Making of Modern Britain: 1951-2007

Essential knowledge booklet 1: Conservative dominance: 1951-1964

1. Why did the Conservatives win the 1951 election?

A) Labour weaknesses

 Fatigue – Attlee and several other ministers had been exhausted by six years in government at a
difficult time post war, and had also been serving during the coalition between 1941-1945
 Bevanite split over the introduction of prescription charges – led to resignation of several
Cabinet members who objected to prescription charges as a betrayal of the socialist principle of
treatment being free at the point of delivery
 Some in Labour Party (left-wing) were unhappy with how the government had been slow to
respond to Trade Union/workers demands
 Labour became associated with austerity, rationing and high taxation – which weren’t attractive
propositions for voters
 Labour government’s support for a nuclear deterrent, as well as British entry into the Korean
War in 1950 also angered many on the Labour left.

B) Conservative strengths

 Re-organisation of the Party by Lord Woolton – reformed finances and constituency structure
 New generation of young, effective MP’s such as R. A. Butler brought confidence to the party
 Policies around which Conservatives could unite – eg. criticising Labour’s nationalisation of iron
and steel
 Conservative approach of more limited involvement in economy – upholders of liberty and
individualism may have attracted them to the electorate

C: Result:

 Conservatives won a narrow victory – 26 seat majority

 Labour actually polled a higher proportion of the votes 48.8% compared to 48% for
Conservatives – this was due to the first past the post electoral system
 There was nothing inevitable about the Conservatives’ victory
2. Why did the Conservatives dominate government between 1951-1964?

A) Leadership

i) Winston Churchill: 1951-1955

+ Experience and credibility having led England to victory during WW1

+ Expertise in international affairs – viewed himself as an international statesman

+ Deployed useful ministers in key positions, such as Eden, Butler and Macmillan

 Often out of the country fulfilling his role as statesman

 Lacked energy as became PM aged 76 in 1951, suffered a stroke in 1953 although was kept
secret from the public
 Eventually stood aside to allow Eden to take up leadership of the Party

ii) Anthony Eden: 1955-1957

+ Experienced of practically running the country as Deputy PM during Churchill’s time in office, covering
during his travels and illness

+ Most experienced in international affairs

 Kept waiting for Churchill to retire for too long, arguably passed his prime when he took over
 Limited experience of domestic government, especially the economy
 Critics mocked Eden’s administration for lacking the ‘smack of firm government’ due to his
supposed weakness in dealing with the Trade Unions and also some of his cabinet colleagues
(eg. Macmillan dragging his feet about changing roles in a Cabinet reshuffle)
 The disastrous Suez campaign, combined with ill-health, prompted Eden’s decision to move
away from politics in 1957

iii) Harold Macmillan: 1957-1963

+ Experienced a range of roles: Housing Minister, Foreign Secretary and Chancellor

+ Was initially supportive of Eden’s approach to the Suez Crisis, but his reputation was not too damaged
by the disaster

+ MP for Stockton in Middlesbrough, which shaped his fears around high levels of unemployment, and
his position as a ‘One-Nation Tory’ - (the responsibility for those who are better off to ensure the
well-being of those who are worse off)

+ Quite successful projection of an image of ‘tradition’ and reassuring experience using the new medium
of the TV
  Became a target for satirists in the early 1960’s - Macmillan appeared to embody ‘The
Establishment’ - a very narrow group of aristocratic men who followed the traditional pathway
(Eton, Oxbridge, Politics) to power
 The aristocratic ‘Establishment’ dominated Macmillan’s government, with over 30/80 ministers
in some way related to the PM through marriage, emphasised the narrow and exclusive basis of
power in the minds of critics

iv) Lord Home: 1963-1964

 Macmillan, wearied by on-going problems with the economy, the failure of his attempts to gain
UK entry to the EEC and the Profumo scandal decided to resign as Conservative Party leader in
1963, believing himself to be too unwell to continue
 The Conservative Party leadership was decided by ‘soundings’ or ‘consultations’ of senior
Conservatives to see who the next leader should be. There was much support for Butler or
Hailsham, but there is considerable evidence that Macmillan, from his hospital bed, manipulated
proceedings so that the Earl of Home became the next leader. This continued to make it easy for
the Labour Party and other critics to point out the unrepresentative nature of power in the
Conservative Party.
 Sir Alec Douglas Home went on to narrowly lose the 1964 election and hand power to Wilson
and the Labour Party – although perhaps the most surprising aspect is the narrow nature of
Labour’s victory considering the scandals and poor economic management of the Conservatives
since 1959
B) Divisions within the Labour Party

Clement Attlee continued as leader of the Labour Party until 1955, but himself and several other Labour
ministers who had played an important role in the government between 1945-1951 were ageing and in
poor health.

