THE REVOLUTION OF ATENISM: AKHENATEN’S ‘RELIGION OF LIGHT’ AND

ITS REFLECTION IN AMARNA ART

Riana McArthur

14447088

MPhil in Ancient Cultures

Module 7: Amarna Art

Lecturer: Prof. Sakkie Cornelius

16 October 2013
 INDEX

1. Introduction 3
2. The position of the sun cult prior to the Amarna Period (ca.1390-1295 BCE) 5
3. Creation of the ‘New Solar Theology’ 5
3.1. The impact of the ‘New Solar Theology’ on the young Amenophis IV 7
4. Amenophis IV’s radical new religion: Atenism, the ‘Religion of Light’ 8
5. The influence of tradition on Amenophis IV’s new philosophy 11
5.1. The ankh- and uraeus symbols 11
5.2. Atum the creator god 12
5.3. The twin deities Shu and Tefnut 12
5.4. Horus and the winged sun disc 14
5.5. Ma’at 15
5.6. Re the sun god 15
5.7. Re-Horakhty 16
6. The creation of the Aten icon 17
6.1. The syncretism of Aten and Re-Horakhty 18
6.2. Elimination of Re-Horakhty 19
6.3. The final iconographic product of Atenism: The Aten icon 21
7. Sunrise at Thebes: The beginning of the unorthodoxy 23
7.1. The Gem-pa-Aten temple at Karnak: A new era 26
7.2. Akhenaten’s new sed-festival 33
7.3. Tombs at Thebes 36
8. Noon at Akhetaten: The ‘Horizon of the Disc’ 37
8.1. Temples 38
8.1.1. The Great Aten Temple 39
8.1.2. The Small Aten Temple 42
8.2. Tombs at Akhetaten 43
8.2.1. The royal tomb 47
8.3. Boundary stelae 49
8.4. The Great Hymn to the Aten: ‘The Teaching’ 51
8.5. Overall decoration at Akhetaten 55
8.6. Domestic worship at Akhetaten 60

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9. Sunset: The end of Akhenaten’s alluring vision 62
10. Conclusion 65
10.1. Evidence of Atenist principles in Amarna art 66
10.2. The influence of the Aten icon on the populace 67
10.3. The influence of tradition on art and the populace 68
10.3.1. The uraeus- and ankh symbols 69
10.3.2. Re and Re-Horakhty 69
10.3.3. Atum 70
10.3.4. The winged sun disc 70
10.3.5. Ma’at 71
10.3.6. Shu and Tefnut 71
10.4. Deciphering the persona of the heretic pharaoh 72
11. Recommendations for further research 74
Bibliography

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1. Introduction

“Thou dost appear beautiful

On the horizon of heaven
Oh, living Aten...
Thou sole God
There is no other like thee...
There is no other that knows thee
Save thy Son, Akhenaten”
(Excerpt from the Great Hymn to the Aten
http://www.new-wisdom.org/literature/aten.htm)

Egyptian religion remained moderately stable for almost 3,000 years except for a period
spanning two decades when Amenophis IV (ca.1353-1336 BCE), also known as Akhenaten,
shook the core foundations of Egyptian culture by introducing a new theology (Brewer &
Teeter 2007:52,98; Silverman 1997:128). He took his father’s New Solar Theology and
turned it into a radical new religion by abandoning the entire traditional Egyptian pantheon in
favour of one deity, namely the Aten (Laboury 2011:1; Shaw 2000:267). As a result
Akhenaten became one of the most enigmatic, eccentric and radical pharaoh’s of ancient
Egypt. His new theology focussed on the sun and the absolute power of light. There was also
no depiction of his new god, except for a simple hieroglyphic symbol, replacing the rich
mythology and illustrations that comprised ancient Egyptian religion (Silverman 1997:128).
Silverman (1997:221) states that dogmas behind religion are always expressed in art and if
those principles had to shift then changes in artistic style would also occur. Consequently,
Akhenaten’s radical new theology, namely the Religion of Light, introduced art deemed not
only revolutionary but also immensely innovative and mysterious (Brewer & Teeter 2007:52;
Laboury 2011:1).

The discussion that follows will show that during Akhenaten’s reign different transitional
phases in artistic style occurred as the king developed his religion. Initially at Thebes it was
restraint and included traditional elements, however at Akhetaten it became more eccentric
and focussed mostly on the Aten and the royal couple (Shaw 2000:272). The populace must
have been confused as the colourful mythology that they were accustomed to vanished into
oblivion and all they were left with was a solar disc and a ‘Teaching’ that they had to obey at

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all times. What was certain though was that Akhenaten was resolute to through his art leave
his mark in history and that he would do so at any cost (Shaw 2000:267). However, after his
death he was completely forgotten and most of his art was destroyed, yet in the last two
decades the king and his legacy was discovered again while his art continues to intrigue many
individuals (Laboury 2011:1).

In order to understand Akhenaten’s religious revolution and the impact it had on art during
his reign, commonly referred to as Amarna art (Shaw 2000:274), it is important to
understand the tenets of Atenism. This in turn is understood by looking at the various
elements that played a part in its formation. Ultimately, a lack of understanding of the
principles of Atenism, as well as what factors contributed to the formulation thereof will
result in a mere superficial understanding of the impact it had on art during Akhenaten’s
reign.

Within the abovementioned context, this project aims to understand how the revolution of
Atenism manifested in Amarna art. The discussion will have a dual approach, namely looking
at the ideological impact and also the iconographic influence of each of the traditional deities
and symbols that the author deems relevant in contributing to the artistic revolution. As a
result, this project aims to answer the following research question: ‘How did the revolution of
Akhenaten’s Religion of Light reflect in Amarna art?’

In order to answer the research question the following discussion begins by placing the facts
into context through providing an overview of the sun cult prior to Akhenaten’s reign and the
influence it has had on him as a child. From an ideological stance, the tenets of his new
theology will be discussed and will be followed by looking at a variety of traditional deities
and symbols that influenced the formulation of the pharaoh’s theology. The next section will
ascertain how the Aten icon developed. The core focus of this project will investigate art at
Thebes and Akhetaten from an iconographic perspective and the way in which it reflected the
principles of Atenism as well as the iconographic and ideological impact of traditional
deities. Author then provides an overview of art based on the aftermath of Akhenaten’s death.
The next section analyses the impact of each of the applicable deities and symbols in order to
determine to what extent Akhenaten’s artistic revolution was successful. The discussion will
conclude with a brief discussion of areas identified by the author that requires further
investigation.

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2. The position of the sun cult prior to the Amarna Period (ca.1390-1295 BCE)

During the Old Kingdom (ca.2686-2181 BCE) the sun cult was based at Heliopolis, a city
known as the ‘city of the sun’ (Millar 1989:49; Redford 1984:170-172). It was during the
Fifth Dynasty (ca.2465-2323 BCE) that the sun cult extended throughout Egypt (Asante &
Ismail 2009:299; Wilkinson 2003:205-206). Not only did the spread of this cult result in
numerous traditional deities having stronger solar associations with Re the sun god, but Re
was also associated with royalty, to the point that Re was perceived as the celestial father and
guardian of the pharaoh (Silverman, Wegner & Wegner 2006:119). It was during the
beginning of the Middle Kingdom (ca.2040-1730 BCE) that the usage of the word ‘Aten’,
which refers to the sun disc, was starting to gain prominence as a deity and by the beginning
of the New Kingdom (ca.1550 BCE) the deity Aten was well established within the Egyptian
pantheon (Wilkinson 2010:236).

However, a well-established and powerful warrior and fertility god, was also perceived as the
father of the pharaoh and continued to enjoy a strong prominence during the beginning of the
New Kingdom (Asante & Ismail 2009:297-298; Redford 1984:158-160,162-164). Amun had
a varied personality and was perceived as hidden, mysterious and obscure. Not only had
Amun developed a distinct priesthood which no-one dared to defy, it had also acquired
immense capital as a result of being credited with all military successes. It was especially in
its syncretism with the deity Re that Amun-Re reached the apex of its authority in the
Egyptian pantheon and became a supreme deity venerated in every temple in Egypt during
the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty (ca.1550-1295 BCE).

3. Creation of the ‘New Solar Theology’

Tuthmosis IV (ca.1398-1390 BCE) and his son Amenophis III (ca.1390-1352 BCE) enjoyed
a stronger alliance with the sun disc, and especially the Aten, than any of their predecessors
(Redford 1984:171-172; Wilkinson 2010:287-289). For instance, Tuthmosis IV’s epithet
referred to the king as ‘the Disc in his horizon’ while the king, in his commemorative scarabs,
assigned all victories in battles to the sun-disc. It was however Amenophis III who placed a
strong emphasis on the Aten per se (Reeves 2001:48-49; Silverman et al. 2006:29-31).
During his rule the Aten, in the form of Re the sun god, was evident in palaces, courts, and
funerary temples. The king’s Malqatta palace was named ‘the estate of Nebmaatre is the
splendour of the Aten’ while the pharaoh’s solar barque was referred to as ‘Tehen Aten’
(Giles 1970:131). Even a division of his army was named ‘Nedmaatre is the splendour of the

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Aten’. Amenophis III marked his position as the son of Re when he introduced the principles
‘gleaming’ and ‘dazzling’ in his epithet ‘Nebmare-Is-The-Dazzling-Sun-Disc’ (Reeves
2001:48-49; Silverman et al. 2006:29-31). The influence of the Aten cult was also evident in
hymns as the monarch declared that the sun disc as ‘one who created everyone and made
their life’. Moreover, the emperor was deified during his lifetime, as seen in the Theban tomb
of Kheruef, where he is depicted in a solar barque and illustrated as the sun god himself. Such
a strong association between the deity and the royal couple was established during
Amenophis III’s reign to the point that the king and queen Tiya obtained the positions as
venerated arbitrators between earth and the divine world (Silverman et al. 2006:11-13;
Wilkinson 2010:205-209,236-239)

Fig.1. Amenophis III’s reach of the solar cult went as far as Nubia with the sun disc evident on a pillar at the
Temple of Sesibi
http://mw2.google.com/mw-panoramio/photos/medium/53724086.jpg

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3.1. The impact of the ‘New Solar Theology’ on the young Amenophis IV

The New Solar Theology had a significant impact on the young Amenophis IV, the son of
Amenophis III (Asante & Ismail 2009:299; Brewer & Teeter 2007:552). However, even
though there was such a strong emphasis on the Aten by his predecessors, the actual form and
concept of the deity was still tenuous during Amenophis IV’s early life as Amenophis III
never aggressively endorsed the Aten as an elite and distinctive deity (Thomas 1988:45-47).
As a result, the young Amenophis IV was raised in an environment that lacked a clear
comprehension of a precise Aten-religion (Asante & Ismail 2009:299; Brewer & Teeter
2007:552). Amenophis IV highly respected Amenophis III, perhaps even lived in the shadow
of his powerful and successful persona, and regarded the Aten as his earthly and spiritual
father with Amenophis III in his idolised form (Montserrat 2000:35-36; Wilkinson 2010:287-
289). As a result Amenophis IV felt stronger about the Re-cult than any of his predecessors
and developed an over-enthusiastic infatuation with the sun cult (Giles 1970:18-19). Within
this context Amenophis IV was however concerned with the pretentiousness of the Amun-
priesthood and perhaps even welcomed the prospect to one day annihilate their supremacy.
As Amenophis IV grew older and contemplated the sun cult his notion of what this god
comprises became more philosophical. He saw himself within the deity and his ostensible
control of the empire led him to see his deity as employing a similar collective supremacy. In
due course Amenophis IV firmly believed that his god was the only god to be worshipped. It
was his father’s death that finally allowed Amenophis IV to without restraint exercise his
religious fanaticism (Giles 1970:34).

After Amenophis III’s death Queen Tiye temporarily took over as ruler of Egypt (Giles
1970:16-17). She supported Amenophis IV’s fanaticism with the Aten, however must have
been alarmed by his opposition to war and lack of enthusiasm to continue his predecessors’
conquests in building a powerful empire. As a young king, Amenophis IV slowly continued
to deepen his radical philosophical thinking and became the first pharaoh to see in the
adoration of the Aten the possibility of an obdurate incorporation of the variety of traits of the
Re-cult on a solitary deity (Reeves 2001:97-99; Wilkinson 2003:236-239). Amun, inasmuch
as this mysterious deity took on Re’s traits, was according to Amenophis IV hostile to the sun
and especially its wealth posed a major obstacle for the king’s new religion. Snell (2011:74)
points out that if Amenophis IV wanted to pursue any initiative, he would have had to beg
resources from the Amun priests. This without a doubt provided the king with a strong
economic impetus to obliterate the Amun priesthood. The king then not only distanced

7
himself mentally and physically from traditional norms and values but also withdrew the
court from Thebes where the Amun-cult was prominent (Giles 1970:20). Amenophis IV felt
that the priesthood was corrupt, insalubrious and misleading and started an onslaught on the
Amun priesthood unseen in Egyptian history. Over time all Amun temples were closed and
priests were relieved of their positions within this cult.

4. Amenophis IV’s radical new religion: Atenism, the ‘Religion of Light’

Amenophis IV’s ‘Religion of Light’ was revolutionary to say the least (Asante & Ismail
2009:299-301; Wilkinson 2010:236). Within this new dogma the Aten, also known as the
‘Living Disc’, was the energy, power and light that originated from the sun disc rather than
the solar orb as such (Laboury 2011:4-5; Silverman et al. 2006:15). Initially, as the king
continued to formulate his religion, the Aten had a complex relationship with traditional
divinities as they continued to be permitted in his new religion. However as the king
improved his philosophy the Aten gained absolute supremacy which eventually resulted in
the elimination of all other traditional deities in the Egyptian pantheon.

The Aten had numerous traits in total contrast to traditional deities (Redford 1984:169-170;
Silverman et al. 2006:15,32-33; Wilkinson 2010:238-240). The Aten was a silent yet
omnipresent god; he was the heavenly king and father of all creation and encapsulated as well
as emanated supreme truth (Redford 1984:169-170). In contrast to the iconography of
traditional deities, the Aten had no anthropomorphic depiction. He also had no mythical past
and borrowed very few names from other deities (Redford 1984:177-178). There were no
pageantry temples; there was an absence of Holy Scriptures and no cultic figures and
performances. The deity also vehemently oppressed the Osirian netherworld (Redford
1984:169-170,177-178; Snell 2011:59-72,77). There was no more contemplation of death and
the afterlife; there were no rituals such as negative confessions and the weighing of the heart
as well as no Book of the Dead. The deceased did not have to prepare themselves for a
dangerous journey in a solar barque to the west but rather had to allow their ba-souls to
simply fall asleep, awake again and re-join the solar disc the next day. The living world was
oriented to the east while the west, which traditionally accommodated the realm of the dead,
had fallen into oblivion. At night, nothing seemed to happen as darkness had no place within
Atenism; it was as if a total abyss emerged after sunset to disappear again with sunrise when
the king could focus again on the importance of light (Hornung 1999:95-96; Redford

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1984:177). With each sunrise the Aten , evident in the king referring to the Disc as ‘the one
who built himself by himself, with his [own] hands’ (Redford 1984:174-175).

