Special readings for CSS 2023 (Special)/ 2024 exam by CSS Exam Desk Team
RESURGENCE OF THE GLOBAL SOUTH AS CHALLENGES ESCALATE
After World War II, as the global economic and
political order shifted toward a bipolar world, Asian
and African nations, which had gained independence
due to the global and regional repercussions of the
war, chose not to align with either of the two poles.
They united in Bandung, Indonesia, on April 18-24,
1955, marking a significant moment when they
emphasized the principles of neutrality and non-
alignment to fortify their newfound independence. It is
no surprise that Indonesia hosted this historic
meeting. Subsequently, the Non-Aligned Movement
officially came into existence in Belgrade in 1961, with
leadership from Yugoslavia, India and Egypt. In the
same year, the Atlantic alliance launched the
Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD). Today, it is equally
unsurprising that Brazil, Russia, India, China and
later South Africa came together to form BRICS (Brazil,
Russia, India, China and South Africa). Given this
historical context, the addition of Egypt, Argentina,
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Iran
and Ethiopia as BRICS members starting from Jan. 1,
2024, should not come as a shock. In the early 1990s,
following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of
the Soviet Union, the world transitioned into a
unipolar structure, which may have led to a perceived
weakening of the significance of the Non-Aligned
Movement. However, the existence of the "Global
South" remained as valid as the "Global North." Even
though the popularity of the Non-Aligned Movement
waned, the reality of the Global South continued to be
a prominent feature on the global stage.
FADE OF BIG HOPES
The 21st century commenced with high hopes. The
issues of combatting poverty and bridging the
disparities in living standards among continents and
nations, integral to the Sustainable Development
Goals (SDGs), sparked excitement. However, as the
PRESIDENT XI’S VISION FOR CHINA-AFRICA COOPERATION
THE XV BRICS Summit, held in Johannesburg on 22-
24 August was not just a gathering of nations; it was
a confluence of visions aimed at reshaping global
cooperation and development. One of the notable
aspects of this summit was the welcoming of new
members into the BRICS fold. The Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, the Arab Republic of Egypt, the United Arab
Emirates, Argentina, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and
Ethiopia, among others, joined the existing members,
underscoring the global significance of the BRICS
platform. The expansion was not just a numerical
increase but a strategic step towards creating a more
comprehensive and representative alliance.
Central to this summit was Chinese President Xi
Jinping’s keynote speech during the China-Africa
Leaders’ Dialogue. His speech, titled “Joining Hands
to Advance Modernization and Create a Great Future
for China and Africa,” encapsulated his vision for
stronger China-Africa cooperation and its potential
impact on global development. Africa, often referred to
as the “hopeful continent” in the 21st century, has
seen remarkable progress in the past decades.
President Xi acknowledged this transformation,
praising African countries’ strides towards unity,
integration and independence. With the Organization
of African Unity marking its 60th anniversary, this
moment serves as a testament to the continent’s
resilience and progress.
China’s Africa policy, encapsulated in the principles of
sincerity, real results, amity and good faith, has been
first 15 years of the new century unfolded and global
challenges intensified, problems such as hunger and
poverty not only failed to see substantial
improvements but deepened in certain regions.
Moreover, critical issues like migration and security
were impacted by the Global North's arrogance and its
limited capacity to address these challenges, resulting
in their escalation from regional concerns to global
crises. Consequently, countries representing the
Global South have grown increasingly concerned and
frustrated with the inadequacy of proposed solutions
to the world's pressing issues, prompting them to
establish new multilateral platforms.
Over the past decade, marked by painful
developments and fervent debates on the
restructuring of the international economic and
political order in favor of the Global South, we have
witnessed a resurgence in their influence. The flaws in
projects, solution proposals and, even more troubling,
the financing methods presented for the United
Nations' 17 SDGs in Africa – the rising continent of
the 21st century – have placed the Global North in a
challenging position, given their perceived
underestimation of these problems. It is, therefore, not
surprising that the Global South has chosen to take
the lead.