The Labour Party was also weakened by a split between Aneurin (Nye) Bevan and Hugh Gaitskell. Bevan
was seen as a leader of the Left wing of the Labour Party, whereas Gaitskell was more popular among
the Right wing of the Party. Gaitskell defeated Bevan in the leadership election in 1955.

The Labour Party were also affected by two key issues:

i) Hostility from Trade Unions – Trade unions were often supportive of the Labour Party, but under the
leadership of Frank Cousins (leader of the Transport and General Workers Union from 1956) the Labour
Party faced hostile opposition over the issue of nuclear weapons. (The Unions supported unilateral
disarmament.

Ii) Many Labour left wingers (despite Bevan actually declaring his support for Britain’s nuclear policy in
1957) supported the CND’s campaign against nuclear weapons – this association between the Labour
Party and protest against nuclear power damaged the Party in the eyes of some voters. The left wing of
the Labour Party also wanted more socialist policies – eg. Commitment to more state control of the
economy.

iii) Divisions about whether Britain should join the EEC. Gaitskell followed Attlee’s lead in 1962 by
arguing Britain should not join the EEC. Some in his Party criticised this stance as it did not reflect Labour
as being forward thinking/progressive

iv) Labour was a more united Party by the early 1960’s. In 1960 the Trade Unions used a block vote to
force unilateralism as an official policy at the Party conference, but Gaitskell’s passionately argued
speech (fight, fight and fight again’) against this approach bore fruit in 1961 when delegates voted to
abandon the policy.

c) Increasing affluence

The general pattern of 1951-1964 was an improving picture of growing prosperity – living standards for
the majority went up considerably.

The Conservative administration were fortunate to have taken over in 1951 at a time when the economy
was recovering, both in the UK and in many countries globally:

 Rationing ended by July 1954

 Birth rate increased
  Recovery in global trade after WW2 meant profits from exports and investments helped to
create jobs
 1955 – 1% workforce unemployed, huge increases in electrical, engineering and service jobs
 Pre-war slums cleared, and new towns built – eg. Kirby, Harlow. Macmillan organised building of
over 300,000 houses/year as Housing Minister
 Average male weekly wage increased from £8.30 in 1951 to £15.35 in 1961. The growth in real
wages also increased (1951-5 = 2.2%, 1955-60 = 2.9%, 1960-64 = 4%), meaning that although
inflation was on the up, wage increases meant the sense of affluence continued.
 M
 1957-1959 increase of 50% in TV ownership
 Car ownership increased by 25% between 1957-1959
 1951-1963 average working hours reduced from 48-42 hours – people were getting paid more
for doing less work.

D) Other successful Conservative policies

 Number of extensions to the Welfare State – eg. Increase in benefit payments, and also the
passage of the Mental Health Act – which put mental illness at the same level as physical illness
 Government gave grants to encourage farmers to modernise by using new fertilisers, new
machinery and techniques so as to increase productivity
 Between 1951-1964 the government oversaw the building of 6000 new schools and 11 new
universities
 The Conservative government tended to support the tripartite structure of Technical, Secondary
Modern and Grammar schools, while Labour were moving towards support for a Comprehensive
school model

3.How effectively did the Conservative Party handle the economy?

i) Britain had experienced a severe depression during the 1930’s with severe unemployment
especially in the North. The context of WW2 is also important – the desire to improve living
standards for the victors. Both Labour and Conservatives both shared the desire to avoid a
repetition of mass unemployment and to build a better post war future.
ii) Post-War consensus
When the Conservatives took office in 1951 they did not change much in terms of the previous
Labour government’s approach.
Keynesianism = the belief that government should intervene actively in the economy to ensure that
demand is sustained and full employment achieved. A mixed economy of public (nationalised,
owned and controlled by the State) and private industries. Millions of workers were employed in the
public sector – a much higher proportion in comparison to today.
This similar approach to the economy led to the term ‘Butskellism’ to be coined, merging the
surnames of the Conservative Chancellor (Butler) and the Labour leader, Gaitskell. Indeed in many
ways there did not seem to many obvious differences in the approach of the two main political
parties in a variety of different ways.
iii) 1951-1955 - belated post-war boom

Conservatives gained power in 1951 at a time when the foundations for economic recovery had
been established by a period of Labour austerity between 1945-1951.