Traits that further differentiated the Aten from other ancient Egyptian gods include the focus
on femininity, androgyny, childhood as well as birth and rebirth (Kuhrt 1997:201; Thomas
1988:45). Atenism also focussed on the here-and-now, rejuvenation, love and intimacy,
transcendence and nature. The new religion also focussed on creativity, cosmic regularity,
univeralism as well as an overall dependence of life on the sun and the Aten’s absolute power
over his creation. It was up to the king to teach the populace about the principles of Atenism
while placing the principles of Atenism inside their hearts (Brewer & Teeter 2007:206;
Reeves 2001:145-146; Wilkinson 2010:294-295). In essence, the Aten provided the populace
with protection, compassion together with prosperity, abundance while allowing open
expression of their emotions (Reeves 2001:145-146; Redford 1984:177-178).

Amenophis IV dedicated his adult life to his one and only deity (Mahfouz 1998:107; Redford
1980:23-24). The Aten received a titular as well as a name in double cartouches, a privilege
normally reserved only for royalty. The king was obstinate to discover truth whilst always
increasing his passionate devotion to the deity who he believed established him on the throne.
According to the pharaoh, it was only the Aten that could unveil what truth really is and this
was divulged only to the king (Brewer & Teeter 2007:206; Reeves 2001:145-146). The
pharaoh was also the image of the Aten, the one and only divine child of the Aten, the priest
of the Aten and the only one who understood this indomitable and inimitable god (Asante &
Ismail 2009:301; Redford 1980:23-24). The deity on the other hand reigned as king in the
heavens whilst it complemented the pharaoh, who spoke on his behalf, on earth. Unlike
traditional Egyptian kings, Amenophis IV perceived himself not as an intermediary but
rather, due to his undeviating bond with his god, as a god-king with him and his deity above
all men (Wilson 1973:239).

Amenophis IV’s wife Queen Nefertiti played a crucial role within Atenism (Wilkinson
2010:287-289). She was the representative of the concepts of femininity, fertility, birth and
rebirth of not only people but also the sun and creation (Wilkinson 2010:287-289). Within
Atenism the queen had equal religious status as Amenophis IV as she paralleled the king in
his loyalty to the Aten and assisted the pharaoh in achieving wholeness within the universe.
Nefertiti’s prominence within Atenism was so prominent that it has been proposed that the
queen was the actual driving force behind Amenophis IV’s new religion (Wilkinson

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2010:287-289). Thomas (1988:28) postulates that the strong focus emphasis on the queen in
Atenism could be the result of the king strongly identifying with his wife to the extent that he
portrayed to actually become her.

Egyptian culture always arranged its gods in groupings of triads which consisted of a mother,
father and offspring based on the Heliopolitan mythology of Osiris-Isis-Horus (Montserrat
2000:37-38; Reeves 2001:146-147; Silverman et al. 2006:32-33). Within Atenism a new
triad was developed and comprised of the Aten, Amenophis IV and Nefertiti with each party
connected with one of the principle constituents of the key Heliopolitan mythology. The Aten
was identified with the creator-god Atum; Amenophis IV with Atum’s son Shu the god of air,
and Nefertiti with the goddess Tefnut who was referred to as the ‘eye of Re’. Shu and Tefnut
formed the space between the sky and earth and welcomed the rising sun. It is this quality
that enabled the royal couple to centre their worship of their new deity on themselves as they
became the earthly incarnations of the sky god’s children (Hornung 1999:57). It also allowed
them to become the generative cosmic dynamism of the female and male principles of the
universe with the king referring to himself as the ‘mother who bears all, he nourishes millions
with his food’ while Nefertiti became Amenophis IV’s goddess (Robins 1997:149-151;
Thomas 1988:28). During regnal year nine (ca.1343 BCE), the king omitted both Shu and
Tefnut from his triad as their presence became symbolically less important for him
(Montserrat 2000:37-38). As a result the later version of Amenophis IV’s religion left place
for only Re and Aten, the ‘father’ of the king. Furthermore, as the Aten was a universal
creator deity which had no celestial spouse or offspring Amenophis IV, Nefertiti and their six
daughters took the place of the traditional Heliopolitan Ennead which consisted of nine gods
of creation (Silverman et al. 2006:32-33; Wilkinson 2010:78-79). In essence, Atenism was
triumphant in replacing the nonrepresentational gloom of traditional Egyptian theology with a
fresh religion that formed part of the concrete truth of daily existence (Hornung 1999:74;
Wilkinson 2010:294-295).

Within Amenophis IV’s ‘Religion of Light’ he aimed to return to basics (Goelet 2003:24;
Hornung 1999:95-96). He wanted a purified way of life that scholars propose he thought he
strayed from during his childhood. Amenophis IV was adventurous and through Atenism
aimed to explain everything on earth and in the universe in one single concept, namely light.
It is from light that all the principles of Atenism, such as beauty, truth and intimacy flowed
and allowed the king to relate to something that he felt he could use as a foundation for his

10
religion. It is also in the strong focus on truth that Atenism gained its strong principled nature
(Millar 1989:38-39; Redford 1980:26-28; Wilkinson 2010:150).

5. The influence of tradition on Amenophis IV’s new philosophy

What influenced the king’s deep-seated way of thinking to differentiate his new religion so
immensely from traditional religion? Author has deduced that the principles of Atenism
indicate that a number of traditional symbols and deities, and their underlying fundamental
principles, influenced the king’s religious revolution and consequently also had a significant
impact on the development of its ambassador, namely the Aten icon as well as art during the
king’s reign. The following discussion will unpack these elements in order to provide a
comprehensive synopsis of the impact it had on art during the king’s reign.

5.1. The ankh and uraeus symbols

Fig.2. The ankh-symbol

http://www.bazaarinegypt.com/catalog/images/EP04.jpg

Fig.3. Uraeus, a symbol of authority and protection for royalty

(http://journeyingtothegoddess.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/uraeus.jpg)

Fig.4. The solar disc with uraei and ankh-symbols suspended from its neck
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/00/Sun_Disk_with_Uraei.jpg

Since the Old Kingdom (ca.2686-2181 BCE) Egyptians placed strong emphasis on solar
deities due to their capacity to create and uphold life (Wilkinson 2003:227). This power was
illustrated by the ankh-sign and have been used by pharaohs in most of their creative
representations. Within Atenism strong emphasis was placed on life and resulted in the king
continuing this tradition by prominently displaying the ankh-sign in art throughout his reign.

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The traditional goddess Wadjet, normally depicted in the form of a female cobra known as
the uraeus, was intimately linked to the king and symbolised the authority as well as
protection of the king. This was symbolised in the cobra’s extended hood in a ready-to-strike
pose and was often worn on royal couples’ headdresses (Silverman et al. 2006:158;
Wilkinson 2003:206-207). Reader will note in the discussion that follows that Amenophis IV
continued to use the not only the ankh-symbol but also the uraeus in art in order to provide
protection not only for himself but also for the Aten and Nefertiti.

5.2. Atum the greator god

According to Heliopolitan mythology Atum was the zenith

of conception and existed within the primeval waters ‘in
his egg’ (Silverman et al. 2006:119; Wilkinson 2010:17-
19,99-100). The deity was a primitive and self-engendered
god who produced two children namely Shu and Tefnut;
he was the god of totality; the father of all gods as well as
the father of the king. Many iconographic variants of Atum
existed, but the most popular was as a man associated with
sunset in the combined form as Atum-Re (Silverman et al.
2006:119). It appears that Amenophis IV resonated with
the principles of conception, birth and rebirth associated
with Atum and also used those as fundamental principles
in Atenism.

Fig.5. The seated Atum

http://www.advice.bemoor.com/atum-god-egypt-kemet-atum.jpg

5.3. The twin deities Shu and Tefnut

Shu and Tefnut were responsible for daily activities such as justice, order, time and weather,
as well as life on earth and in the netherworld (Hellinckx 2001:6). Shu was the god of
sunlight, moisture and the upper atmosphere ruling the heavens together with the sun god Re
(Wilkinson 2003:129-130). Shu not only protected the sun god from the serpent Apopis, but
also resided in the sun’s disc. Tefnut was the sister-wife of Shu and was extremely
unfathomable (Wilkinson 2003:183). She represented the lower part of the atmosphere and
was distinguished as the ‘eye of Re’.

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 Fig.6. Tefnut the female counterpart of Shu
http://i774.photobucket.com/albums/yy21/Oaktown1960/tefnut.jpg

Fig.7. Shu the source of heat and light

https://fbcdn-sphotos-d-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-prn1/557714_516975571664494_390813700_n.jpg

Fig.8. The raising of the sun out of the netherworld by Shu (Hellinckx 2001:66).

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Within Atenism author reasoned that Akhenaten resonated with the concrete aspects of order,
justice and finding truth which Shu and Tefnut underscored (Wilkinson 2003:183). The king
also had a strong association with their close bond to the sun god, however their association
with the Netherworld had no place in his religion. The twin deities initially formed part of
Akhenaten’s symbolical triad however their iconographic depiction never played a part in
Amarna art during the king’s reign.

5.4. Horus and the winged sun disc

The principles of Atenism indicate that the deity Horus played one of the most important
roles in the development of Akhenaten’s new religion as the emperor heartily related to the
concepts of Horus as the sky and sun god; the god of kingship; its depiction of the sun disc as
well as the image of the outstretched wings (Wilkinson 2003:200-203). The deity, already
mentioned in the Old Kingdom (ca.2686-210 BCE) Pyramid Texts, was one of the first
Egyptian divinities which comprised a mythology more extensive compared to most
traditional deities and appeared in many forms (Snell 2011:59; Millar 1989:56-57; Wilkinson
2010:200-202). First it appeared as Horakhty the god of the rising and setting of the sun.
Horus also became Re-Horakhty when he was emerged into the Heliopolitan sun cult. As
Bedhdety, depicted as a winged sun disc, the deity incorporated the passage of the sun
through the sky, the stretch of the heavens and protection of the earth. Bedhdety could also be
depicted as a falcon with the deity’s eyes representing the sun and the moon. Lastly, as Hor-
em-akhet, Horus was visualised as a sun god in a falcon or leonine form. Overall, the hawk-
winged Horus-Behdety became a very important deity and was prominently depicted on
temple walls and in palaces.

Fig.9. Horus-Bedhdety the winged sun-disc

http://www.gks.uk.com/images/Horus-behdety-solar.jpg

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In general Horus, also known as ‘Horus of the two horizons’ was a prominent solar god as he
not only passed through the sky but was associated with the rising as well as the setting of the
sun (Millar 1989:56-57; Wilkinson 2003:200-203). However for Amenophis IV his strongest
trait appears to have been the association with the east where the sun rises. .

5.5. Ma’at

The goddess Ma’at formed the most fundamental psychological driving force for Egyptian
existence and was another crucial ideological force behind the formulation of Atenism
(Reeves 2001:139-141; Silverman et al. 2006:32-33). Ma’at personified justice, guidance,
truth and overall cosmic order. Ma’at had a strong
relationship with the sun god Re whom she
accompanied at all times (Goelet 2003:19,24; Wilkinson
2003:150-152). Egyptians believed that the degree to
which Ma’at was maintained in a society was a direct
reflection of the degree to which a reigning monarch
upheld order. If there was no order, found in events such
as war and rebellion, then Isfet prevailed, disorderly and
disruptive forces which resulted in the crumbling of
human constructions and the return to an obsolete state.
However, one of the most important duties of Ma’at was
active representation in the concept of the judgement of
the dead.

Fig.10. The goddess Ma’at

http://www.webmousepublications.com/denile/den-artifacts/maat.jpg

5.6. Re the sun god

The sun god Re seems to have played the most important part in Akhenaten’s new religion.
Traditionally, Re was the most universal and vital deity in ancient Egypt and was perceived
as the sun per se (Millar 1989:49-52; Wilkinson 2010:205-209). Heliopolitan mytholoy
proposes that Re was the supreme creator of all, navigating the heavens in his daily barque
from sunrise to sunset while spending the evenings in his nightly boat to be reborn once more
the next day. Re provided light and heat and ensured that Egyptians could continue their daily
existence such as ensuring the successful growth of crops. He was the king as well as the

15
father of the king. As with Ma’at Egyptians believed that successful rulership was associated
with the powers of Re.

Two illustrations of the sun god Re, as a falcon or ram-headed deity sailing in his solar boat
http://www.crystalinks.com/egyptbarge3.jpg (Fig.11)
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/19/Book_of_Gates_Barque_of_Ra_cropped.jpg/220px
-Book_of_Gates_Barque_of_Ra_cropped.jpg (Fig.12)

Re was able to coalesce with other deities, resulting in a newfound interest in the deity in the
New Kingdom (ca.1550-1069 BCE) which was accompanied by an extremely varied
iconography for the god (Silverman et al. 2006:119; Wilkinson 2010:205-210). For instance,
the deity could be depicted in an anthropomorphic appearance, with the body of a man and
the head of a falcon, scarab or ram. Re could also be depicted as a fiery sun disc, encircled by
a uraeus with outstretched wings on either side of the disc. The syncretism with other deities
ensured that Re’s power increased their own while Re maintained his power. In the mornings
Re could merge with Horus to become Re-Horakhty while merging with Atum in the
evenings the deity became the evening sun. Overall, Re was an authoritative, respected and
reliable deity for all Egyptians and Amenophis IV was adamant to keep this deity in his
religion.

5.7. Re-Horakhty

The syncretism between Re and Horus, both very powerful deities, was one of the most
important acts that took place in Egyptian mythology and appears to have had a significant
philosophical as well as iconographic impact on Amenophis IV’s ‘Religion of Light’ (Millar
1989:22-23, 53-57; Wilkinson 2010:200-201). Re-Horakhty’s visual representation was very
similar to that of Re. This comprised of a falcon-headed man, crowned with a sun disc whilst
it was enveloped by a uraeus. However, the anthropomorphic image was now depicted
holding a was-sceptre to emphasise sovereignty and the ankh-symbol to represent life and
was prominent in art during Amenophis IV’s early regnal years.