In this context, there is an urgent need for enhanced
dialogue and communication between the Global
South and the Global North. A country like Türkiye,
which has consistently demonstrated its sincerity,
realism, impartiality, fairness and honest approach,
along with its reputation and credibility in diplomatic
endeavors, is more critical than ever in fostering
cooperation and understanding between these two
global actors. (Author: Kerem Alkin. Published in
Daily Sabah on September 9, 2023)
a driving force behind the cooperation between the
two regions. This policy, advocated by President Xi a
decade ago during his first foreign visit to Africa, has
laid the foundation for a partnership that has
weathered global challenges, including the ongoing
COVID-19 pandemic. The spirit of solidarity and
cooperation that underpins China-Africa relations has
elevated the partnership to new heights, setting the
stage for the realization of a high-level China-Africa
community with a shared future.
President Xi’s speech identified three key themes that
would guide China-Africa cooperation and contribute
to global development: (i) Advancing a Just and
Equitable International Order: President Xi’s call for
the unity of developing nations against vestiges of
colonialism and hegemonism resonates strongly in an
era where a multipolar world order is emerging. This
united stance fosters a world characterized by justice,
fairness and respect for national sovereignty. (ii)
Safeguarding Global Peace and Security: The shared
commitment of China and Africa to resolve differences
through dialogue and cooperation reflects the broader
international need for comprehensive security models.
The African aspiration to silence the guns aligns with
China’s approach of common, comprehensive,
cooperative and sustainable security, contributing to
global stability. (iii) Building an Open and Inclusive
World Economy: President Xi’s emphasis on openness
and cooperation is a call for collective action to
overcome the challenges of isolationism and
protectionism. By advocating for shared benefits and
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Special readings for CSS 2023 (Special)/ 2024 exam by CSS Exam Desk Team
the inclusion of developing countries in the global
economy, China seeks to drive economic growth that
is sustainable and mutually beneficial.
President Xi’s vision for China-Africa cooperation does
not exist in isolation but is deeply interwoven with
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which has
achieved remarkable success over the past decade.
The BRI, launched in 2013, is a testament to China’s
commitment to global development through enhanced
connectivity, trade and infrastructure projects. Its
expansion into Africa, with projects spanning
transportation, energy and telecommunications
sectors, has contributed significantly to the
continent’s modernization and development agenda.
President Xi’s emphasis on cooperation mechanisms,
such as Belt and Road cooperation and the Forum on
China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), further
underscores the symbiotic relationship between BRI
and the shared vision of China-Africa cooperation.
The success of the BRI is a testament to China’s
ability to foster inclusive and mutually beneficial
partnerships across regions. As President Xi aptly
noted, “What we need is to remove barriers rather
than erect walls, open up rather than close off.” This
principle aligns perfectly with the BRI’s focus on
connectivity and cooperation that transcends
geographical boundaries and promotes shared
prosperity.
President Xi’s vision also extends to three specific
plans aimed at nurturing Africa’s growth: (a) Initiative
on Supporting Africa’s Industrialization: China will
enhance its resources for cooperation with Africa,
particularly in growing its manufacturing sector and
realizing industrialization. This initiative, aligned with
the goals of the African Continental Free Trade Area,
can elevate Africa’s economic diversification. (b) Plan
PAKISTAN’S CLIMATE JOURNEY IN 16 MONTHS
A small anecdote sums up the cognitive confusion and
lack of social or political investment about the
environment and climate change in high places in
Pakistan. When I took over the Federal Ministry of
Climate Change and Environmental Coordination in
April 2022, it was called just the Federal Ministry of
Climate Change.
The environment addendum was included later at my
request to the cabinet, because the ministry was the
notified entity for all international environmental,
biodiversity and climate change treaties and
conventions, as well as the lead department for the
Wildlife Board managing the Margalla Hills National
Park. When I walked into its lobby I noticed that the
insignia at the door said mosamiat, which actually
translates as ‘weather’ in English. After weeks of
intensive consultations, it was agreed that in Urdu it
would now say mahauliat which was more appropriate.
From then onwards it was 16 months of crisis
management, while we built on new layers of
institutional roadmaps. Quite apart from changing its
name to a more befitting one that matched the scope
of its work, in April we found ourselves confronted
with a cascading heatwave all over the country.
Climate stress had become the new normal. By June,
Pakistan had recorded for the third year running
temperatures at 53.6 C in parts of Sindh. We were, for
yet another year, the hottest place on the planet.