 End of rationing in 1954, booming trade, extremely low levels of unemployment (1%), rising
wages led to a sense of prosperity and affluence
 Before the 1955 election, the Conservatives issued a budget which resulted in big tax cuts (£134
million which mainly helped the middle classes
 This led to a sense of growing affluence and consumerism – eg. Spending on consumer goods
such as cars, washing machines etc
 It is perhaps unsurprising in this context that the Conservative government was able to win the
1955 election

iv) Problems of inflation

The British economy was not actually in as strong as position as the increasing affluence enjoyed by
the majority of the population seemed to suggest. A number of significant weaknesses caused
concern to Eden, but particularly Macmillan after he took over as PM in 1957.

 Growth in wages was going up faster than productivity. This led to an increase in imports to
meet consumer demand, which weakened the British balance of payments. This resulted in
steady inflation – rising prices
 If the government intervened to try to reduce demand for consumer goods – eg. by increasing
tax or limiting wage increases – this could lead to reduced productivity and unemployment. It
would also make the government unpopular with the voters. Macmillan was instinctively
unwilling to adopt these measures – he was much affected by witnessing the impact of high
unemployment in his Northern constituency during the 1930’s, and his preference was for an
expansionist economic policy approach
 The value of the pound on the international market was vulnerable – eg. In the wake of the Suez
crisis there was a ‘run on the pound’ which reduced gold reserves.
 Britain had one of the largest defence budgets in the world after America. This again had a
negative impact on UK’s balance of payments situation – as Britain tried to maintain her position
as a world power in the context of the Cold War and the two ‘super-powers of USA and USSR.
v) Conservative approach to the economy

Macmillan appealed to the British public and industry to be restrained in order to avoid
excessive inflation:

‘What we need is restraint and common sense: restraint in the demands we make, and common
sense in how we spend our income.’

However, the working and middle classes were not really interested in this message, and the
Trade Unions continued to push for wage increases for the workers they represent.

i) Stop-go economics

This describes a pattern where the government attempts to control growth (which leads to
inflation) when the economy appears to be overheating. (Indications of ‘overheating’ = growing
inflation and problems in the balance of payments – with imports far outstripping exports)

1951: Butler as Chancellor initiated a ‘stop’ phase – the economic picture was not positive due
to a balance of payments deficit of £700 million because of the high cost of imports. Butler
‘stopped’ the economy by limiting borrowing by increasing interest rates from 2% to 4% and
putting stricter limits on imports

1952: Better balance of payments situation – with a surplus of +£300 million

It is arguable how far the recovery in the economy was down the ‘stop’ policies. Some historians
argue that the recovery would have happened anyway. Butler’s approach to the economy
discouraged investment in modernising British industry, which weakened the economy in the
longer term.

1952: British exports began to fall – highlighting the vulnerability of the economy.

1953-1954: Butler pushed economy in to a ‘go’ phase by cutting bank interest rates, encouraging
investments and industrial expansion. This led to virtually full employment by the beginning of
1955 – booming economy. However, this boom in the economy caused the familiar chain
reaction of higher wages, higher demand for consumer products, higher imports to meet the
demand leading to inflation and poor balance of payments situation.
1955-1956: Macmillan oversaw a ‘stop’ phase – the Bank interest rate increased to 5.5%, and
there was a ‘credit squeeze’ - designed to make it harder for people to borrow and spend. The
produced a better balance of payments situation.

1957: Thorneycroft was Chancellor, and Macmillan encouraged a ‘go’ phase. Tax and credit
restrictions were reduced, which led to a boom in the economy, which coupled with rising prices
and strikes for wage increases, damaged productivity and exports, leading to an unfavourable
balance of payments situation.

1958-1959: Thorneycroft, supported by his junior ministers Enoch Powell and …. pushed for a
different approach – advoctating more monetarist principles for handling the economy by
restricting government spending and increasing taxes and interest rates. This proved unpopular
with the PM and other cabinet ministers who did not want to see their department budget cut.
Macmillan refused to support his Chancellor, mindful of the fact that an election was
approaching, and fearing that Thorneycroft’s ideas may lead to unemployment and a strong
chance of defeat at the 1959 election.

1959: Macmillan’s new Chancellor, Amory, introduced a ‘give-away’ budget which included a
range of tax cuts and made accessing credit easier. This was a political ploy to appeal to the
electorate with the 1959 General Elections in mind.

1960: The ‘give-away’ budget resulted in the familiar pattern of boom, inflation and balance of
payments crisis. This led to measures to make accessing credit more difficult and also an
attempt to impose a pay-freeze on the public sector. The quick reversals of policy between
expansionist and deflationary left the Conservative approach to the economy open to criticism.

The subsequent Chancellors, Selwyn Lloyd and Reginald Maudling continued these restrictive
methods until the 1964 election approached. With Macmillan’s personal popularity low and
with Labour ahead in the polls, Macmillan pushed for an expansionist 1963 budget, with taxes
and interest rates lowered. The rise in consumer spending, with increased imports meant that
by 1964 Britain had a balance of payments deficit of over £800 million.

ii) Stagflation

Some critics of the government’s approach to the economy suggested that they lacked an
effective strategic plan. Chancellors responded to events – they did not direct them.