16
 Fig.13. Funerary stele of Lady Taparet with Re-Horakhty on the left, Louvre Museum (31cmx29cmx2.6cm).
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/72/Taperet_stele_E52_mp3h9201.jpg/600px-
Taperet_stele_E52_mp3h9201.jpg

6. The creation of the Aten icon

The solar cult continued to strengthen and spread throughout the Egyptian territory as
Amenophis IV set up a standard offering to the sun god (Redford 1976:53-54). It was
however during Amenophis IV’s early regnal years that the strong bond between the king, the
Aten and Re-Horakhty was emphasised, seen in the early name of the Aten as ‘the living one,
Re-Horakhty of the horizon who rejoices in the horizon in his identity of light which is in the
sun disc’ (Redford 1976:53-54; Shaw 2000:267). As a result the solar cult took on a new
meaning as the epithet gave the god a traditional name, it identified him with the light
emanating from the sun as well as indicated a close propinquity between the three parties
(Millar 1989:60; Redford 1984:172-173). At this stage the Aten’s identification with Re-
Horakhty resulted in the Aten having an identical iconographic depiction as Re-Horakhty.
However, although the importance of the Aten continued to increase, at this stage the deity
was still perceived as separate to Re-Horakhty who continued to exercise his prominence.

17
6.1. The syncretism of Aten and Re-Horakhty

In the king’s fourth regnal year a total syncretism

occurred between the Aten and Re-Horakhty (Redford
1976:54-55; Wilkinson 2003:239). The Aten was
depicted as an early anthropomorphic Re-Horakhty,
however the early didactic name of the Aten was now
incorporated within a double cartouche, as was done
for pharaohs (Millar 1989:60; Laboury 2011:5-6). It
allowed the falcon-headed deity to be seen as a
legitimate king, paralleling in the heavens the secular
pharaoh which was his mirror stature (Redford
1976:54-55).

Fig.14. Plague with early cartouches of the Aten

http://egyptologyscribbles.files.wordpress.com/2011/05/akh_wor
ship_b_page1_02.jpg

The stele of Kiya together with a drawing found at Aswan clearly depict the falcon-headed
divinity in addition to the epithet of Re-Horakhty-Aten in two cartouches (Laboury 2011:6).
The titular of the Aten in its complete form is evident on the right side of the stele of Kiya.
This is an indication that the disc and its accompanying epithets were conferred upon the
Aten during the deity’s first jubilee (Silverman et al. 2006:29-31). The meaning of this
unprecedented metamorphosis is made clear by the king himself when he addressed the god
with the following words:

“Every eye can look at you straight in front of it while you are [in] the sun disc
[the Aten] of the day above earth”

(Laboury 2011:3).

18
 Fig.15. At the left, stele of Kiya and at the right graffito from Aswan quarry cartouches (Laboury 2011:6)

6.2. Elimination of Re-Horakhty

It was during Akhenaten’s fourth regnal year that another watershed moment occurred in
Egyptian history. According to Reeves (2001:97-99) and Wilkinson (2003:236-239) a drastic
event must have driven the king to eliminate Re-Horakhty from any reference to his god the
Aten (Redford 1984:172-173). A fragmentary edict found at Karnak contains Amenophis
IV’s words where he accused images of deities, including Re-Horakhty, as having no purpose
at all, while strong wording on the boundary stelae at Akhetaten states that the pharaoh would
not listen to the ‘great-evil’ which his predecessors followed without questioning and that it is
the worst incident ever experienced in Egypt (Hornung 1999:49-50; Reeves 2001:111). This
could have been a direct attack on Amun or it was Amenophis IV’s fear for dissent and
uprising within his kingdom (Wilkinson 2010:295). Perhaps it was a culmination of a variety
of factors but it was powerful enough to prompt the king to focus exclusively on his one god
the Aten and its accompanying icon (Hornung 1992:47; Reeves 2001:97-99).

Fig.16. Gunn (1923:18) provides a summarised iconographic comparison of the early and later forms of Aten’s
names

19
 Fig.17. Later cartouches of the Aten on a relief
http://lila.sns.it/mnamon/assets/img/geroglifico/012.jpg

During the fifth regnal year Amenophis IV openly distanced himself from all traditional
deities with Amun being the prime target (Goelet 2003:24-25; Redford 1984:175-176).
Amun’s temples were closed and an active program of sending hatchetmen throughout the
empire to eliminate any reference to Amun was implemented. The king’s strong aversion to
other deities was evident not only in the removal of any reference to the plural word ‘gods’
throughout the monarchy but also in changing his name, meaning ‘The one who Amun has
chosen (to appear in glory for millions of years)’ to Akhenaten, meaning ‘creative
manifestation of the Aten’ or ‘he who acts effectively on behalf of the Aten’ (Reeves
2001:154-155; Shaw 2000:267,269). Akhenaten was determined to focus on one god and
enforced a monotheism never witnessed before in ancient Egyptian history (Redford
1976:54-55, 97-99; Wilkinson 2003:236-239). This was also evident, during the ninth regnal
year when the later version of the Aten’s didactic name had no reference to Re-Horakhty At
this stage the newly combined epithet was ‘the living one, Re, ruler of the horizon who
rejoices in the horizon in his identity of Re the father who has returned as the sun disc’
(Reeves 2001:97-99; Shaw 2000:207). Shaw (2000:207) notes that the removal of Horus
from the Aten’s didactic name underscored the strong bond between the pharaoh and the
Aten and served as the statement of belief of the king’s revolution. It is this didactic name
that served as the credo of the Amarna revolution. This endeavour took 11 years to complete
and only then was the Aten perceived as cleansed (Wilkinson 2010:291-293). Ultimately, the
sun disc was the only deity there was; it was unique, supreme, the protector of the universe

20
and was encapsulated in Akhenaten’s statement that the Aten was “...the living Sun Disc –
there is none other than he!” (Reeves 2001:154-155).

6.3. The final iconographic product of Atenism: The Aten icon

It is clear that orthodox images together with the ideas from Amenophis III’s New Solar
Theology were initially respected by Akhenaten and carried over into his own religion
(Reeves 2001:97-99; Wilkinson 2010:236-239). However, Giles (1970:19) states that the
emperor desired to have everything novel about his new god, including a new-fangled way to
portray the deity. Rather than portraying a deity’s figure, this resulted in an abstract
symbolisation of the sun and its rays which ended in hands holding ankh-symbols (Redford
1984:173-174).

The Aten icon served two core functions, namely in religion and in art; however in both
mediums the emphasis was on the close ties between the pharaoh and his deity (Millar
1989:76-78; Spence 2011:2). In religion, the icon was a visual statement of the nature of
Aten, namely the solar manifestation of Atenism. The icon was intended to convey the
message that all other deities have been substituted by the Aten, emphasising its uniqueness
and absolute power to provide protection and divine sanction to the life and actions of the
king. Looking at art, the Aten icon enhanced the harmony of compositions through the
dominant as well as central position it time and again occupied while the actual sunrays
reached out to various elements of a scene, resulting in a harmonious masterpiece. Overall,
Bill-De Mot (1966:89) states that the following inscription pertinently encapsulates the
essence of the Aten icon:

“Your rays nourish every field...You have made the sky afar so that you may rise
there and look down on all the things you have made. You are alone, but you rise
in all the aspects of the living disc”

Redford (1976:53-54) proposes that the Aten icon was singled out for its emphasis on three
of its basic traits, namely its creatorial nature, its ancient character as well as its relationship it
had with the sun. It also highlighted the absolute independence of the Aten (Reeves 2001:97-
99; Wilkinson 2003:236-239).

21
 Fig.18. Illustration of the typical Aten icon depicting the solar disc, uraeus, sunrays and
hands at the end of the rays
http://www.culturegipcia.es/pagina/dioses/aton/imgaton/aton.jpg

The Aten was depicted in a two-dimensional circular form with a total lack of mythology
(Hornung 1999:54-55; Redford 1980:23-24; Reeves 2001:139-140). This full frontal view
allowed the onlooker to perceive the disc in its greatest potential effectiveness. It allowed the
viewer to perceive, within the Aten, the very soul of kingship, adding a sense of plainness yet
a sagacity of wisdom.

Millar (1989:2-5) and Redford (1976:56) state that the sunrays released by the sun disc was a
strategic and pioneering act of the pharaoh and served a variety of purposes. First, it allowed
the Aten to receive offerings made by the royal couple. The sunrays also caressed, protected
and supported the king and queen making an offering. Furthermore, the sunrays represented
universality through which everything earthly was easily reached (Hornung 1992:48-49;
Millar 1989:64-65). The sunrays als allowed the viewer to obtain a message that the pharoah
and the deity had a unique and close intimacy with each other whilst at the same time
excluding others from this priviledged relationship. Lastly, Redford (1980:23-24) proposes
that symbolically the sunbeams crushed any enemies whilst at the same time nourished and
brightened the Two Lands of Egypt. By and large, the numerous sunrays always ensured that
the Aten had access to every significant part of a scene (Hornung 1992:48-49; Millar
1989:64-65; Redford 1976:46). Overall, the way in which the sunrays expanded shows that
the royal couple constantly enjoyed the life-giving power of the sun with the Aten as creator-
god being their source of life.

The hands at the end of the sunrays, a symbol of artistic power, also served a number of
purposes (Hornung 1992:48-49; Millar 1989:64-65; Redford 1976:56). Through touching the
crowns, nasal orifices and often also the waists and cartouches of the royal couple the hands

22
conferred upon the royal couple opulence and constant regeneration. The uraeus on the other
hand served as a deterrent against anyone wishing to harm the king as well as indicated the
Aten’s kingly status (Wilkinson 2010:291-293). The uraeus, in the centre of the disc, always
looked to the front from the solar disc (Millar 1989:63-64).

The following discussion will take a step back in time to the beginning of Akhenaten’s reign
in order to place the preceding discussion into context. It will show how the formulation of
the king’s religion as seen in art gradually developed during his early regnal years when the
iconographic and ideological aspects of traditional deities were still present, yet during his
later years the omnipresence of the Aten and the principles of Atenism that it represented, at
the exclusion of other deities, will be highlighted. Overall, the author will look at
iconographic elements as well as the dogma behind Atenism and how it has evolved and
manifested in art during Akhenaten’s reign. Millar (1989:59-60) pertinently points out that
due to the absence of concrete textual evidence, scholars have to rely on analysing a vast
array of art in order to unpack Akhenaten’s religous revolution. For the purpose of this
project the author implemented a broad approach to art and included looking at not only
reliefs, tombs and statues but also temples and shrines as well as inscriptions and a variety of
private objects.

7. Sunrise at Thebes: The beginning of the unorthodoxy

During the first four years of Akhenaten’s reign the pharaoh did what was expected of him as
a young king in the footsteps of his prominent father and completed Amenophis III’s
unfinished temple at Ipet-sut at
Karnak (Thomas 1988:17;
Wilkinson 2010:280-282). During
this period the pharaoh’s radical
new religion was still in its infant
stage of development, evident in the
strong emphasis still placed on the
iconography of Re-Horakhty and
the Aten.

Fig.19. Sandstone temple relief, tenth pylon of Haremhab at Karnak

http://www.captmondo.com/images/FalconAtenAndAmenhotepIV.jpg

23
However, silently the king continued to refine his concept of light as the ultimate force in the
universe (Asante & Ismail 2009:299; Silverman et al. 2006:15). A sandstone stele (fig.19)
shows the first transitional stage of the king’s religious revolution (Wilkinson 2010:238). It
depicts the Aten on the left in its earliest manifestation as Re-Horakhty. At the top of the
centre of the stele, indicating a further transitional stage, is the sun disc with numerous ankh-
symbols whilst on the right Akhenaten makes an offering to a missing depiction of the Aten
(Hornung 1992:48-49; Millar 1989:64-65; Redford 1976:56). This without a doubt illustrates
how Akhenaten’s belief in the Aten strengthened over time and depicts the strong initial bond
between the king, Re-Horakhty and the Aten.

Fig.20. Akhenaten offers jars to Re-Horakhty, talatat found at Karnak (Redford 1976:pl. IV:1)
Fig.21. A stele depicting the variety of symbols held out to the emperor before they were replaced by the ankh
http://www.perankhgroup.com/fliceage.jpg

Fig.22. Re-Horakhty with physical traits similar to those of Akhenaten

http://www.lessingimages.com/w1/080102/08010212.jpg
Fig.23. Akhenaten’s potbelly mirrors that of Re-Horakhty, Temple of Amun-Re, Karnak. (Laboury 2011:6)

24
The strong union between the three entities is also seen in numerous talatats, small building
blocks invented by the king, to the point that it was repeated ad nauseam throughout Thebes
(Redford 1984:172-173). The king is for instance showed making offerings to Re-Horakhty
(fig.20), while physical traits of the king (fig.23), such as a plump adbomen, was
incorporated into the depiction of Re-Horakhty (fig.22). It is proposed that these depictions
indicate Akhenaten’s initial strong association with Re-Horakhty and that Re-Horakhty-Aten
was perhaps a representation of Akhenaten himself (Laboury 2011:6; Redford 1976:54-55).

Despite the increased emphasis on the Aten the strong original resonance with Re-Horakhty
was still evident in various aspects of life at Thebes (Redford 1980:21). In the beginning the
depiction of hybrid forms of Re-Horakhty remained fairly common. This is evident in a
variety of iconographic forms (fig.24), such as falcons which were ubiquitous in depictions of
daily life.

Fig.24. Jars with lids shaped like a falcon’s head (Redford 1980:21).

25
7.1. The Gem-pa-Aten temple at Karnak: A new era

Although Akhenaten initially adhered to his father’s traditional artistic style, he soon shifted
the focus to solely be on the Aten (Thomas 1988:17; Wilkinson 2010:280-282). Akhenaten
erected eight monuments with the most
impressive temple named the Gem-pa-Aten,
also known as ‘The Aten is found’ (Snell
2011:58; Wilkinson 2010:283;287-289).
This shift resulted in the viewer’s focus to
be on the king with the Aten at the top of all
scenes (Redford 1984:173-175). Laboury
(2011:5-7) notes that one of the first
occurrences of this new divine
representation, showing no reference to Re-
Horakhty but only the Aten is evident in the
large ‘Paris Block’.