Along with that, our forests in three provinces had
ignited into a smoky patchwork of stubborn forest
wildfires, while glacial lake outburst floods had
for China Supporting Africa’s Agricultural
Modernization: Through increased agricultural
investment, technological collaboration and capacity-
building, China aims to contribute to the
transformation and upgrading of Africa’s agricultural
sector. This initiative has the potential to bolster food
security and economic sustainability across the
continent. (c) Plan for China-Africa Cooperation on
Talent Development: By offering training, technical
assistance and educational exchange programs, China
aims to bolster Africa’s human resource capacity and
support its innovation and education sectors.
President Xi’s proposal to enhance the voice of African
countries in multilateral financial institutions and
advocate for the African Union’s full membership in
the G20 reflects China’s commitment to empowering
Africa on the global stage. To encapsulate, the XV
BRICS Summit not only marked the expansion of a
geopolitical alliance but also served as the nexus for
forging shared values and aspirations. President Xi’s
visionary discourse, articulated during his keynote
address, lays down the architectural framework for
the synergy between China and Africa, resonating
with worldwide imperatives of a just international
order, global tranquillity, security and all-
encompassing economic advancement. With the
resounding accomplishments of the Belt and Road
Initiative forming the backdrop, President Xi’s
impassioned plea for unity, collaboration and
reciprocal prosperity holds the key to a forthcoming
epoch defined by interwoven connections, cooperative
ventures and prosperity that transcends boundaries.
As China and Africa march in harmonious stride, they
illuminate an extraordinary paradigm of international
partnerships underscored by mutual esteem, empathy
and the shared pursuit of collective advancement.
(Author: Qaiser Nawab. Published in Pak Observer on
September 3, 2023)
erupted in the north of the country. We had gone
straight into summer from winter, which for a city like
Islamabad is simply not the norm. Climate change has
started swallowing entire seasons. Much more was
amiss at the global warming levels than we had been
given to understand.
In the entire 16 months of government, this small
ministry redefined both itself and the nature of the
climate challenge the country was coping with. It still
has a long way to go.
Given that our scope was limited to the federal
government, designed to deal with international
treaties and covenants which require national
frameworks and focal points, the challenges were
onerous. The implementers were the provinces, except
in ICT, yet we were needed to create international
instruments and respond to multilateral conventions,
partners and climate governance systems that
recognized only national frameworks. We organised a
Task Force on Heatwaves with all the provinces on
board, as well as a similar one on forest fires. The first
two were convened at PM House under my
chairmanship, and we found that all provinces
responded really well to our guidance and capacity-
building. We shared guidelines issued by both task
forces on how to cope with both challenges in different
terrain. To this day, these guidelines are used to save
lives.
The rapid desertification of the delta region was
another crucial challenge facing a country with
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Special readings for CSS 2023 (Special)/ 2024 exam by CSS Exam Desk Team
looming water scarcity by 2025. The Ministry of Water
Resources was engaged to start a national
conversation on water conservation, while we
accelerated our work with WWF on the stagnating
Recharge Pakistan project for restoring the health of
our wetlands in each province. By July 2023, the
Green Climate Fund (GCF) had agreed to convert our
loan for this project to a grant of $77 million, with the
support of donors. Much more needed to be done.
At the same time, we completed and launched the 25-
part Living Indus Initiative along with the support of
the UNEP and other UN agencies, at both the
international and national levels, completing in record
time all consultations with the provinces. Going
forward, the Living Indus is now ready to turn into a
functional organic, programmatic template for a
multi-level intervention to save the great river on
which 80 per cent of Pakistan is dependent. As it
stands, the Indus is now the fourth most polluted
river in the world. It is also Pakistan’s lifeline, which is
why it needs attention. I hope the next government
can spur the provinces to projectize the priorities we
identified for financing and development.
In the north of Pakistan the summer of 2022 proved
to be equally harsh, particularly in Gilgit-Baltistan,
where the glacial lake outburst floods afflicted
vulnerable communities in more than 75 crises. We
managed to save lives with our early warning systems
via the GLOF programmes we were running there with
UNDP. This programme was upscaled to its second
stage as one of the most successful low-cost
community-based programmes in a terrain which
hosted the highest number of glaciers outside the
polar region. We were not able to slow down the
heating that caused glacial melt, nor decelerate the
outburst floods that increased by 300 per cent, but we
were able to build resilience for it.