‘Stagflation’ was a compound word of stagnation and inflation. It refers to a situation where
domestic industry (production) declines, at the same time as inflation still continues. This
appeared to be the worst of both worlds

iii) Britain’s economic growth rate was poor in comparison with European rivals – average GDP
growth rate between 1951-1964 was 2.3% in UK, compared with 5.6% in Italy, 5.1% in West
Germany and 4.3 % in France. The main reason for this was heavy defence spending in
 comparison with other countries, especially the amount of investment in Research and
Development connected with defence (34.5%) Some critics may have argued that investment in
modernising industry may have been more beneficial.

iv) Chancellor Selwyn Lloyd attempted to address Britain’s ongoing economic difficulties by
setting up a National Economic development council (NEDDY) and a National Incomes
Commision (NICKY) in 1962. Senior people from industry, academia and politics were meant to
meet to discuss long term economic planning – had little time to make an impact.

v) Beeching Report - 1963 – part of a review in to cutting public spending. Recommended strong
cuts in rail sector – 30% of lines to close. Did lead to thousands of small station closures –
causing public anger, but an indicator of economic difficulties towards the end of the
Conservative period.

4. How did Britain’s position in the world change between 1951-1964?

i) Context:
 Britain had emerged victorious in WW2, with the idea that in Western Europe they had stood
alone against Hitler, confirming the common patriotic idea that Britain was a world power
 WW2 had left UK damaged and with huge financial debts which would impact on the economy
for decades
 1947: Britain had to inform the USA that due to a lack of money they would have to withdraw
from their commitments in Greece and Palestine, which led the USA to create Marshall Aid to
support the recovery of Western Europe
 The independence of India and Pakistan in 1947 was another indicator that Britain would
struggle to maintain control over their sprawling Empire under the pressure of local nationalist
activity, although in 1950 it was not widely believed that the Empire would disintegrate so
quickly
 The British and American ‘special relationship’ and the sense that Britain wanted to maintain her
position as a ‘world power’ were largely responsible for Britain’s reticence to participate in the
early form of the European Union – the EEC from 1957.

ii) Europe:
 1950: The Schuman Plan aimed for a coal and steel community that would integrate France and
Germany and promote economic growth, recovery and unity
 A key idea was to promote greater unity in Western Europe to avoid any repetition of the two
recent catastrophic wars in the decades to come
 Britain were generally supportive of the idea, but did not accept the invitation to be part of it
 The original decision was made by Deputy PM Herbert Morrison, who after briefly being told
about the scheme by his advisors who had interrupted his dinner at the Ivy Restaurant,
dismissed the opportunity by arguing ‘the Durham miners won’t wear it.’
 This view was actually shared by Attlee, who believed Britain couldn’t sign the ‘blank cheque’
that Schuman wanted – and there were concerns about loss of UK sovereignty over issues
 Attlee summed up many prevalent views about whether to join the EEC in a speech to Labour
sceptics in 1957: ‘The so-called Common Market of six nations. Know them all very well. Very
recently this country spent a great deal of blood and treasure recuing four of ‘em from attacks
by the other two.’
 Wider concerns include concerns from the Left about the free market principles – the Common
market, the Right were more concerned about maintaining the Empire and the related trade
links, general belief that this was a ‘continental issue’, and that as victor of WW2 this was not a
British concern, the view that Britain was a top world power and that the special relationship
with the USA was more important than these European developments.
 The Coal and Steel union evolved into the EEC (European economic community) via the Treaty of
Rome in 1957
 France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemburg were the members, although
Fr and Ger dominant
 By 1959 some leading politicians were concerned about the stronger economic fortunes of the
EEC in comparison with the UK
 1959 – UK took lead in the formation of the European free trade association with other
countries not in the EEC, but only achieved moderate growth not comparable with the EEC
 1961 – Macmillan decided it was best for UK to apply to join EEC. Despite his best efforts to
charm Charles de Gaulle, and months of painstaking negotiations around the Common
Agricultural Policy, just when it appeared like the application would be accepted, de Gaulle
vetoed Britain’s entry.
 De Gaulle wanted to protect the EEC against ‘le Anglo Saxons’, and was suspicious about the
UK’s special relationship with the USA
 This was a major blow for Macmillan, with the economic progress of the EEC highlighting the
relative underperformance of Britain.