Fig.25. The ‘Paris-Block’ from Karnak. Akhenaten’s figure is on the left and right embraced by the Disc’s rays
(Laboury 2011:6)

Redford (1984:173-175) states that this strategic move in reducing the divinity to a stellar orb
was the most prominent way in which the king vigorously cleared the Egyptian pantheon of
all traditional gods. The king was in a rush to implement his new religion for all to see and
used over 40,000 talatats to hasten the construction of his new temples. The talatats allow
scholars to gain entry into the worldview of the heretic pharaoh and to construct a rich
narrative of the lives of not only the royal couple and their deity but also of daily life for the
populace as seen in images numbered 26 and 27 (Redford 1984:122; Spence 2011:3).

“...at the name Akhenaten there emerges from the darkness a figure more clear
than that of any other pharaoh...for once we may look right into the mind of a
king of Egypt and may see something of its workings”

(Arthur Weigall cited in Reeves 2001:8)

26
 Fig.26. Talatat depicting the actual process of construction with the small building stones, Karnak
http://www.ancient-egypt.co.uk/people/images/talatat_buliding.jpg
Fig.27. Reconstructed talatats showing daily life in Egypt, such as a peasant feeding his livestock
http://homepage.ntlworld.com/dizzydalek/amarna/luxor/tal3.jpg

Gem-pa-Aten was a clear indication of the king’s ideological shift (Thomas 1988:17;
Wilkinson 2010:280-282). The roofless
temple (fig.28), to allow constant presence of
sunlight, had a rectangular court and was
lined with a colonnade. The temple was
decorated with large cartouches of not only
the Aten, but also the royal couple under the
rays of the deity making offerings to the same
(Redford 1984:114; Thomas 1988:17).

Fig.28. Illustration of the roofless Gem-pa-Aten temple

(Laboury 2011:4)

The Gem-pa-Aten temple was decorated with colossal statues (fig.29) of the royal couple
along the colonnade (Thomas 1988:17; Wilkinson 2010:280-282). The hermaphrodite-
appearance evident in these statues strongly depict the emphasis on androgyny in Atenism
(Brewer & Teeter 2007:206; Hari 1985:13). It has been postulated that this focus on
androgyny, also evident in the king’s love poems to the Aten, symbolises either the king’s
desire to become the queen Nefertiti or that the Aten was perceived as the mother and father
of all (Kuhrt 1997:201; Shaw 2000:272; Thomas 1988:45).

27
 Wilkinson (2010:280-282) concurs that the king’s strategy
behind these gigantic statues was to embody female as well as
male traits. Also, that the statues symbolised Akhenaten’s
detachment from the laymen and that it portrayed the king’s
oneness with his creator. Overall, the statues had to send a
message to the populace that the empire under Akhenaten’s
rule would be different as where the king’s father identified
with upholding the cosmos, Akhenaten indeed united with the
very act of creation. It is clear that Akhenaten’s fundamentalist
new religion had an astonishing expression in his colossal
statues and that the monarch not only aimed to shock the
populace through these works of art but that he was also
victorious in this endeavour (Bille-De Mot 1966:91; Silverman
et al. 2006:19; Spence 2011:2-3).

Fig.29. Colossal statue of Akhenaten

http://www.utexas.edu/courses/classicalarch/images1/Akhenatensculpt.jpg

The shrines at the entrance of the holy place were adorned with official instructions in terms
of the daily offerings to the Aten and was evident for all to view (Redford 1984:134-136):

“[The god’s offering which His Majesty laid down for his father] (the sun disc) as
an offering menu for every day on the [altar] of Re which is in (blank space): bit-
bread, at a baker’s ratio of forty, [x] loaves; pisn-loaves, at a baker’s ratio of
forty, eighty-seven loaves; [jugs of beer, at a brewering ratio of twenty, thirthy-
three jugs...”

28
The shrines depicted the royal couple and their cartouches under the Aten’s rays together
with an offering stand (Spence 2011:3). The offerings were always accompanied by
typecasted slogans in columns which referred to the Aten as ‘the great living sun-disc who is
in jubilee, lord of heaven and earth’, a style which was also used during the king’s later years
on the throne. The manner in which the deity and the royal couple were placed in depictions
(fig.31) allowed the king to become the core focus of attention and through the strategic
endeavour to elevate the sun disc in art, the king accomplished prominence in all depictions.

Fig.30. Relief from Karnak Temple depicting a rough version of the Aten
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/aa/Tempelrelief_des_Echnaton.jpg/800px-
Tempelrelief_des_Echnaton.jpg

Fig.31. Powerful sunrays of the Aten, protecting the king (Redford 1980:23)

The Gem-pa-Aten talatats show that the Aten was uplifted above everyone and everything
and that it was through its light that streamed from the solar disc (fig.32) that the Aten
manifested its power (Millar 1989:19,172,176). The talatats also show the focus on nature,
the fatherly care of the Aten and the king’s desire for truth (Bille-De Mot 1966:91). However,
although the focus was still finding truth and looking to Ma’at for guidance, the truth now
acclaimed was that of Akhenaten.

29
 Fig.32. Aten with uraues and sunrays, Karnak Temple (Photo: R. McArthur)

Fig.33. Comparison between traditional temple-wall iconography, Hatshepsut’s temple at Deir el-Bahri (left)
compared to an Atenist temple-wall iconography on the right depicting the ritualised life of the king under the
sun ‘s rays (Laboury 2011:5).

Redford (1984:122) and Wilkinson (2010:226-227) state that a prominent lack of

iconographic presence of traditional deities was evident at Gem-pa-Aten (fig.33), however
the Wadjet goddes played a prominent role on the headgear of the royal couple (fig.34). The
depiction of the uraeus became very prominent during the reigh of Akhenaten, indicating his

30
strong belief that the uraeus not only protected the royal couple but also guided him in the
formation of his new theology and religious icon (Wilkinson 2003:227).

Fig.34. Bas-relief sketch of the king (left) and queen (right) with the uraeus depicted on their headdresses,
Karnak (Millar 1989:63-64)
http://library.flawlesslogic.com/nefer_2.jpg

Fig.35. Queen Nefertiti sharing an intimate moment with two of her daughters under the blessing of the Aten
http://explorethemed.com/Images/AkhenatenFamily.jpg

The close bond between the queen and the Aten (fig.37&39) was evident at a special section
at Gem-pa-Aten (Arnold 1996:118-119,123). She also played a crucial role in her husband’s
life when he included her as his consort in his new religion, a prominence (fig.38) never
experienced before (Montserrat 2000:16-17; Wilson 1973:237-238). Often Nefertiti was
depicted at the same height as Akhenaten and she was frequently depicted on the right of the
king, an aspect foreign to traditional Egyptian iconography. These representations of placing
the queen in a similar fashion as the king emphasised her equal royal and religious status. In
the depictions below the queen is shown under the supportive rays of the Aten which spread
over her while receiving the ankh-symbol of life from the Aten. Intimacy (fig.35&36) was
also evident throughout Thebes.

31
 Fig.36. Nefertiti and Akhenaten holdings hands, Karnak Temple (Photo: R. McArthur)
Fig.37. Nefertiti making a Ma’at offering to the Aten, Brooklyn Museum
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/20/ParapetFragment-
NefertitiPresentsMaatToAten_BrooklynMuseum.png

Fig.38. Nefertiti in a pharaonic role. She is portrayed in her boat as a warrior ready to confront her opponents
http://www.touregypt.net/images/touregypt/akh03.jpg

Fig.39. Nefertiti at Gem-pa-Aten worshipping the Aten. The offering is made without the presence of the king
http://www.touregypt.net/images/touregypt/aten11.jpg

32
Gohary (1992:27-28) and Laboury (2011:4-5) however note that Gem-pa-Aten contained
traits uncharacteristic of the later period at Akhetaten when the core focus was the Aten (Saad
& Manniche 1971:Plate XXI). A large sandstone block (fig.40) was found at the ninth pylon
and shows lists of offerings by Akhenaten addressed to deities other than the Aten.

Fig.40. Karnak sandstone block indicating offerings by Akhenaten to Re and other deities (194x105x22cm)
(Saad & Manniche 1971:Plate XXI)

7.2. Akhenaten’s new sed-festival

Gem-pa-Aten was constructed to create the setting for Akhenaten’s sed-festival (Wilkinson
2010:283,287-289). The south wall of Gem-pa-Aten was dedicated to depicting the royal
jubilee processions (Redford 1984:114; Thomas 1988:17). These scenes (fig.42&43) show
the pharaoh engaging in his sed-festival celebrations, highlighting the beginning of a new
Atenist era (Gohary 1992:34; Reeves 2001:122). Akhenaten celebrated his first sed-festival, a
ceremony which was usually only celebrated during regnal year 30, during his second or third
year on the throne (Redford 1984:134-136). This was a strategic act on the king’s part. It
rejuvenated him and restated his absolute sovereignty and accountability to rule the ancient
Egyptian empire. Also, contrary to tradition this important celebration allowed the populace
to be brought together in order to be loyal to the monarch which they had to obey and adore
(fig.41) at all times (Cooney 1968:9). A further trait that differentiates Akhenaten’s

33
celebration from traditional festivities is a total absence of depictions of Akhenaten running
the traditional course in front of the crowds to express his vitality to rule the empire (Reeves
2001:96). It is possible that the king thought it was unnecessary to continue proving to the
populace his competence to run the empire.

Fig.41. Workers bowing before Akhenaten, Sandstone, Karnak (Cooney 1968:9).

Fig.42. Illustration of Akhenaten carried on a palanquin during the celebrations

http://euler.slu.edu/~bart/egyptimage/amarna-lepsius/sedan-huya-T7.jpg

34
 Fig.43. Scene depicting Akhenaten during his sed-festival at Karnak
http://i236.photobucket.com/albums/ff121/bart-anneke/EGA230019432.jpg

The celebration of the sed-festival however did not last long. Gohary (1992:33) proposes that
the king must have abandoned the sed-festival based on three propositions, namely due to the
increase in radicalism in his new theological doctrine; as a result of the festival’s symbolic
connections with traditional deities as well as the possibility that the king felt he was in no
more need of rejuvenation as the Aten provided in all his needs.

There is a lack of consensus among scholars in terms of the actual purpose and number of
occurances of Akhenaten’s sed-festival. Silverman et al. (2006:29-31) and Wilkinson
(2010:283,287-289) postulate that it was in honour of Amenophis III to indicate that the
pharaoh’s reign never actually ended. Some scholars propose that the festival was in honour
of the Aten, or for the king, while others postulate it was a joined festival (Reeves 2001:96;
Snell 2011:58; Thomas 1988:19).

Redford (1984:104-141) hypothesises that Akhenaten celebrated at least two jubilees of the
Aten, one before the king changed his name and one thereafter. Nevertheless, Snell (2011:58)
and Wilkinson (2010:283, 287-289) propose that the frequent celebrations of the sed-festivals
allowed Akhenaten to continue commemorating the jubilee for his father as well as for the
Aten, ultimately emphasising revitalisation of the reigning king. This exercise allowed not
only the king and the Aten to rule together while they reconstructed the world on a daily
basis, it was also a very clear indication to the common people that the parade of traditional
deities had ceased and was replaced by the power of the new king and his god.

35
7.3. Tombs at Thebes

The various stages of the development of Atenism are also evident in the Theban tombs with
the best example (fig.4&45) found in the tomb of Ramose (Bille-De Mot 1966:43-44, 91).
This tomb shows a clear indication of the development in not only iconography during
Akhenaten’s reign, but also how the king’s mindset changed while he formulated his religion,
changing from admission of other deities in his religion to the one and only Aten. On the left
side of the tomb Akhenaten is seated under a canopy while accompanied by the goddess
Ma’at. In true traditional fashion the deity sits behind the king while resting her hand on the
pharaoh’s shoulder, conferring upon Akhenaten a long life. However, Ma’at sitting behind
the king, rather than in front, shows that the iconographic element of this deity was slowly
starting to fade (Millar 1989:82-83). The king now lived ‘on Ma’at’ rather than like his
father living ‘to uphold Ma’at’, translating into ‘living according to the proper order’ or
‘living on truth’ (Wilkinson 2010:287-289). It is this mindset that formed an integral part of
the king’s 17 year rule and is evident in the king’s epithet, namely ankh en ma’at, a principle
which the monarch decided to incorporate in his dogma.

On the right side of the tomb the focus has shifted to the Aten and the royal couple with the
vizier Ramose receiving collars from the king and queen Nefertiti without the presence of
other gods (Bille-De Mot 1966:43-44; Hornung 1999:54-55). Here, Akhenaten gives to
Ramose rather than receives from a deity. Also, rather than being seated under a kiosk, the
royal couple appears in the Window of Appearance, leaning over the terrace while the Aten’s
rays enfold them. Mahfouz (1998:120) suitably points out that in these types of scenes which
depict the royal couple in the Window of Appearance and providing to the people their
blessing was far from the truth as common people did not understand Atenism and as a matter
of fact were unsure about the benefits that the Aten should provide them.

36
 Fig.44. Amenhophis IV on the left and Ma’at depicted on the right, tomb of Ramose, Thebes.
http://www.my-egypt.it/s/cc_images/cache_2428902400.jpg?t= 1351794328

Fig.45. Tomb of Ramose showing Akhenaten and Nefertiti during a later transitional artistic phase
http://www.my-egypt.it/s/cc_images/cache_2428902422.jpg?t= 1351794472

It is clear that a new dogma was unfolding and that Akhenaten had other plans while he was
at Thebes (Bille-De Mot 1996:53). He needed a new site, unspoilt by traditional deities,
where he could worship his new deity, and decided on Akhetaten, modern day Amarna
(Redford 1984:137-140). During Akhenaten’s fourth regnal year this site was pointed out to
him by the sun disc itself and he named it ‘the Horizon of the Sun Disc’ and the sun discs’
‘Seat of the First Occasion’ (Asante & Ismail 2009:299; Reeves 2001:103).

8. Noon at Akhetaten: The ‘Horizon of the Disc’

The pharaoh impulsively moved approximately 30,000 individuals to Akhetaten whilst it was
still being constructed (Brewer & Teeter 2007:63; Silverman et al. 2006:21-22). The
populace in the new utopia seemed happy in their new environment as the prospects must
have been exciting with the impact of Akhenaten’s new religion omnipresent in the layout
and decoration of the city (Redford 1984:153). The city was also aligned with the horizon of
the Aten allowing constant awareness and worshipping of the Aten during the course of each
day. Overall, the new city (fig.46) was designed as a temple to the Aten as well as a place for
displaying the relationship of the emperor and his family with the Aten (Montserrat 2000:21-
23; Silverman et al. 2006:46-47,96; Wilkinson 2010:285; 287-289).

