about family values. While it is
important to identify the family values that unite Filipinos, it is equally impor-
tant to discern what divides them.
Evolving family values manifest shifting family structures and dynamics.
The correlates identified, can help us decide interventions or alternative pro-
grams from government institutions, and perhaps more research inquiry from
the different fields in the social sciences. Government and policy-making insti-
tutions are clued in on certain occurring phenomena with tangible measures
and results. Policies on education are an example. If the correlates are reported
to be significant values, it could be an unintended consequence of a certain
policy. Exposure to particular influences in school and inclinations to prefer-
ences can be by-products of higher educational attainment.
Another possible factor suggested in this study that impinges on family val-
ues is migration. Since migration underpins the basic structure of the family,
i.e., some family members are left behind while others leave, it is imperative to
critically evaluate the resulting family dynamics because they directly affect
individuals. Not only is the strain felt by the separated family member over-
seas, but also manifested through the solo-parent left behind where she or he
adapts a dual-role. In the clinical research of Carandang etaL (2007), one of the
resounding experiences of the children left behind by their mothers (espe-
cially) was that "the light of the home is gone" (i.e., as if the home is left in dark-
ness). Apart from reinforcing the economic gains overseas Filipino workers
reward the country, a shift in focus of policies on the welfare and well-being of
the family is deemed necessary, especially if it involves a greater impact on the
development of individuals within the Philippine society.
Lastly, the evidence presented in this study also sheds light on the impor-
tance of accepting that there are evolving family values in the Philippines. It
provides the evidence to reconsider notions of mere nominal attributions of
the family (traditional or modern, complete or otherwise, among others) and
towards an emphasis on the importance of the functional roles of each mem-
ber and the current dynamics that are evident along with global demands,
influences, and changes. As with the case of international migration, this study
places implications on the changing and/or upheld views and values based on
temporal factors. Because of the data analysis presented, we may be able to
capture empirical evidence that perhaps the preconceived mainstream tradi-
tional values are adhered to by only some groups in the Philippine society, or
'modern' or progressive beliefs might have been the status quo all along by
26 Moriäo et aL /Asianjoumal of Social Science 41 (2013)5-28

most of the various groups where strong convergence within its members is
observed. This exercise provides more concrete evidence as basis for evaluat-
ing policies that affect family lives.
Having identified the sources of variations, the next research question then
is to explore the exact causal relations between these sources and the views on
family values. These causal relationships, and perhaps using more recent data,
besides their obvious academic relevance, will also help inform the discussion
of critical national issues and the policy-making process.

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