ii) Nuclear deterrent

 In 1946 Attlee and President Truman had concluded a deal allowing the US to establish air bases
in East Anglia from which they could launch atomic bombs in a European emergency. However,
in the same year America stopped sharing nuclear secrets with Britain
 Labour debated whether it was necessary to incur the massive costs associated with developing
an independent nuclear deterrent but ended up committing to it after Bevin argued ‘We’ve got
to have this thing over here, whatever it costs.... We’ve got to have the bloody Union Jack on it.’
 Britain eventually tested their first atomic bomb in 1951, only to find that the USA had moved
further ahead by testing a Hydrogen bomb, and that USSR were also close behind. When
Churchill was informed of these developments and the costs to the UK of following suit,
Churchill said ‘We must do it. It’s the price we pay to sit at the top table.’
  The UK reasoning was two-fold – an independent nuclear deterrent was needed to protect the
country against a possible USSR attack, and also to convince the USA that the UK were still an
influential force
 The majority of the UK were supportive (60% in 1952, 58% in 1955) of developing the bombs.
 In 1960 Macmillan made a deal with the US to buy the new long-range Skybolt nuclear weapons.
As part of the deal, the US were given permission to use the Holy Loch on the Firth of Clyde as a
Polaris nuclear submarine base
 This was controversial to being relatively close to the densely populated Glasgow, and also
because the US did not promise to consult the UK before potentially using the atomic weapons
 Macmillan quickly realised the error of the deal, but the US would not amend the terms, and
there was widespread opposition among the wider public
 The Skybolt missiles were a failure, but Macmillan did persuade JFK to supply the UK with Polaris
submarine capability, much the concern and anger of the French
 However, this was not really an independent nuclear deterrent. The Polaris fleet would be
assigned to NATO unless Britain’s ‘supreme national interests’ were at stake. British scientists
were reliant on US research – and the most important decisions about atomic weapons were
made in Washington – not Whitehall.
 The CND, (Campaign for Nuclear disarmament) was one of the most influential pressure groups
of the period, formed in 1958
 Many middle class intellectual supporters calling for unilateral nuclear disarmament
 270 branches of the movement, 12 regional organising committees
 Annual Aldermaston marches were the highlight, firstly from Westminster to Aldermaston, and
then in subsequent years in the other direction
 The left of the Labour Party, buoyed by support given to the CND pushed for the adoption of
unilateral disarmament as policy – it was voted in the 1960 conference, but at the 1961
conference Gaitskell managed to defeat this move by the CND to turn the Labour Party into
political wing.

iii) The Cold War

 US and UK quickly developed into allies against the threat of the global spread of Communism
 NATO was formed in 1949, with the UK and US founder members
 An early example of the Cold War was the Korean War – after WW2 North Korea was occupied
by the USSR, Souh Korea by the USA. In 1950 N. Korean forces, supported by USSR and
Communist China invaded the South. The United Nations condemned this action, and over 20
countries committed to support the South, including the UK which sent 90,000 men
 Over 1000 British men died in Korea – a conflict which essentially ended in a stalemate between
North and South
 Although there was no direct war between UK, USA and USSR, this was by no means inevitable
at the time, and there was widespread fear of WW3, with nuclear weapons. The presence of US
bases in the UK meant that the British were certain to be in USSR’s firing line if a conflict did
erupt.
 Britain was a partner with the US in the fight against Communism, but very much the junior
partner - eg. During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis Macmillan was kept informed of events by JFK
but he was little more than a bystander.
  The cost of the UK playing such an active role in the Cold War was huge – with interventions in
Jordan in 1958, as well as Aden, Kuwait and Yemen, as well as four divisions based in West
Germany
 In 1950 the Korean War expense turned a balance of payments surplus of £307 million into a
deficit of £369 million the following year – some historians criticise this as a missed opportunity
to focus on domestic industrial development
 In 1958, over 100,000 UK troops still stationed in Middle and Far East, and spending of defence
throughout the period was third highest in the world after US and USSR