37
 Fig.46. A model of Akhetaten
http://www.perankhgroup.com/AMARNA-new-01.jpg

It was at Akhetaten that the artistic pharaoh-centric expressionist trend let loose with
Akhenaten depicted all over the city (Bille-De Mot 1966:91; Laboury 2011:10; Redford
1984:178-179). However, the exaggerated artistic style softened during the later years of the
king’s reign. Bille-De Mot (1966:91) proposes three possibilities. First, that perhaps the
pharaoh realised that he achieved what he aimed to do; or due to the increase in humiliation
due to the depiction of the royal couple in a caricature fashion. It could also be that more
aficionado sculptors were brought in and used their expertise in a different manner. Whatever
the driving force may be, it remains a mystery to scholars.

8.1. Temples

“At Amarna in this place I shall make the temple named ‘House-of-the-Aten’ for
the Aten my father...at Amarna in this place I shall make the ‘Mansion-of-the-
Aten’ for the Aten my father...in the ‘Island-of-the-Aten’ whose jubilees are
distinguished at Amarna in this place I shall make the ‘House-of-Rejoicing’ for
my father the Aten”

(Silverman et al. 2006:50-51)

The roofless temples, designed strategically, dominated the city and allowed unvarying
adoration of the visible Aten (Wilkinson 2010:286-287). The temples were completely
different to the huge temples at Karnak (Laboury 2011:3-4; Snell 2011:72-75). Instead of the

38
traditionally divided dark and closed rooms associated with the Amun-temples, the temples at
Akhetaten were characterised by ramps, steps and balustrades, allowing open-air worshiping
(Laboury 2011:3-4; Snell 2011:72-75; Uphill 1970:151-152). Moreover there were no
colonnades; no obelisks; no sacrifical altars and colossal statues; rather, due to the radiance of
the Aten the deity could be visible to all. Two major temples stood out among the other
buildings, namely the Great Aten Temple (fig.47) and the Small Aten Temple as seen in
figure 53 (Wilkinson 2010:286-287).

8.1.1. The Great Aten Temple

Akhenaten’s biggest and principle place of worship was the Great Aten Temple (Cooney
1968:6; Redford 1984:146; Wilkinson 2010:286-287). This temple, measuring 290 by 760
metres, was constructed during Akhenaten’s sixth and ninth regnal years and was the first
building clearly portraying the image of the new Aten cult, allowing constant absorption of
sunlight. The temple honoured the calender year and possibly also the daily recreation of the
Aten, evident in the 365 offering tables which the king erected on both sides of the building.

Fig.47. A model of the Great Aten Temple that highlights the field of the 365 offering tables
http://www.amarnaproject.com/images/amarna_the_place/central_city/16.jpg

39
 Fig.48. A limestone torso of Nefertiti with the Aten cartouches, Great Temple of Aten (28x29.5x21.5x1.8cm)
http://images.metmuseum.org/CRDImages/eg/web-large/DP276474.jpg

Fig.49. Part of the Great Aten Temple represented on a talatat block. The great altar at the top is bordered by
statues of Akhenaten bearing offerings to the Aten, Egyptian Museum, Cario (Wilkinson 2010:37)
http://carrieschroeder.com/amarna/akh_daily_a/akh_daily_a_images/akh_daily_a1-2_02.jpg

Fig.50. A limestone offering table from the Great Aten Temple showing the Aten cartouche (5x10.5x3.2x2.8cm)
http://images.metmuseum.org/CRDImages/eg/web-large/57.180.6_view_1.jpg

Fig.51. Part of a limestone offering table with the titular of the Aten, Great Temple of Aten (4.4x12x4.3cm)
http://images.metmuseum.org/CRDImages/eg/web-large/21.9.555_view_1.jpg

40
Fig.52. Limestone depiction of the lavish offerings frequently offered to the Aten by the royal couple, The Great
Aten Temple, Metropolitan Museum

http://images.metmuseum.org/CRDImages/eg/web-large/21.9.8_EGDP012940.jpg

The temple altars (fig.49) depicted sumptuous ritual offerings by the royal couple standing
below the sun disc while being enveloped by the sunrays and receiving life from the deity
(Robins 1997:149,152-154; Uphill 1970:150-151). Offerings often included wine, aromatic
gifts, bread and wine as seen in figures 50, 51 and 52. These type of scenes replaced the
traditional scenes in temples where a king would make an offering, the deity reciprocated by
embracing the pharaoh and handing him the ankh-symbol. In such scenes the emporer and the
anthropomorphic deity would always stand on equal footing, however Akhenaten shifted the
focus in his iconography (Samson 1977:89-90; Wilkinson 2010:293-294). The sun disc
would be placed at the top of scenes with the king and frequently also the queen standing
below it, ultimately giving the Aten the primary position in the composition. Nevertheless,
this strategic depiction and the size of the king’s figure allowed the emperor rather than the
Aten to become the centre of attention while being depicted as the living materialisation of
the Aten. Furthermore, the members of the royal family, often also including the princesses,
were positioned so that their descending heights formed a triangle with the Aten, symbolising
the newly created ennead.

41
8.1.2. The Small Aten Temple

The Small Aten Temple was available for royal family worship (Silverman et al. 2006:50-51;
Wilkinson 2010:287-296). Like the Great Aten Temple, the Small Aten Temple had a
staircase leading to an altar and was roofless to allow sunrays to enter at all times. Scholars
propose a variety of reasons for the origin and purposes of the Small Aten Temple (Silverman
et al.2006:50-51; Wells 1989:324-325; Wilkinson 2010:287-296). The temple could be the
exact location of where the Aten identified himself to the pharaoh for the first time and where
the king received divine life. It could also be the place where Akhenaten’s soul was absorbed
into that of his father. Perhaps the temple was used as a mortuary temple for Akhenaten and
Nefertiti.

Wells (1989:326) on the other hand purports that the Small Aten Temple served as a gateway
through which the Aten as well as the pharaoh passed after the king’s death. Wells
additionally suggests that the Small Aten Temple was not only the shrine that officially
opened the new city, but it also blessed the site as the Aten’s cult centre. Additionally the
temple could have served as the place where ceremonies were held to celebrate the
anniversary of Akhenaten becoming one with his heavenly father the Aten. On the whole, the
strong presence of the Aten and its focus on receiving light was as prominent at the Small
Aten Temple as it was at the Great Aten Temple.

Fig.53. A three-dimensional perspective of the ceremonial altar in the first court of the Small Aten Temple
(Wells 1989:315)

42
 Fig.54 & 55. Sketch and corresponding photo of a limestone block in the main sanctuary of the Small Aten
Temple carved with the early form of the Aten titular (Wells 1989:299).

Snell (2011:75) and Wilkinson (2010:286-287) note that Akhenaten, not wanting to
disappoint the goddess Ma’at, also had a temple in honour of the deity in order to guide him
in personifying justice and discovering truth during his reign. It is presumed that the
reasoning behind this was that Ma’at was a peaceful god and did not intimidate the Aten as
other traditional deities did.

8.2. Tombs at Akhetaten

The works of Norman de Garis Davies in the tombs at Akhetaten (dated 1901-1908) provide
priceless information into the royal mindset of death and the afterlife during the reign of
Akhenaten (Hornung 1992:46). Contrary to tradition, Akhetaten tombs depict the
worshipping of the king and queen and their chariot rides rather than traditional illustrations
of individual personalities of the deceased and rituals such as the Hall of Judgement, once
again providing an extraordinary medium illustrating how a new doctrine was unfolding
(Bille-De Mot 1966:53; Hornung 1992:48-49; Wilkinson 2010:294-295).

The statues of the royal couple, much larger than any other individuals depicted, replaced the
images of traditional deities while the offering formula normally addressed to Osiris, the god
of the dead, was now addressed to Akhenaten and Nefertiti, often asking the queen to ‘...grant
the sight of the god’s beautiful face every day’ (Arnold 1996:96). The tomb of Panehsy
(fig.56) shows numerous depictions of offering tables loaded with food, flowers and cattle
whilst in the tomb of Apy the king and queen stand under the Aten’s rays before an
overloaded altar (Arnold 1996:27-28; Samson 1977:96; Thomas 1988:12).

43
Fig.56. The tomb of Panehsy: Illustration of Akhenaten making a lavish offering while all had to bow and adore
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/35/Aten_temple%2C_Panehsy%27s_tomb.jpg

In the past a criterion for identifying a figure under the sun disc has been that if it were
centrally located under the contracted sunrays it would be the emperor and if the figure was
positioned below the wider rays it would be the queen (Arnold 1996:27-28; Samson 1977:96;
Thomas 1988:12). This was however not the case. On the Pasi stele (fig.57) Nefertiti is
directly beneath the central rays of the Aten while the pharaoh is stroked by its outer rays
once again highlighting the prominent position within Atenism (Arnold 1996:8-9,120;
Hornung 1999:36; Silverman et al.2006:14-15).

Fig.57. The Pasi Stele

http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-rGH_-DSo9sM/UdMW787cL-
I/AAAAAAAAGU0/I1f5V10_OK4/s320/july2,13+ 001.JPG

44
Ultimately, the Aten icon reflected the true qualities of Atenism, namely the god being the
sustainer and creator of all whilst emphasising creativity, transcendence and protection
together with universalism, absolute power and an overall dependence of life on the sun
(Millar 1989:64). This is evident in the tomb of Ay with various inscriptions on the walls
encapsulating all the components of the radical new doctrine (Redford 1980:24):

"Thou createdst the earth when thou wert afar, namely men, cattle, all flocks, and
everything on earth which moves with legs, or which is up above flying with
wings. The foreign countries of Syria and Kush, and the land of Egypt, thou
placest every man in his place, and makest their food. Everyone has his food, and
his lifetime is reckoned; and similarly their languages are wholly separate in
form. Their colors are different, for thou hast made foreign peoples different.

(Redford 1980:24)

A prayer inscribed in the same tomb undoubtedly reflects that Akhenaten became the priest
of Aten, the child as well as the image of the solar orb (Laboury 2011:11; Robins 1997:149):

“...your child, who issued from your rays...

may you love him and make him be like the Aten.
May you rise to give him continuity...
may you fashion him at dawn like (you do) your aspects of being”
(Arnold 1996:108)
Furthermore, the following inscription shows Akhenaten’s passion towards his unique god as
it emphasised Aten’s supreme authority and transcendence:

“Thou shinest on the eastern horizon and fillest the whole earth with the beauty;
thou art beautiful, great, dazzling, exalted above every land...and while thou art
afar off they beams are on earth, and thou art in every face! Thou has made
heaven afar off to shine in, in order to see everything that thou has made from
afar, shining in thy form of living Disc; arisen, resplendent, far-off!”

(Redford 1980:24)

45
The depiction on the entrance corridor in the tomb of Ipy remains a mystery as it shows a
brief transgression in the king’s mindset in terms of his religious tenets (Montserrat 2000:37-
38). Among the radicalism of focussing on the Aten and the royal couple, the king and queen
here are shown offering to the Aten small oil-filled boxed decorated with the statues of
Tefnut and Shu. Not only are they depicted in the middle of the composition with the royal
couple but the Great Hymn to the Aten is also present. It could perhaps indicate that during
this time the king was still trying to refine his religion or perhaps merely tried something
new.

Fig.58. Tomb of Parennefer, illustration depicting the royal couple in the Window of Appearance
http://classconnection.s3.amazonaws.com/801/flashcards/1411801/jpg/picture41336181587251.jpg

Fig.59. Illustration of a contradictory lintel found in the tomb of Huya. On the left Akhenaten and Nefertiti are
shown with their four daughters under the rays of the Aten whilst on the right Amenophis III, Tiye and Beketaten
are seen. One could assume that this is an act on the part of Akhenaten in honour of his father and mother and
their role in his religion
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/86/AkhenatenFamily1.jpg/600px-
AkhenatenFamily1.jpg

46
A further ambiguity in terms of the tenets of Atenism is found in the tomb of Huya as there is
reference to death (Hari 1985:12). Huya is depicted being mummified facing an offering
stand while the deceased’s family is present. The focus is on the sanctification of offerings
with a lack of any reference to the ritual of the Opening of the Mouth and the Netherworld.
Author proposes that perhaps the king had a change in mindset or the owner of the tomb, still
strongly believing in habitual practices, ensured that some aspect of his traditional culture
was captured in his tomb.

8.2.1. The royal tomb

Akhenaten chose the location of the tombs based on topographical and cosmological grounds
(Arnold 1996:93-94; Robins 1997:150-152; Spence 2011:4-5). Due to the tenets of Atenism
and its strong antagonism against the Osirian west which was associated with sunset, finality
and death, Akhenaten’s tomb like other tombs was located on the east bank of the Nile.
Akhenaten wanted to emphasise the living nature of his kingship as it manifested itself each
day in the form of sunrise (Reeves 2001:139). As found in other tombs, the royal couple and
children venerating the Aten (fig.60) appeared throughout the tomb (Arnold 1996:93-94;
Robins 1997:150-152). Each side of the main tomb has a large image of the pharaoh with the
sun disc centered at the top while its sunrays
covered the king. Each hand at the end of a
sunray holds an ankh-sign to the king. The
queen stands with open arms at the corners
in a gesture normally used to depict a
goddess, waiting to protect her husband.
Akhenaten also went to excessive lengths to
have the walls of his tomb inscribed with
four copies of the Great Hymn to the Aten
(Wilkinson 2010:295).

Fig.60. Limestone, the royal family worshipping the Aten

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e4/Aten_disk.jpg/220px-Aten_disk.jpg

47
The influence of Atenism was also ubiquitous on Akhenaten’s sarcophagus (Arnold 1996:95-
96). It has an enormous sun disc on the upper centre on each side of the sarcophagus (fig.61)
as well as on the lid with the sunrays and disc’s hands holding the omnipresent ankh-signs.
Nefertiti appears on each of the corners, depicted embracing and protecting the king’s
sarcophagus. This gesture was crucial as Atenism did not provide guidance in terms of how
to approach death.

Fig.61. Akhenaten's sarcophagus with Nefertiti at the corners and the disc in a central position, Egyptian
Museum, Cairo
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/96/Sarcophage_Akh%C3%A9naton.JPG/800px-
Sarcophage_Akh%C3%A9naton.JPG

Fig.62. Bronze finger ring inscribed for Aten, the ‘Lord of Eternity’
http://cdn.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/images/objects/size2/CUR.24.382_erg456.jpg

Fig.63. Akhenaten’s shawabti

http://images.metmuseum.org/CRDImages/eg/web-large/EG59_47.57.2.jpg

48
Furthermore, due to the afterlife falling into oblivion during the reign of Akhenaten all that
was left behind were finger rings bearing the name of the king and replaced the scarab beetle
which was the symbol for regeneration (Hornung 1999:19-20,100-101). This replaced the
Interestingly though shawabtis, traditionally placed on top of the body and within the
wrappings of a mummy, showed prayers to the Aten and appeared in abundance during this
period.