The real challenge proved to be coping with the great
mega-flood of 2022, that put Pakistan on the map for
impacting 33 million people, breaking all records for
rain as it inundated one-third of the country, most
particularly in the south. Sindh and Balochistan
became the hub of the NDMA’s disaster relief efforts,
with rescue itself running into weeks. The country’s
entire public and private philanthropic infrastructure
was on maximum overstretch on the ground, and
simultaneous crises soaked up coordinated efforts of
many ministries including this one, the PM, the FM,
the military and all international agencies. There were
just too many people to manage, yet we pulled
together in a prolonged and remarkable effort of
rescue, relief, rehabilitation and rebuilding.
Shortly after, we had to gear up for COP 27. For the
first time in the history of Pakistan the National
Council on Climate Change was convened under the
leadership of the PM. There, we presented and
articulated Pakistan’s case for climate justice as a
fractional emitter of greenhouse gases, while being
clearly in the frontline of climate hotspots globally. We
fought hard for the creation of a Loss and Damage
Fund, which we succeeded in creating at Sharm el
Shaikh, with the FM making sure Loss & Damage was
put on the agenda of the conference as chair of G77
plus China. For 18 days, we tirelessly pushed the case
for Loss and Damage both at our pavilion and at
UNFCCC forums, for the entire Global South. The UN
SG spoke at Pakistan’s pavilion for the first time,
where the PM capped off his visit with a big push for
climate justice, just as he had done at the UN in
September. Pakistan’s country pavilion and climate
branding as a leader became the place to campaign for
climate justice, with the slogan, “what goes on in
Pakistan will not stay in Pakistan”, resonating
worldwide as a case for revamped multilateralism as a
real solution.
While we were trying to work on building back better,
assessments told us that rehabilitating millions would
cost $16 billion. All available funds had been
repurposed for relief and for immediate cash transfers
to those in the frontline of the human tragedy.
Climate and early warning funds were the first to go.
For a country drowning in both debt and floods, the
4RF plan was developed by the Planning Ministry,
with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and three other
ministries putting in late nights, including Climate
Change as we planned and pushed for it at Geneva,
where the UN hosted a Climate Resilient Pakistan
conference. As we reminded international audiences
via powerful videos that captured a slice of the
devastation, 33 million people impacted was the size
of three medium-sized European countries. Around $9
billion plus were pledged, double the estimate of what
we had expected, but experience told us pledges are
slow to materialize. The World Bank had already
launched its Country and Climate Development
Report at COP 27 with us, targeting $348 billion as
the financing needed for Pakistan to keep its head
above water until 2030.
Climate finance and technical capacity became a real
chokehold on rebuilding with resilience, but we also
learnt that systemic vulnerability needed to be the
lens we looked at all sustainable development from
now on. Women and children, and the indigent were
impacted disproportionately during the crisis, and all
plans to adapt or build resilience needed to absorb
that field lesson learnt from the flood of 2022. The
Climate Ministry launched and drew on the Climate
Gender Policy we had completed with the support of
IUCN, and pushed hard to mainstream women and
vulnerability in all planning at the department.
As Pakistan continued reeling from the exogenous
shock of accelerated climate impacts, it also became
clear to many of us that global warming was not
changing course. The year 2030 marked the
dangerous as well as the decisive decade.
Pakistan was clearly located in an acute arc of
vulnerability, with GHG emissions reaching record
levels translating into unprecedented land and sea
temperatures crossing the 1.5 C threshold set in Paris.
Given that emissions were not going down globally, as
committed at Paris in 2015, but quite the opposite,
even a rough national stocktake suggested we shift
gears. Mitigation plans for switching to renewable
energy were important, as much for our own energy
independence and reduction of imports but also for
meeting our NDC commitments. Between the Ukraine
war, which interrupted critical energy and food supply
chains, and extreme climate emergencies the world
over, it also became clear that an axial shift was
needed to focus key resources on resilience.
Pakistan urgently needed a National Adaptation Plan,
not to mention the governance tools needed to execute
it at provincial and local levels. Why? Because if we
cannot do anything about the era of ‘global boiling’ as
the UNSG called it after July of 2023, we can at least
do all we can to be better prepared. This means a
whole-of-country shift in inclusive, local-centric
development planning, budgeting, building and
conserving, where tools are fit-for-purpose, not one-
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Special readings for CSS 2023 (Special)/ 2024 exam by CSS Exam Desk Team
size-fits-all. It means a strategic shift in how we think
of urban growth and rural renewal, and especially
how we manage the critical water-agri sector in
climate governance models. It means far more
coordinated, smarter disaster management and early
risk warning investments. It means changing how we
manage our hydromet sector, treat waste and sewage,
manage our municipal services, mitigate for impacts
on public health, women, labour and youth cohorts,
invest in drought-resistant crops, and enlarge green
spaces and urban forests within cities, not run
bulldozers over every empty space.