iv) Suez Crisis – 1956

 The special relationship between the UK and US was strained over several issues such as nuclear
development and Britain’s role in Europe, but most of all by the Suez crisis
 The Suez Canal was a key transport route from Europe to the East, around 80% of W. European
oil passed through this Egyptian waterway
 Egypt had essentially been a British colony until the end of WW2, and the UK and the French
essentially administered the Canal
 Colonel Nasser, a nationalist leader who took power in 1954 and was the ‘personification of
Arab self-assertion against the great powers of the West.’ (Sandbrook)
 Angered by continued attempts by the UK/European attempts to meddle in Arab affairs via the
Baghdad Pact in 1955, and by the decision of the US and the UK to withdraw funds for the
construction of the Aswan Dam due to the fact that Nasser was in discussions with the USSR
about their support, Nasser suddenly nationalised the Suez Canal in a populist move to assert
Egyptian power and use the proceeds to fund the Aswan Dam
 Eden was enraged by this action and threat to UK interests, as was the majority of the electorate
and British press – with many drawing parallels between Nasser and Mussolini or even Hitler
 The US did not support a military response – a Presidential election was looming and
Eisenhower did not want to be dragged in to a conflict - he pushed for diplomacy and
conferences – which slowed down a quick British response which would have been more likely
to carry public support
 A plan that was initially dismissed as being too reckless was eventually accepted – Israel would
invade Egypt, the UK and France would issue Israel an ultimatum to withdraw, and then would
invade to keep the peace. The real objective would be to topple Nasser and gain control of Suez.
 Key players in the Cabinet – eg. Lloyd and Macmillan supported the plan, believing the US would
in the end back up Britain
 The military action was very successful, with the British troops securing strategic positions and
close to achieving objectives, however the international response had been misjudged
 The UN backed the US motion for a ceasefire, domestic opinion was divided – while many
supported the aggressive stance, there was also considerable criticism
 The Labour Party was divided between working class patriotism and middle class conscience,
but leader Gaitskell did publically criticise the government and call for a ceasefire on 4 th Nov
 It was American economic pressure which caused the government to call off the military
operation – there had been a steady loss of gold reserves through the autumn – in August £129
million had been lost, in October £85 million had been lost – due to the recurrent balance of
payment deficits reducing international confidence in sterling. In the first week of November the
 Treasury lost $100 million from its currency reserves. With the Canal blocked and a lack of oil,
the situation was desperate. Macmillan phoned the US to ask for assistance, but was told the US
would only support a loan if there was a ceasefire. The pressure from the UN and the US, the
weak economy, division in Conservative ranks and the country all combined to lead Eden to
concede defeat – but the US action was most important.
 It was a humiliating defeat for Eden and the UK, with the US insisting of a complete withdrawal
 The consequences for Eden was retirement and withdrawal from politics, more widely the UK
lost the moral high ground, and seemed exposed as a weak global power who was totally reliant
on the US.

v) The End of Empire

 Even in 1956, the British Empire was vast and a source of national pride. John Wells describes a
ship voyage to Korea, when en-route via Gibraltar, through Suez, Aden, Colombo, Singapore and
Hong Kong, all places which flew the Union Jack
 Although by 1951 the Empire was somewhat in retreat given India’s independence from 1947,
most believed it would be many years before many colonies would be ready the cut ties
 However, between 1957-1964 Ghana, Malaya, Cyprus, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Tanganyika,
Western Samoa, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Uganda, Zanzibar and Kenya were granted their
independent
 Nationalism played a part in the process of decolonisation – but it would be simplistic to suggest
the British were pushed out by force in the majority of cases. Only in Palestine and Aden did the
UK face serious rebellion – and unlike the French in Algeria or the Portugese in Angola, the
transition between Empire and Commonwealth was relatively bloodless
 Macmillan oversaw this process – he was more progressive than his Edwardian appearance
suggested, and was more interested in the UK’s relationship with the US and West Europe
 WW2 had undermined UK’s management of colonies – the need to 'milk the colonies for all they
are worth’ became paramount – eg. Production of cash crops to export to UK – which alienated
African elites
 The economic problems of the 1950’s together with Sandy’s military reforms which cut the
numbers in the armed forces in half meant there was not enough money of manpower to
realistically keep control of unwilling colonies
 Britain were also concerned about the possibility of driving colonies into the grasp of the USSR
in the context of the Cold War
 While Britain anticipated a slow transition, the pace of change was quicker than expected – once
one country was given independence – pressure from other countries developed
 Macmillan gave a speech which gave him the reputation of being a supporter of African
decolonisation - ‘The Winds of Change’ speech: ‘The wind of change is blowing through this
continent, and, whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.
We must all accept it as a fact, and our national policies must take account of it.’
 Macmillan in the same speech openly criticised the apartheid policies in South Africa – and a
year later South Africa left the Commonwealth
  Macmillan and Macleod were unpopular with white settlers – eg. White Kenyan farmers who
were often very wealthy and felt abandoned by the UK government. Right-wingers in the
Conservative Party, such as Lord Salisbury, were also critical of the rapid pace of events
 Macmillan replaced Macleod with Maudling, but the pact of decolonisation was not checked
 An image of a pleasant process of ending the empire over a cup of tea was cultivated, and while
it should be remembered the process was not painless, (in many places African protesters lost
their lives or liberty, and in Kenya and Nyasaland the record of the British army was nothing to
be proud of) in comparison to other European countries the transition was remarkably smooth