8.3. Boundary Stelae

The fifteen boundary stelae, discovered by Claude Sicard in 1714 and decoded by William
Murnane, were carved in rock and not only set the boundaries for the king’s new city but also
magnified his wish to live in total isolation from the rest of society (Reeves 2001:108-109;
Silverman et al. 2006:95-96). The set of stelae clearly state Akhenaten’s formal proclamation
of the founding of his city and stipulated the reasons, inspiration and vision behind the
pharaoh’s move to the new city (Redford 1984:142-144; Silverman et al. 2006:43-45). The
collection of boundary stelae also recreated the ritualised distances found at Thebes, the
various buildings planned for his city and allowed Akhenaten to duplicate his daily
movements. This ultimately became a substitute for the traditional processions of deities.
Interestingly, some boundary stelae show the strong syncretism between the Aten and Re-
Horakhty and ultimately depict them as one and the same deity, indicating that the first set of
stelae was erected before the king finally omitted Re-Horakhty from his religion (Redford
1976:54-55). For instance, this strong bond dating to regnal year two shows an inscription
highlighting that Aten and Re-Horakhty was referred to as one and the same deity:

“Amarna belongs to my father Re-Horakhty and consists of hills, cliffs, fields, new
lands, meadows, cultivated lands, water, villages, river banks, people, cattle,
orchards, and all things which Aten, my father, causes to exist for eternity and
always”

(Millar 1989:60)

The bounday stelae also contain inscriptions referring to the regeneration of the Aten and the
love it emanates:

‘On this day [Year 5, fourth month of the growing season, day 13], when one [i.e.
the king] was in Amarna, his majesty appeared on the great chariot of electrum –

49
 just like Aten, when he rises in his horizon and fills the land with the love and the
pleasantness (?) of the Aten. He set off on a good road towards Amarna, his place
of the primeval event, which he [the Aten] made for himself to set within it daily,
and which his son Waenre [Akhenaten] made for him – being his great monument
which he founded for himself; his horizon, in which his circuit comes into being,
where he is beheld with joy while the land rejoices, and where all hearts exult
when they see him’.

(Reeves, 2001:108)

Adhering to the principles of Ma’at is evident in the Amarna Hymns inscribed on the
boundary stelae (Millar 1989:38-39; Wilkinson 2003:150). The king is referred to as the
‘Ruler of Ma’at’ while Ma’at is referred to as the food of the Aten. This dedication to Ma’at
can be seen in the phrase ‘the king lives by Ma’at’. Furthermore, Ma’at is represented as
having been brought into being by the Aten: ‘Thou [Aten] art Re who has given birth to
Ma’at’. Additionally, the evidence of the new ennead created by Akhenaten (fig.64&65),
comprising of the royal couple, the Aten and the six princesses, is evident on one of the
boundary stelae:

Fig.64 .Boundary stele S at Akhetaten with Akhenaten’s Ennead at the top of the boundary stelae
http://freepages.history.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~rgrosser/amarna/neywetaten/boundary2.jpg

Fig.65. An illustration of the top of the boundary stele S depicting the newly created ennead showing the royal
couple, six daughters and the Aten comprising the Ennead
http://ib205.tripod.com/amarna/city/boundary/boundary_1.jpg

50
8.4. The Great Hymn to the Aten: ‘The Teaching’

The king often pondered the astonishing beauty of the sun and it was evident in his numerous
love poems marked all over Akhetaten (Montserrat 2000:38-40; Redford 1984:177-178).
These sun hymns, similar to more traditional sun chants, all focussed on upholding Ma’at and
showed Akhenaten’s modern mindset as well as the political role he played in his empire
(Giles 1970:111; Silverman et al. 2006:21-22;37-39). It also allows one to see the world as
Akhenaten saw it, to understand his ideology and strategies. Overall, the sun hymns
highlighted how the king’s new religion was a belief of deity and king, or perhaps rather the
focus on the king followed by the Aten.

In the sun hymns the sun disc became a symbol of universality, encapsulated by eternal light,
beauty and harmony as well as creation and recreation (Shaw 2000:274; Silverman et al.
2006:21-22,37-39). The sun disc is portrayed as the sole creator of the cosmos; a god whose
love is infused in all creation and that before this new god there was no other. Furthermore
the love and power of the Aten is evident as well as the undesirable attitude towards war.
Within this mindset, there was no place for any evil deed. Giles (1970:21) states that within
Atenism, everyone and everything was under Akhenaten’s care, making the pharaoh the first
prophet and individual in ancient history. The hymns emphasised that the sun disc was the
only creator of the cosmos and that there was never, and would never be, any other god. The
emphasis on beauty, which identified the divinity’s manifestation on earth in Akhenaten, is
also evident in one of the pharaoh’s love poems:

“...the most beautiful one...the one with a long neck, whose fingers are
[elongated] like lotuses, her hips are plump and her waist is tight, so that her
haunches increase her beauty”

(Papyrus Chester Beatti, cited in Laboury 2011:11).

One of the most important sun hymns was The Great Hymn to the Aten and serves as the
most important source of information about what Atenism encapsulates (Bille-De Mot
1966:83-84; Hornung 1999:78-84). The clearest example is evident in the tomb of Ay
highlighting light, beauty, the omnipresence of the Aten’s sunrays as well as fertility, birth
and rebirth. Within the Great Hymn to the Aten no mythology existed, rather just a pharaoh
expressing his sincerest and innermost feelings about his admiration for the sun and the life
that it provides. Overall, the basics of this awe-inspiring and powerful hymn show that

51
Akhenaten in his praising of the sun was inspired
by a variety of sources which the king used to
achieve his objectives (Hornung 1999:78-84). He
borrowed content not only from the Coffin Texts
but also parts of a song dedicated to Amun
commonly known as Papyrus Bulaq 17 (Hornung
1999:78-84; Reeves 2001:145-146; Thomas
1988:46-47). The focus on the abolition of a
belief in the afterlife is evident in this hymn, seen
in the inscription ‘They sleep, as though dead’
which was followed by ‘When you [Aten] rise,
they live, and when you [Aten] set, they die’
(Hornung 1999:95-96).

Fig.66. The Great Hymn to the Aten inscribed in 13 columns, Tomb of Ay

http://katherinestange.com/egypt/hymn.jpg

Within the hymn the focus on light is strongly emphasised, however what happened to the
Aten during nightfall remains unclear:

“When day breaks you are risen upon the horizon, and you shine as the Aten in
the daytime. When you dispel darkness with your rays, the two lands are in a
festival of light”

(Silverman et al. 2006:95-96).

Due to the queen having equal and religious status as Akhenaten, she paralleled him in his
loyalty to the Aten and supported the pharaoh in achieving wholeness within the universe
(Thomas 1988:28). As a result the importance as well as the beauty of Nefertiti is stressed in
The Great Hymn to the Aten (Millar 1989:38-39):

“And the King’s Great Wife whom he loves,

The Lady of the Two Lands,

Neferneferuaten-Nefertiti, living and youthful forever and ever”

(Wilkinson 2003:293)

52
Akhenaten also enforced a more substantial explanation of his faith, namely the Teaching,
which was stipulated in the Great Hymn to the Aten (Wilkinson 2010:287-291). Wilkinson
(2010:290) refers to it as ‘...one of the most significant and splendid pieces of poetry to
survive from pre-Homeric world’. The Teaching accentuates the cornucopia of creation and
shows the king’s aversion to battles, confrontation and evil (Giles 1970:21).

According to the Teaching the office of the king belonged to the sun disc and he alone had
installed Akhenaten on the throne (Gohary 1992:26-27; Redford 1984:178-179). The king
enjoyed an intimate bond with the Aten and as he was the sun disc’s image on earth the
pharaoh inevitably enjoyed the most central position within Atenism. Akhenaten was the only
one who understood his father and as a result the Aten’s Teaching could only come from the
king. This unique relationship between the emperor and his deity, and a clear renunciation of
Amun, is seen in the following inscription:

“My lord advances me because I carry out his teaching, while I listen to his voice
without cession, my eyes beholding your beauty every day, my lord, wise as the
Aten, satisfied with Truth! So may he be content with seeing you while he reaches
old age! May you give me a good burial as the gift of your ka in the house in
which you ordain for me to rest, the mountain of Amarna, the place of favour! O
you multitudes of inundations, pouring water daily, Nefer-khepru-Re Wa-en-Re,
my god, who makes me and on whose ka I live!”

(Wilson 1973:239)

According to the Teaching it was the Aten that remained silent while the pharaoh spoke on
his behalf while placing the deity’s Teaching within the hearts of the people (Hornung
1999:52-53). It was believed that although the principles of the Teaching were foreign to the
laypeople, everyone could understand these solar eulogies and could repeat them in turn
(Bille-De Mot 1966:83-84).

53
 Fig.67. Talatat at Akhetaten depicting the hard lives laypeople suffered in order to complete Akhenaten’s
projects at a hasty pace
http://www.ancient-egypt.co.uk/people/images/talatat_buliding.jpg

The prosperity promised by living according to ‘The Teaching’ was however not meant for
the populace (Bille-De Mot 1966:44). Not only did they live short and difficult lives (fig.67),
evident by a variety of illnesses, but what they experienced was a world away from the
official dogma of light and beauty which was underscored by the Aten. Ultimately the
principles of Atenism were forever unclear to the common people as it was deemed to be
superficial in nature as the actual content of the Teaching that Akhenaten was suppose to
provide his people, although shown in the texts, was never specified (Redford 1984:180-181;
Wilkinson 2010:290):

“Offer praises to the living Disc and you shall have a prosperous life; so to him
‘grant the ruler health exceedingly! Then he shall double devours for your...adore
the king who is unique like the Disc, for there is none other beside him! Then he
will grant you a lifetime in happiness of heart, with the sustenance he is wont to
give”

(Redford 1984:180-181).

54
8.5. Overall decoration at Akhetaten

The tenets of Atenism also influenced the flamboyant adornment at Akhetaten intended as a
tribute to the life-giving power of the sun god as seen in the light emanating from the disc
(Silverman et al. 2006:57-60). Stone columns (fig.71), showing the royal couple making
offerings to the Aten, were repeated throughout the city (Silverman et al. 2006:57-60).
Similar scenes were found on the walls of the Great Palace and depictions comprised formal
bouquets of yellow fruits and lotus flowers to the Aten (fig.69&70&74). The impact of
Amenophis III’s use of the words ‘dazzling’ and ‘gleaming’ in his epithets had a significant
impact on decoration at Akhetaten (Silverman et al. 2006:117-118). Due to its sparkling
qualities Akhenaten used faience (fig.68) and lapis lazuli to associate it with his father and
the Aten resulting in a particularly grandiose city.

Fig.68.Faience lotus inlay to honour the Aten

http://cdn.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/images/objects/size2/CUR.49.8_wwg7.jpg

Fig.69. Two fragments of carved quartzite, part of the decoration of the Great Palace.
http://www.amarnaproject.com/images/amarna_the_place/central_city/26.jpg

55
 Fig.70. A stele showing the pharaoh worshipping Aten
http://www.homestead.com/wysinger/files/akh17.jpg
Fig.71. Akhenaten, Nefertiti and a princess carrying a sistrum making an offering to the Aten
http://euler.slu.edu/~bart/egyptarchive/nefertiti-petriev2.jpg

Childhood played a crucial part in Atenism and was visible in the wealth of depictions of the
princesses in the new city (Arnold 1996:10-11;108-109). Children were perceived as symbols
of reincarnation and restoration and was symbolically linked to the rising of the sun and the
sincere faith of the creator-god. The king’s belief in his god was so zealous that he
incorporated the Aten’s names into those of his children (Arnold 1996:49,55-56,104-108;
Wilkinson 2010:17,99-100). For instance Meretaten’s name means ‘the Aten’s beloved’ and
Baketaten stands for ‘the Aten’s Handmaiden’. The daughters were also symbols as the
children of Tefnut, represented by Nefertiti, while Shu embodied Akhenaten. The association
of creation with Atum, who was figuratively reborn in his egg, resulted in the depiction of the
princesses with egg-shaped heads, further highlighting how within Atenism hatched eggs
symbolised the creation of a new life.

Fig.72. Princesses depicted with egg-shaped heads, wall painting in House 13, Akhetaten
http://www.thehistoryblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/Princesses-fresco-El-Amarna.jpg
Fig.73. Statue of daughter’s egg-shaped head
http://www.perankhgroup.com/daughter61.jpg

56
 Fig.74. Limestone relief showing the pharaoh and one of his daughters offering a bouquet to the Aten
http://cdn2.brooklynmuseum.org/images/opencollection/objects/size3/CUR.60.197.6_wwg7.jpg

Ma’at hardly featured in Amarna art during the later years of Akhenaten’s reign as the king
did not concur with the divinity’s association with death (Goelet 2003:19; Silverman et al.
2006:32-33). For Akhenaten Ma’at only became an abstract symbol as he had no need for an
icon for the goddess. However, grounded in his new religion, the pharaoh relied on the
deity’s tenets of living for the moment, truth and maintaining cosmic order in order to guide
him.

Fig.75. Nefertiti holding offering to the Aten. The deity supports the offering whilst the top ray’s hand stretches
towards the queen’s head and the hand at the bottom lends support to the queen’s right arm
https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f8/WLA_brooklynmuseum_Nefertiti_ca_1352-
1336_BCE.jpg/800px-WLA_brooklynmuseum_Nefertiti_ca_1352-1336_BCE.jpg

57
The queen’s significant importance in the Religion of Light is evident in a plethora of
depictions of her throughout the city (Silverman et al. 2006:14-15). Various limestone reliefs
show the queen’s total immersion in receiving the Aten’s blessing (Samson 1977:96-97).
Arnold (1996:85) states that on a limestone fragment, the queen and the Princess Meretaten
make offerings to Aten and the queen’s title ‘The Lady of the Two Lands’ appears directly in
front of the cartouche, further emphasising her vital role as equivalent to the pharaoh. This
type of scene, customary in temple worship, is also evident in a limestone fragment which
depicts the queen making offerings to the Aten while the princesses stand behind her shaking
sistrums (Uphill 1970:151-152).