NAPs should, like country projections, be home-grown.
After six months of provincial consultations and many
drafts later, I requested a development writer at the
World Bank to help structure our knowledge
document and pull it together by July 20, 2023. With
a core team of six, we worked literally round the clock,
often around my dining table on weekends, to get it
done. It was passed by cabinet a week later. Its
success depends entirely on the provinces, as they are
the lead implementing departments. Our job was to
work with key line ministries, provinces, Gilgit-
Baltistan and Azad Jammu and Kashmir, and give
them this document as a roadmap, which many
developing countries have filed at the UNFCCC.
Provinces can actually make their own adaptation
plans out of this to make a real shift in adapting to an
era of global burn.
While we were doing all this, we knew that at the
same time Pakistan also needed a National Clean Air
Policy. Lahore was choking on its smog every winter.
Children were being held back from schools in
November because the air was too toxic to breathe.
Senior citizens were at risk. The NCAP identified key
priority areas for national intervention and provincial
action immediately for reducing the particulate matter
and other toxins that are increasing the pollution
levels of our cities. A Pakistan Cooling Action Plan has
also been developed to reduce emissions from cooling
products such as refrigerators and air conditioners.
Provincial consultations are underway to identify
targets and minimum energy performance standards.
Devolution dictates that each province act according
to its own laws, so we hope air quality becomes a
priority, both for measurement and for action.
For stopping the dumping of hazardous and other
waste in our country and coastline, we presented and
passed via cabinet a National Hazardous Waste
Management Policy. Countries that had dumped over
a 150 containers of mixed waste in our waters a few
years ago can no longer do that without penalties
invoked in coastal EPAs, and imports of waste for
recycling and industrial purposes have to be certified
by the provincial EPAs for genuine use, else we deny
them the NOCs at the federal level. In a similar vein,
the reduction of single-use plastics from markets has
begun with the public sector, which for ICT means the
federal government, extending then to prohibitions on
plastic items which under extended user
responsibility protocols, manufacturers have agreed to
stop in ICT from August 1, 2023.
The battle against plastics is a long one, but the
journey has to begin and go beyond polythene bags.
Citizens need to be stakeholders, as no one can police
climate change at the door-to-door level, but
regulations lay a foundation. Our Urban Policy
Framework still needs inputs from the provinces, as
do many other plans, like the EV policy parked for
incentive changes in the Finance Ministry.
The National REDD+ strategy, the upscaling of the
Green Pakistan program had started earlier, like the
finished NCCP document. I did not believe in tearing
up any policy on the basis of partisan politics. The
enhancement of forests, especially given the need to
prevent deforestation, is also on the way. Reduction in
emissions is a part of the large carbon sequestration
projects already prioritized in our delta mangroves,
where Sindh has taken a global lead in enhancing
mangrove cover by 300 per cent from the 1990s. At
the federal level, a comprehensive carbon trade
framework is on the anvil, premised on a carbon
registry being developed with support from the World
Bank. Energy transition plans remain central to
ambitious mitigation efforts, especially with a shift
towards renewables, but financing remains a barrier
to much of the change.
Lastly, but very importantly, we moved the Islamabad
Nature Conservation and Wildlife Management bill
through both houses of parliament to unanimous
approval, so that boundaries to the green area called
the Margalla Hills Wildlife Park are not further
encroached, and the vital connection between
biodiversity, environmental regeneration and climate
change is reified and enhanced. Cities that leave their
green areas to the mercy of developers are not cities of
the future, and Islamabad deserves to keep its lungs
We also needed to create new rules for animal
sanctuaries, define what constituted wildlife, and how
animals cannot be treated like circus creatures to be
paraded, caged, abused for human entertainment
anymore. Zoos are increasingly frowned upon as
places of unnatural habitat for many species, and we
have many examples of exotic and non-indigenous
species suffering cruel and indifferent treatment at the
hands of local zoos, so all such facilities in Islamabad
are now only reserved for the rehabilitation of animals
found in illegal captivity for onward sanctuary.