5. Social changes

i) Decline of deference

 1951 – society was very deferential – respect for authority figures was the norm
 By the late 1950’s a change was apparent – with a notable decline in deference
 Possible reasons for this was the Suez Crisis exposed the fact that politicians were not
trustworthy, and the rise of CND popularised the idea of challenging authority
 ‘The Establishment’ became a common term to describe the informal networks that connected
political and social elites. Generally privileged, white males. The normal route to power was
private schools (especially Eton), then Oxbridge – an ‘old boys’ network
 The Conservative government was especially dominated by Establishment types – who enjoyed
shooting grouse or spending time in their London ‘clubs’.

ii) Satire boom

 Both in print (Private Eye) and on TV (That was the week that was) satire was growing in
popularity
 Satirists were known for their brutal criticism of political figures
 Peter Cook, Dudley Moore, and Alan Bennett were well known for their satirical performances
on ‘Beyond the Fringe’
 General criticisms of the Establishment included – holding Britain back by failing to emphasise
the Sciences instead of the traditional arts, holding back chances for talented people from less
privileged backgrounds, and covering up their own faults

iii) Position of Women

 In 1951 – traditional values – eg. Wife/mother = norm

 Average married age = 21, 75% of women were married, 20% of women worked
 Family allowance was meant to ensure that mothers did not need to work, designed to secure
full employment fr men and support nuclear family ideals. Mortgages and bank accounts were
in men’s names
 1964 – still uncommon for women, especially unmarried women to work
 Trade Unions generally against women working – fears that this could lower wages and impact
on children
  However, labour saving devices such as washing machines (one marketed as ‘the Liberator’)
made life easier for the women who could afford them, however by the end of the 1960’s this
did not prevent second wave feminism arguing against the idea women were trapped by
domestic roles

iv) The ‘teenager’

 For the first time in the 1950’s a distinct youth culture developed
 Youth had more free time due to the fact labour saving devices meant teenagers did not need to
help in the home so much, plus National Service stopped in 1960
 There were also record numbers of teenagers during this period, due to ‘baby boomers’ - by
1959 there were 5 million teenagers
 Teenagers were also more affluent – and were a huge market – especially in the field of music –
the Beatles and popular stars like Cliff Richard were extremely popular (to the point of hysteria)
among teenagers

v) Youth Culture

 There was several different ‘types’ of teenager during this period, recognisable by their differing
styles
 Teddy Boys – long coats, narrow trousers and winke picker shoes
 Rockers – Motor bikes, leather clothes and a partiality for rock and roll music
 Mods – Continental Scooters, ‘sophisticated’ pop music
 In 1964 there were several outbreaks of riots between Mods and Rockers in Brighton which led
to a national panic about the morality of youth culture

vi) Immigration and Racial tension: The Newcomers

 New Commonwealth – countries recently gaining independence – eg. India/Pakistan/Africa

 Old Commonwealth – white countries such as Australia, New Zealand
 There were already some black people living in Britain before the post-war immigration which
began with the arrival of Empire Windrush in 1948 – around 75,000 black and Asian people,
mostly British born and bred
 However, the arrival of around 500 Caribbean migrants in 1948 was still an iconic movement,
and the steady stream that followed meant that the black and Asian population would more
than quadruple by 1961
 1958 – 210,000 migrants from the Commonwealth, 75% male
 It was not immediately clear in the early 1950’s that people from the Commonwealth would
take advantage of their right to settle in the UK through the 1948 British Nationality Act.
However, the high demand in the UK economy for cheap labour, together with the weak state of
the economy in the Caribbean mostly explains the influx.
 Attitudes to the new arrivals were mixed – some were tolerant, but many were openly racist –
eg. Guest houses with signs ‘No Irish, no blacks, no dogs.’
 However, it is important to remember that more people actually left Britain to settle elsewhere
in comparison to those coming to Britain during this period
 Racial prejudice was rife – common views being around fears of drugs, violence and the idea
that black men were sexual predators intent on seducing white women
 The fact that the vast majority of early arrivals after 1948 were young men may have
contributed to these ideas
 Housing was also a key area of discrimination – there was great pressure on housing demand
following the Blitz during WW2 – and a sizable proportion of landlords were not willing to let
properties to people of colour
 If an immigrant did find a room that the landlord was willing to let – they were generally over-
charged – often double what a white person might pay
 In employment, there was also discrimination. It was very hard for people of colour to get
anything other than a dull low paid job – their previous qualifications and experience was not
really taken into consideration
 Violence against immigrants was not unknown – outbreaks in 1948-49 in Birmingham and
London – but the most serious violence happened in Nottingham and N. Kensington in 1958
 The epicentres of both outbreaks were areas relatively heavily populated by immigrants, and
were very deprived, with long historic associations with criminality
 In Nottingham, the violence started after a fight at pub closing time – when some West Indians
managed to hospitalise seven of their white adversaries
 When news spread, a mob of 1000 white men and women with razors, knives and bottles,
aiming to attack any West Indians – somehow only 8 more people were injured and none killed
 In Kensington, poverty and despair contributed to the disturbances as much as racism
 Police stopped several cars filled with ‘nigger hunters’ between 17-20 years of age
 Crowds of whites attacked homes of Caribbeans, and the following night gangs of whites
roamed the streets
 Many of the participants were not locals, but had travelled to the area with intent. However,
some white locals did come out of their homes to cheer on their violence
 The media did highlight the issue of racial tensions in communities, and also tended to link the
violence to concerns about teenage delinquents
 There was also right-wing activity criticising the impact of immigration – such as Oswald Mosley
who campaigned for repatriation in the 1959 elections in Kensington North
 The government did take notice regarding the strains placed on society by the relatively high
levels of immigration, and prepared the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, which basically
restricted the right to settle to skilled immigrants only.
 Unit 1 1951-1964 - Knowledge test 1