Fig.76. A royal hand depicted on a talatat from Akhetaten

http://images.metmuseum.org/CRDImages/eg/web-large/DT8187.jpg

Fig.77. Limestone statue of a princess. The pharoah placed strong emphasis on his daughters and the beauty
that they portrayed; University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology.
http://www.penn.museum/sites/amarna/images/photo5.jpg

Fig.78. Sunken relief at Akhetaten: Akhenaten depicted as a sphinx

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f7/Akhenaten_as_a_Sphinx_%28Kestner_Museum%29
.jpg/800px-Akhenaten_as_a_Sphinx_%28Kestner_Museum%29.jpg

As the ‘beautiful child of Aten’, the king aimed to appeal to the populace and wanted to touch
and awaken each and every sense of the spectator (Laboury 2011:11-13). It is notable how
the focus in Amarna art shifts towards emphasising finer as well as more obvious aspects of
art. This is for instance evident in the over-elongated hands and fingers (fig.76) seen on
numerous talatats as well as the femininity (fig.77) emphasised in statues of the queen,
princesses and often also the pharaoh. The royal couple was also often depicted as sphinxes
(fig.78) and emphasised their mysticism as well as the fact that the royal couple was the
Aten’s representatives of birth, rebirth and fertility (Arnold, 1996:107; Hornung 1999:36).

58
Fig.79. Akhenaten’s fanatical obsession with the Aten evident in this stele where the king is level to the ground,
worshipping his god in one of his temples. Found at Hermapolis
http://euler.slu.edu/~bart/egyptimage/prostrateakhenaten.jpg

Fig.80. Tomb of Meryre: Akhenaten in his chariot followed by the queen in her own chariot
http://www.uned.es/geo-1-historia-antigua-universal/NOTICIAS/tell_el-amarna_mery-re1-01.jpg

The depictions of the king’s chariot rides were also omnipresent at Akhetaten (Silverman et
al. 2006:46-47,96; Wilkinson 2010:283-285; 287-289). The chariot rides through the city
symbolised the close bond between the deity and the king and allowed the populace to have a
replacement for their ritualised traditional festivals that Atenism banned from Egyptian
culture. Montserrat (2000:39-40) proposes that whilst Amenophis III sailed through the skies
in his solar barque, Akhenaten symbolically relived that moment as he undertook his own
journey in his chariot. When the king was depicted in his chariot (fig.80) often the sunrays
and hands of his divine father enfolded him (Hornung 1992:48-49; Millar 1989:64-65;
Redford 1976:56). Interestingly, often the hands at the end of the sunrays didn’t clasp the
symbols but rather were portrayed as if it delicately released it to the king.

The layout of the four palaces was aligned to the east which was comparable to the Akhetaten
temples (Silverman et al. 2006:46-47; Spence 2011:4-5). Each palace consisted of open
courts which were adorned with statues of the royal couple, similar to what was found at
Gem-pa-Aten. The palaces additionally had balconies, such as the ‘Window of Appearance’,
in order to allow the king, queen and princesses to appear before the crowds and to allow
them to be perceived as divine objects of veneration. The distance of the elevated balconies
from the crowds allowed the king to live as close as possible to his father however also
symbolically excluded the rest of the population from the Aten and its Teaching.

59
8.6. Domestic worship at Akhetaten

It is clear that the pharaoh controlled the veneration of the Aten for himself and his family
(Arnold 1996:4-5; Stevens 2003:145-146;165). This is evident in the vast number of
standardised representations of the royal couple making offerings to the sun disc (fig.81&82)
which were depicted on altars in private family homes. As such, laypeople were allowed to
participate in the Aten cult although they did not have direct access to the Aten (Arnold
1996:86; Robins 1997:156).

Fig.81. Limestone shrine, found in various homes at Akhetaten

http://media-cache-ec0.pinimg.com/736x/02/53/b8/0253b8aaec5c50ba4c1807260f25a8d3.jpg

Fig.82. A shrine from the house of the high priest

http://www.bluffton.edu/~sullivanm/egypt/cairo/shrine.jpg

An altar dedicated to the Aten was found at house T41.1 at Akhetaten (Stevens 2003:146-
147). This roofless altar was in the form of a miniature chapel with a doorway, a broken lintel
and a small flight of stairs while the front was decorated with scenes of the royal family
venerating the Aten.

60
 Fig.83. Illustration of the roofless domestic altar from House T41.1, owner Panehesy, Akhetaten (Stevens
2003:146-147).

But to what extent did worshipping of the Aten among the laypeople actually occur?
Mahfouz (1998:75) and Montserrat (2000:23-24) state
that most of the laypeople must have feared not
worshipping the Aten and did so without actually
believing in the deity. Some people even changed their
names in order to honour the Aten, such as changing a
name from Mery-neith to Mery-ra (Wilkinson
2010:291-293). It appears that Akhenaten lived in a
pathological daze as to what was happening inside and
outside Akhetaten as the populace, albeit covertly,
continued to put their faith in traditional deities such as
Bes, Hathor, Amun and even Osiris while they overtly
continued honouring the Aten (Hari 1985:14; Redford
1984:175-176; Wilkinson 2010:291).

Fig.84. Amulet for wholeness, protection and wellbeing, South Tombs cemetery at Akhetaten
(Kemp March 2009:1).

Silverman et al. (2006:35-37) and Stevens (2003:158) propose that the pharaoh was living in
the confines of this newly beloved city to such an extent that his subjects, beyond the
boundaries of Akhetaten, almost certainly never saw him and that his ritualised appearances

61
took place only in Akhetaten, allowing laymen far away from the city to continue their
worship of traditional deities without fear. It is at this point worth pondering what the impact
of the new Religion of Light was following the king’s death.

9. Sunset: The end of Akhenaten’s alluring vision

Following Akhenaten’s death ca.1336 BCE the empire was in turmoil and the repurcussions
were extensive (Goelet 2003:24; Silverman et al. 2006:161). Akhetaten crumbled away and
shrines and temples became desolated while people changed their names back to their
original names and continued their ancestral values and practices they once abandoned
(Wilkinson 2010:291-293). The Amun priesthood, which aimed to return to orthodoxy as
soon as possible, instructed that all Aten temples be destroyed and that any reference to
Akhenaten and sometimes the Aten be mutilated. The talatats used to construct Akhenaten’s
temples (fig.85) were torn down and used by his immediate successor Horemheb to rebuild
the traditional temples while the king’s body was torn from his sarcophagus (Bille-De Mot
1966:161-163). The queen was also not spared the posthumous humiliation as she was
associated with the sacrilege conducted by her husband in assuming saintliness for herself
(Wilson 1973:238).

Fig.85. Talatats found at Luxor were possibly reused at Karnak following Akhenaten’s death to rebuild the
Amun temples
http://img239.imageshack.us/img239/9941/ar4sj0.jpg

62
The defacement of the royal couple and their god occured in full force throughout the empire
(fig.88-90) (Allen 1988:121-122; Wilson 1973:238). Canopic jars discovered in Tomb 55 in
the Valley of the Kings (fig.86) show two columns which initially showed the names of
queen Kiya. This was subsequently etched out to reveal the name of Akhenaten and the
cartouches of the Aten, possibly intended for use in Akhenaten’s burial. However, those
names were afterwards also chiselled out. It was clear that Amun was taking revenge
(Wilkinson 2010:241). Hornung (1999:44) and Mahfouz (1998:70,131) hypothesise that
Akhenaten died a lonely person and was simply forgotten (Hornung 1999:44).

Fig.86. Canopic jars from KV55

http://jeffhotep.home.comcast.net/~jeffhotep/KV55/CanopicsTN.jpg

Fig.87. Chiselled out depiction of the royal couple under the rays of the Aten in a tomb of a high official,
Thebes.
http://www-tc.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/assets/img/missing-tombs-pharaohs/image-03-large.jpg

The king’s endeavours were seen as an embarrassment to the Egyptians (Goelet 2003:24-25).
Upon ascending the throne Akhenaten’s son Tutankhaten actively restored society back to its
traditional roots by erecting a restoration stele at Karnak (fig.91), wherein he admitted failure
in his father’s management of the Egyptian realm and especially in the purging of traditional
deities. Within seven years following Akhenaten’s death, the administration centre of the
empire was moved back to Thebes and the economic prerogatives of the old cults were
restored (Brewer & Teeter 2007:54).

63
Fig.88. Upper part of the king’s wooden sarcophagus showing the mutilation of the king’s face
http://www.osirisnet.net/tombes/amarna/akhenaton/photo/bodworth_6.jpg

Fig.89. Desecrate cartouches of Akhenaten and possible also the Aten

http://farm6.staticflickr.com/5145/5569861415_a72faae2be.jpg

Fig.90. Etched out cartouche belonging to Akhenaten, Luxor Temple (Photo: R. McArthur)

64
 As a second sign of his devotion to the Amun-cult, the
new king changed his name to Tutankhamun, meaning
the ‘Living Image of Amun’. However, Giles (1970:137)
notes that the young king did not immediately change his
name until deep into his seventh year on the throne as he
still had remnant belief in Atenism. The end of
Akhenaten’s reign and the Amarna Period however ended
abruptly when Ramsess II ascended the throne and
actively eliminated the legacy of Akhenaten and his son
Tuthankhamun (Hornung 1999:44). He eliminated their
names from the kings’ list while at the same time restored
all traditional deities in the Egyptian pantheon.

Fig.91. Tutankhamun’s Restoration Stele (Wilkinson 2010:38)

http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-DkhrQawQ_yE/TzCiNwGW0bI/AAAAAAAAAN4/_pPD_T3y1no/s400/350px-
Restoration_Stele.jpg

10. Conclusion

Amarna art shows that Akhenaten experimented with the sun cult and took the newly
recognised deity to levels unheard of in ancient Egypt (Asante & Ismail 2009:301; Redford
1980:23-24). While the king kept Re as the superlative authority in his Religion of Light he
focussed on the concrete visible light emanating from the sun rather than mythical aspects
thereof (Reeves 2001:97-99; Wilkinson 2003:23-239). Thomas (1988:9) states that this
endeavour was strategic as Re was a prominent traditional deity associated with any
pharaoh’s supreme authority and the king aimed to keep that intact. As a result the Religion
of Light was a belief in complete dependence on the sun accompanied by immense creativity
and a zenith of absolute power. The king was thus strategic through redefining the deeply
grounded traditional religion of the sun god whilst using it to his own advantage (Montserrat
2000:39-40).

However, within the framework of an innovative religion and modern art, a few pieces such
as the the king’s funerary furniture as well as a bowl etched with the names of Khaefre, the
emperor associated with the building of the original pyramids, indicate that Akhenaten

65
looked to his ancestors from the Fourth Dynasty (ca.2520-2495 BCE) to guide him in his
quest to become a powerful monarch (Montserrat 2000:39-40). It could perhaps suggest that
Akhenaten aimed to align himself with a very influential bloodline which was connected with
unmatched status and authority (Montserrat 2000:38-40; Redford 1984:158).

10.1. Evidence of Atenist principles in Amarna art

According to the author the images shown in this project indicate that the tenets of the
Religion of Light was a significant driving force behind the radical creativity that reflected in
art during the reign of Akhenaten. To begin with, it is obvious that the king aimed to convey
the message that light was the driving force behind all existence as the Aten’s sunrays were
almost always present in art. Peace was also prominently displayed as no depiction of war is
present. The few illustrations of the queen smiting the enemies could perhaps be to highlight
her authority rather than engaging in battle per se. Amarna art further shows that the Aten
always appeared motionless and silent yet conveyed a message of being omnipresent and
powerful. The lack of mythology and anthropomorphic depiction of the Aten indeed resulted
in more realistic depictions of daily Egyptian life with the Aten overlooking each activity.
Furthermore, it is evident in art that Atenism had a clear aversion to life after sunset as well
as the afterlife as not only were there no depictions in tombs of any ritual acts associated with
the journey to the netherworld, there were also no illustrations of activities that took place
during the night. The influence of the newly created triad which consisted of the king, the
Aten and Nefertiti, and often also his innovative form of a new ennead, are so prominent and
is seen in most most works of Amarna art.

Additional Atenist themes that author has concluded featured ad nauseam at Thebes as well
as at Akhetaten were the royal couple in isolation at the exclusion of the common people; the
omnipotence of the Aten, its sunrays holding the ankh-symbols and providing life to the royal
couple and the projection of abundance and love; the royal triad and lavish offerings by the
royal couple to the deity. Intimacy is an aspect prominently illustrated and author concludes
with Snell (2011:74-75) that it could have been seen as scandalous by the common people as
such personal projections were traditionally alien to ancient Egyptians. Ultimately, art during
Akhenaten’s reign was indeed exceptionally creative and emphasised that the king was not
only the Aten’s only child but that he was also the father of all. It is also undoubtedly evident
that the Aten was depicted as Akhenaten’s heavenly king and as the father of all creation

66
while all life depended on the sun. The mystery however remains in terms of truth that the
king aimed to discover as that appears to rest with the interpretation of the observer.

Following Akhenaten’s death a number of features characteristic of Akhenaten’s religious

and artistic revolution continued to exist after his death (Bille-De Mot 1966:172,177). This
included aspects such as the beauty of art, a projection of kindness, as well as the mysticism
of the Aten. However, the illustrations of these traits were at this era credited to Amun rather
than the Aten (Bille-De Mot 1966:172,177). Furthermore, certain traits totally abandoned
during the reign of the heretic pharaoh, were reintroduced and taken to extreme measures
during the reign of his successors. This included the believe in the Osirian netherworld and
the use of scorcery and magic which is evident in funerary literature describing how a
deceased could once again look forward to a prosperous life after passing away.

10.2. The influence of the Aten icon on the populace

Ultimately, everyone had to bow and adore the Aten and unfortunately the people found the
new god without compassion and had no god to worship (Asante & Ismail 2009:301; Redford
1980:23-24). Redford (1984:177-178) states that the Aten was supposed to provide the
people with nutrition and life, yet there are no texts stipulating the suffering of the laypeople
or the pardon of the offender. Akhenaten decided that a sympathetic god and an explanation
about how the cosmos was created, an aspect crucial to the ancient Egyptians, did not serve
his purpose (Millar 1989:19; Redford 1984:178). Ultimately, this cold god was elevated to
become an absolute emperor to whom only the royal couple had access. It was only
Akhenaten and the Aten in the universe, aptly stated by Redford (1980:26) that the Aten was
‘...the living Disc – there is none other than him!’.