We called a meeting of all provinces to advise, not
direct, (as we cannot do that) them on how to revamp
their own zoos according to more humane laws,
allowing animals to live in their own ecosystem where
they maintain nature’s balance better than humans.
Zoning will help all of us stay in our own allocated
habitats. Let us hope some of this thinking and
planning devolves down to the local levels of Pakistan.
Much of what we did in 16 months is just a
framework for intense time and resource investment
planning for the next government. Pakistan needs to
take the triple planetary crisis as seriously as a
national security crisis.
Securing Pakistan’s water: Every summer, Pakistan
braces for flooding as the monsoon season and
growing summer heatwaves cascade to trigger a series
of flood emergencies all over the country. This year too,
thousands of people and livestock went into crisis and
evacuation as the River Sutlej rose to high flood,
impacting several regions of the Punjab.
At the same time, and seemingly counterintuitively,
but also because of unchecked population growth, we
are also primed to be water-scarce by 2025. The latest
UN report, ‘Global Water Security 2023’, places
Pakistan in the critically-insecure category.
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Special readings for CSS 2023 (Special)/ 2024 exam by CSS Exam Desk Team
The hydrological base of Pakistan is the River Indus,
which sustains 90 per cent of food production, and
clusters the world’s largest irrigation man-made
systems in the world in the plains of the Punjab.
Although monsoons add to the water in the system,
data projections suggest that the Indus River is
predominantly glacial fed, relying on them almost 60-
70 per cent for freshwater availability.
Data is always thin on the ground but a report by the
International Centre for Integrated Mountain
Development (ICIMOD) suggests that the Indus River
system may be the most impacted by climate change,
pollution, and the associated loss of permafrost. With
high percentages of our water source linked to
transboundary rivers, rising in the mountains at the
confluence of the Himalayas, the Karakoram and the
Hindukush ranges, risks to water security and
demand at home will have to be managed. A 2022
UNEP report points to dangerous levels of risk to
these “Asian Water Towers”, impacted increasingly by
extreme warming, which leads to flooding, landslides,
and drought in the communities they sustain.
At the same time, rainfall and cyclonic patterns
impacting Pakistan are now defined with high
unpredictability and intensity. One heavy monsoon
can compound the water discharge with heavy flows
from upper riparian countries like India, which is
linked in its basin and rivers to Pakistan’s Indus River
system, almost completely redefining the agri-water
nexus in the country. The 2022 monsoon was an
exceptional season of unprecedented, spectacularly
high rainfall patterns that disrupted everything the
world knows about monsoon cycles.
When it inundated one-third of the country and put
Pakistan in world headlines as a global hotspot for
climate change, the UN secretary-general called it a
“monsoon on steroids”. Buckets of water gushed down
from the sky to redefine the topography of Sindh and
Balochistan, the two southern low-riparian provinces
where aridity had advanced substantially over three
decades.
What is lesser known is the fact that every summer,
as global temperatures rise, population growth and
water demand spikes will intersect with climate
change to put severe pressure on water and food
security. Hotter weather will lead to both higher
demand for flood irrigation used by the agri-sector but
also higher volumes of water use in thermal power
production.
Large upstream dams and barrages have not been
able to manage water availability on time for crop
sowing and harvesting among provinces, making
water distribution, governance, and pricing one of the
most hotly contested issues in the federation. Late
water releases, uncertainty in rainfall and runoff
regimes coupled with progressive warming has led to
desertification and sea-water ingress into dry riverbed
channels to destroy the soil and aquifers of the
southern and coastal areas.
What then does Pakistan need to do to manage the
rising levels of water insecurity, unpredictability,
contested distribution and extreme challenges,
ranging from surges in catastrophic flooding to
parched earth and salinity of basins and soil?
Economic constraints cannot continue to define
adaptive capacity. Water security is too critical a
faultline to not merit creative solutions.
Climate solutions, as it stands, face institutional
fragmentation, and remain under-leveraged for the
needed transformational shift. Conventional thinking
in official quarters needs to change. Both scarcity and
flood modelling is needed. First, the Ministry of Water
Resources needs to modernize its policy, capacity,
outreach, and coordination, especially for data-based
solutions for managing rising agricultural, industrial
and urban demand, far more than prioritizing long-
gestation infrastructure projects.