1. Why did the implementation of prescription charges divide the Labour Party before the 1951
General Election?

2. Why did Labour’s economic policies between 1945-1951 help the Conservatives pick up votes in
the 1951 election?

3. What was the size of the Conservative majority of seats in the 1951 election?

4. List the Conservative Prime Ministers between 1951-1964 in chronological order

5. State one strength and one weakness of Eden as Prime Minister

6. State one strength and one weakness of Macmillan as Prime Minister

7. Why did the issue of unilateral nuclear disarmament cause divisions within the Labour Party?

8. Why did the issue of Clause IV cause divisions within the Labour Party?

9. State three statistics to highlight the growth of affluence during the 1950’s

10. Briefly explain how the policy of budget politics helped the Conservatives electoral success
 Unit 1 1951-1964 - Knowledge test 2

1. Outline the Keynesian approach to the economy

2. Define the term ‘Butskellism’

3. What were the Conservatives able to end in 1954 which boosted their popularity?

4. Why was Harold Macmillan particularly concerned about the prospect of high unemployment?

5. What is meant by the term – ‘stop go’ economics?

6. What method did Butler use to stop the economy in 1951?

7. Why did Thorneycroft resign in 1958?

8. What is the meaning of the term ‘Stagflation?’

9. How did Britain’s economic growth compare to other countries during this period?

10. Outline ‘NICKY’ and ‘NEDDY’

 Unit 1 1951-1964 - Knowledge test 3

1. State 2 reasons why British people in 1951 may have considered Britain was a ‘world power’

2. State 2 examples which could be used to challenge the view that Britain was a world power in
1951

3. Outline the Schuman Plan of 1950, and Britain’s response to it

4. What was involved with the Treaty of Rome in 1957?

5. Why did Britain form the EFTA in 1959?

6. Why was Macmillan’s application to join the EEC in 1961 unsuccessful?

7. Why did most Labour and Conservative ministers agree that investing in nuclear weapons was
vital for Britain’s status as a world power?

8. Why was Macmillan’s agreement to purchase US Skybolt nuclear missiles controversial?

9. Why were the US Polaris missiles acquired in 1963 not really an independent nuclear deterrent?

10. How did the growth of the CND affect the unity of the Labour Party?

11. How did the development of the Cold War affect US/UK relations?
12. What plan did Britain make with France and Israel in response to General Nasser’s
nationalization of the Suez Canal?

13. What implications did Britain’s withdrawal from Suez have on her status as a world power?

14. What was Macmillan’s key message in his ‘Winds of Change’ speech in 1960?

15. State two examples of colonies that gained their independence from the British Empire after
1960

16. State two examples for and against the idea that Britain was a great power in 1964
 Unit 1 1951-1964 - Knowledge test 4

1. What is meant by the term ‘decline of deference’?

2. What is meant by the term ‘the Establishment’?

3. State two examples of satirical programmes or publications that grew in popularity in the 1950s

4. State two factors that encouraged the emergence of the ‘teenager’ during the 1950s

5. Briefly describe the ‘Teddy Boys’ on the early-mid 1950s

6. Why did youth sub-culture groups like the Mods and Rockers cause a moral panic?

7. State some facts and statistics regarding the countries of origin and numbers of immigrants that
arrived in Britain after 1948

8. Why were some British people hostile to immigrants from the New Commonwealth?

9. Outline some of the causes and events of the Notting Hill riots of 1958

10. What impact did the 1958 Notting Hill riots have on the government approach to immigration?