“Offer praises to the living Disc and you shall have a prosperous life; say to him
‘grant the ruler health exceedingly!’ then he shall double devours for you...adore
the king who is unique like the Disc, for there is none other beside him! Then he
will grant you a lifetime in happiness of heart, with the sustenance he is wont to
give”

(Redford 1984:180-181).

67
To what extent did the populace resonate with the new Aten icon? Akhenaten was strategic
and gradually made the populace used to the development of his religion and the depiction of
the Aten icon (Millar 1989:2-5). Millar (1989:67-68) notes that it was crucial for Akhenaten
to establish an icon that would resonate with the populace yet at the same time becoming a
symbol differentiated from existing symbols. Millar (1989:67-68) proposes that Akhenaten
dependend on the influence of associate value wherein a symbol, by association, evokes not
only emotive but also cognitive associations among viewers. An adequate number of points
that show similarity between the traditional as well as the novel symbols would result in an
associative link between the icons.

Millar’s (1989:64-65) concept of associative value indicates that in every scene the strong
relationship between the Aten and the pharaoh is portrayed (Millar 1989:76-78; Spence
2011:2). However, as the king was raised in his father’s New Solar Theology, the Aten must
have had a stronger emotive association for the king than it had for the populace. Also, due
to an ill-defined Aten prior to the king’s accession to the throne the cognitive association was
possibly very weak for the masses yet strengthened for the king as he refined his religion. As
a result, author concludes that the Aten had a very strong associative value for the pharaoh
however the same cannot be said for the rest of his empire.

10.3. The influence of tradition on art and the populace

The importance of traditional symbols and gods as contributors to the artistic revolution
during Akhenaten’s reign deserves special attention. Not only did it assist the king in refining
his new religion it also manifested in art during his reign. It is obvious that the Aten had a
strong connection with various solar gods (Giles 1970:127). Wilson (1973:236-237) states
that what makes Atenism so intriguing is that it is difficult to ascertain the exact number of
traditional deities that influeced the religion and the formation of the Aten icon. It has already
been indicated that the creed behind each of the traditional deities discussed in this project
appears to have played a covert yet powerful role in how Amarna art. Furthermore, the
findings show that art at Thebes had a stronger traditional iconographic influence compared
to art at Akhetaten. It was at the new city that the king’s dogma had its biggest impact as the
king during the later years of his reign had refined and finalised his religion and subsequently
developed his own way of displaying his frame of mind in art.

68
The following discussion will look at each of these traditional elements and will apply
Millar’s (1989:64-65,67-69) concept of associative value in analysing the level to which
these aspects appear to have resonated with the populace as well as to what extent it was
successful in assisting the king to achieve his religious as well as artistic revolution. The
discussion that follows aims to indicate why the ancient Egyptians reverted back to
traditional religion following Akhenaten’s death rather than continue his religion.

Reader to bear in mind that the following intepretation is based on the author’s point of view.
Inasmuch as one attempts to immerse oneself into the world of an ancient Egyptian, it can be
achieved only partially as the way in which they perceived and interpreted life was different
to contemporary mindsets (Wilson 1973:236-237).

10.3.1. The uraues- and ankh-symbol (Fig.2&3)

Both the uraei and the ankh symbols symbolised an abstract and non-anthropomorphic ocular
reflection of a deity and continued to be used in art throughout the pharoah’s reign (Milar
1989:63-64). While the ankh-symbol occurred on all works of art, the uraeus-symbol was
always present, either on the royal couple’s headdresses or at the centre of the dun disc
(Millar 1989:63-64). Due to its strong traditional foundation and its focus on life the ankh-
symbol had a very strong cognitive and emotive association and overall associative value
among the populace. The use of the uraei symbol, believed to protect the king, had the same
effect.

10.3.2. Re and Re-Horakhty (fig.11-13)

The sun god Re’s strong association with the sun resulted in Akhenaten and the populace
strongly resonating with this deity and possible drew out the the strongest associate value for
everyone (Silverman et al. 2006:119; Wilkinson 2010: 205-210). On an emotive level
everyone could relate to the deity that has been prominent in the pantheon for millenia and
subsequently also the Aten’s aspects as creator-god and the father of the king.

Also, during the king’s early regnal years Aten in the form of Re-Horakhty would have
elicited a strong emotive and cognitive association for all. However, after the elimination of
Re-Horakhty the cognitive value possibly decreased for the populace yet leaving the emotive
link in place due to its association with the sun god Re. Nevertheless, it appears that Re-

69
Horakhty had the strongest overall associative value among the populace compared to any
other deity during the reign of Akhenaten.

10.3.3. Atum (fig.5)

Reeves (2001:139-140) proposes that within Akhenaten’s Religion of Light Atum was the
only deity that remained integral. The king relied on Atum’s tenet of the strong relationship
between god and king which formed a core aspect of the Religion of Light (Wilkinson
2010:17-19). However, Atum also had a dark side as the deity was correlated with the
netherworld. As a result Akhenaten detached himself from the deity on a cognitive level
based on this principle as Atenism did not support the belief in death and eternal life.
However, one of the principles of Atum that Akhenaten adhered to, such as being a creator
god, assisted him in formulating his new religion and those are evident in art during his reign.
For instance, Atum being reborn in his egg as well as beng a self-gendered god, as seen in the
king’s androgenous statues and the depiction of the princesses with egg-shaped heads.,
resulted in a strong cognitive association for the king and the populace. Furthermore, due to
Atenism’s strong association with conception Atum must have also extracted a strong
emotive reaction among people as it was a concept not foreign to anyone. Overall, it appears
that Atum ignited a strong overall associative value among the king and the populace.

10.3.4. The winged sun disc (fig.9)

The populace had a very strong associative bond with the winged sun disc (Millar 1989:70-
71). Both the Aten and the winged sun disc had an intrinsic creator-god element namely a
compassionate nature and also had a close unity with the pharaoh, resulting in a strong
emotive association for all. Akhenaten received from the winged sun disc not only decorum
and security but also continuity regarding his years on the throne. The winged sun disc
however vanished during the king’s early regnal years and was replaced with the life-giving
Aten disc with the outstretched sunrays replacing the purpose of the wings, resulting in a
strong cognitive resonance among the populace (Millar 1989:83). Millar proposes that the
winged sun disc was closer to the Aten than any other solar deity, both in appearance as well
as in function. Author concurs with Millar that the winged sun disc extracted strong associate
value for all Egyptians.

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10.3.5. Ma’at (fig.10)

Akhenaten did not concur with Ma’at’s association with the judgement of the dead, however
he relied strongly on principles such as guidance, truth, justice and cosmic order to guide him
in the formulation of his Religion of Light (Reeves 2001:139-141; Silverman et al. 2006:32-
33). This was evident in numerous statues and reliefs at Thebes and Akhetaten. Furthermore,
the influence of Ma’at can be seen in the frequent illustrations of intimacy, childhood,
prosperity as well as nature, reality and rebirth. Since Ma’at formed such an integral part in
maintaining order and justice and discovering truth in traditional Egyptian society, the
inclusion of this deity in Akhenaten’s religion and in Amarna art surely elicited strong
emotive and cognitive association among the populace.. As a result, one can conclude that
Ma’at did indeed have a strong associative value for king and people.

10.3.6. Shu and Tefnut (fig.6-8)

Hellinckx (2001:6) proposes that the twin deities played a stronger role in the iconography of
the Aten icon compared to their ideological influence. Both deities stood for justice and order
as well as the space between heaven and earth and could possibly be the reason why
Akhenaten wanted direct access to the atmosphere in his roofless temples and was evident for
all to see. Shu’s association with the netherworld, an aspect that Akhenaten despised, was
never depicted and must have created some confusion among the people. However, they
could relate to Tefnut as the ‘eye of Re’ and Shu as the protector of the sun god. Furthermore,
the common people saw the deity’s association with the atmosphere in the king’s roofless
temples as well as the principles of justice in order in scenes depicting the royal couple in the
Window of Appearance, showing the king and queen engaging in justly behaviour. This
clearly should have resulted in a strong cognitive and emotive association for king and
populace and a strong overall associative value.

Taken as a whole, it appears that the king was indeed extremely strategic. Author agrees with
Millar that the king used a gradual process to make the populace used to the new way of
thinking. All traditional deities, truely ingrained in every ancient Egyptian’s worldview, were
altered to fit in with the king’s new religion while in Amarna art some divinities had a strong
iconographic impact whilst others had a stronger ideological influence. It must however be
stated that the king had a much stronger associative value to the Aten icon and Amarna art
compared to the populace, but overall the analysis discussed above indicates that

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Akhenaten’s revolution of Atenism, as seen in Amarna art, was indeed successful. In contrast
to Bille-De Mot’s (1966:164) hypothesis that the exclusion of the common people in the
king’s religion resulting in the king not touching the souls of his people, author proposes that
what counted against Akhenaten was the length of his reign. If the king reigned for longer the
populace could have become used to this new religion as the fundamentals, albeit modified,
already existed in their worldviews. Also, author hypothesises that what caused the final end
of this mysterious religion and its accompanying art was not that people aimed to return to
their traditional ways, but rather that the end of this fascinating period was the result of the
influence of the powerful Amun-priesthood who desperately wanted to gain their authority
and perhaps also to get the wealth of the empire back into their own hands. As a result, author
does not concur that the end of Atenism was due to a cold and materialistic god that lay
people could not relate to (Bille-De Mot 1966:164). Redford (1984:177-178) proposes that
the Aten was not compassionate, however analysing the works of art in this project shows
quite the opposite. It seems that the Aten was extremely compassionate, if only people had
time to get to know him.

10.4. Deciphering the persona of the heretic pharaoh

What does Amarna art tell as about Akhenaten? Scholars studying Akhenaten have resulted
in an extremely varied insight into the mind of this pharaoh. The king has been perceived as a
mad, despicable and a tragic person; he was seen as being despotic, egocentric and apolitic
(Hornung 1992:47; Mahfouz 1998:75-77,107). Mahfouz (1998:12) notes that the pharaoh
was on the whole foolish and neglected his people and responsibilities as a monarch.
Hornung (1992:27) states that the pharaoh “...destroyed much, he created little...Akhenaten,
whatever else he may have been, was no intellectual heavyweight”. The Aten also appeared
to be quite a cold and emotionless deity which had no time to contemplate the dilemmas of
the poor, resulting in not only confusion but also frustration among most of the masses
(Redford 1984:177-178). Mahfouz (1998:19-22,28) states that the populace must have felt
betrayed as they received the king’s love poems instead of for instance troops ready for
battle. Mahfouz (1998:12) also notes that society during this epoch in Egyptian history must
have been characterised by grief, torment as well as insincerity and confusion (Mahfouz
1998:12). This was added to an intense fear of the Amun-priesthood whom everyone was
obliged under Akhenaten’s reign to circumvent, resulting in a period of infinite grief and
innocence compared with deception.

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Additioanlly, the belief in a new prosperous era was especially based on the common
peoples’ observation of the plethora of depictions of the royal couple under the rays of the
Aten providing them with blessings (Hornung 1992:47-49). However, a serious drawback of
Atenism is the nonexistence of a definite sense of life after death that replaced the traditional
Osirian beliefs that soothed the populace (Brewer & Teeter 2007:53-54). A further
disadvantage is the Great Hymn to the Aten which on face value appears to be highly
influential yet lacks in substance on which a new faith could be constructed (Reeves
2001:145-146). As a result, this omission vigorously effected the populace’s economy as well
as their psyche. They had no-one they could relate to and the rich complexity of the
traditional Egyptian pantheon and worldview vanished to make way for an impersonal god
whose Teaching was used purely as a menas of political rule (Silverman 1997:129).

Despite all the negativity attached to the heretic king, he has been named the first individual
who had the actual honourable perseverance to tackle the Amun priesthood head on and
within that activate an artistic, religious and overall cultural revolution (Hornung 1992:47-
49). Eric Voegelin (cited in Hornung 1992:47) states that the king had such an astonishing
character that he exhibited an immense amount of empathy towards others and that he was
‘the first religious reformer clearly distinguishable as an individual, not in the history of
Egypt only but of mankind’. The king is also perceived as dynamic, romantic and aimed to
bring a fresh type of thinking for the Egyptian people and the best way in which to achieve
this was through his art that was visible to all (Hornung 1992:47-49). Akhenaten is also seen
as the ambassador for love and made the populace believe that he will end their suffering,
stating that they must believe that a new era of generosity was embracing them and that the
Aten would provide in all their needs (Mahfouz 1998:163):

“Your rays nourish every field...You have made the sky afar so that you may rise
there and look down on all the things you have made. You are alone, but you rise
in all the aspects of the living sun”.

(Bille-De Mot 1966:89)

Overall, can the pharaoh’s religious revolution and the resulting Amarna art be deemed a
success? Perhaps that answer does indeed lie with the observer. And perhaps it is something
that did not occur in the pharaoh’s lifetime. But although tradition proved to be the most
powerful element against his religious and artistic revolution, Akhenaten’s prodigy and
legacy continue to intrigue the minds of modern scholars (Silverman 1997:129)

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11. Recommendations for further research

The various types of art investigated in this project, all a reflection of Akhenaten’s religion,
highlight a variety of areas that require further investigation. Due to the subtle presence of
traditional deities in Amarna, such as Ma’at, Tefnut and Shu, art during Akhenaten’s reign
requires further exploration in terms of true monotheism compared to henotheism (Brewer &
Teeter 2007:53). Also, the continued existence of Osiris at other sites in Egypt during the
reign of Akhenaten remains unanswered. It has been postulated that Akhenaten simply
ignored Osiris while being perfectly aware that everywhere other than at his new city this
deity maintained his central role in the Egyptian pantheon (Hari 1985:12). Additionally,
burial items found at Akhetaten that refer to traditional deities such as Thoth, Osiris and Ptah
do not indicate whether it dates to the beginning of Akenaten’s reign or thereafter and their
presence within Atenism could be further explored (Shaw 2000:278-279). It is also worth
investigating the reason why the princesses were excluded from receiving life from the Aten,
despite the king always wanting to depict love and a strong association between the royal
family members. Moreover, the precise role of Nefertiti not only in her husband’s life but
also within Atenism necessitates further investigation as it appears that her role was more
powerful than what current literature suggests (Wilkinson 2010:287-289). In the same light,
the exact role of Amenophis III in the Religion of Light should be scrutinized as the extent of
Akhenaten’s fascination with his father appears to be more potent than what current literature
proposes (Montserrat 2000:35-36; Wilkinson 2010:287-289).

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