Mechanisms for regulating groundwater usage need to
be introduced. Viable rain harvesting projects need
outlays by each province and canal inefficiencies
plugged in Punjab and Sindh. Flood adaptation and
wetland recharge requires a number of coordinated
community-based solutions. Many such action menus
based on local solutions, including community ponds,
are available in the Living Indus Initiative project.
Second, the Federal Ministry of Planning, for its part,
needs to embed water, climate adaptation and cross-
sectoral demand management into the framework and
PC-1 formats it uses for development and resource
allocation, and move past colonial-era infrastructure
as the only road to conservation or flood-proofing.
Third, the Ministry for Food Security needs to upscale
its climate-smart agriculture solutions and build
resilience toolkits for changing both irrigation and
crop varieties in the provinces by sharing capacity and
local solutions. Agriculture is the largest consumer of
water in Pakistan, particularly thirsty crops like rice,
sugar-cane, cotton, but there is little movement
towards pulses, lentils or crops that need less water
and are currently imported.
Sustainable irrigation models need to be promoted,
not just in pilot projects but those that can be
upscaled, while drought-resilient seeds and new crops
have to be introduced in farms across the delta area
that is fast depleting its ground water as well as its
local economy. Promoting intensive or subsidized solar
tube-well usage is also not helping the groundwater
problem, because much of it has become a finite or
toxic resource due to excessive usage, wastewater
leaching, high pollution, water-logging, over-
abstraction and no cyclical recharge. Arsenic levels
are the fourth highest in the world for Pakistan,
especially in rural Sindh and Punjab.
Fourth, the provinces need to take stock, execute
policy frameworks, and start legally enforcing flood
zoning, water conservation, metering, and municipal
management. Policies have to address looming urban
water scarcity and provinces have to connect the
complex dots of transparent water governance in a
landscape of competing and uncoordinated municipal
and land-use agencies in unchecked urban sprawl.
Big investments in the water, sanitation and health
sectors will help manage urban flooding impacts,
which is the one area international assistance can be
made available. Wastewater treatment and
desalination interventions imply capital outlays but
can be outsourced by cities on public-private
partnership investment models. Different solutions
will apply to mountain areas and different ones for the
crisis-ridden delta areas. These, including tech-based
solutions, are identified and curated in the National
Adaptation Plan 2023 put out by the Ministry for
Climate Change.
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Fifth, nature-based solutions must be applied
wherever possible. Mangrove ecosystems and wetland
recharge projects can build natural buffers to flooding.
Where greening budgets are slashed the provinces can
monetize existing carbon sinks, like Sindh has done to
replenish and add to its mangrove cover. Whether
they are mountain forests or delta mangroves, some
percentage of trading in carbon markets can generate
the liquidity to replace forest cover.
The good news is that Recharge Pakistan has found
itself a climate grant of $77 million, but once it is
spread out over the provinces into one project each,
the scale will not be enough for full-basin upgradation.
Across the country, environment and water
management interventions reinforce each other. This
means, among other things, basic climate zoning,
such as no hotels on riverbanks, or no highways
across green areas, because the environment does not
degrade in silos. Arid zones will grow bigger under all
emission pathways, and when biodiversity losses hit a
danger zone, they take wetlands and rivers down.
DEVELOPMENT IS FOR THE PEOPLE
Every government in Pakistan has made tall claims
about development and delivering wonderful benefits
to the people in its name; and yet Pakistan continues
to occupy lowly positions in world rankings of every
indicator of human and economic development.
We are a country that is the fifth largest in the world,
ranks at 161 in the development of its human
resources, 123 in acquisition of knowledge by its
people, 129 in establishing rule of law and dispensing
justice to its citizens, and 157 in GDP per capita.
One thing that stands out from these low rankings is
that investment in the people of Pakistan to enhance
their knowledge, skills and abilities or protect their
rights with rule of law, has never been a policy priority.
This has landed the country with a huge mass of
disempowered people, unable to create value for
themselves or the country.
Development has become one of those popular words
like ‘democracy’, frequently uttered in public
pronouncements but often used as a shield to cover
up personal agendas of vested interests, with little
benefits flowing out to the people of Pakistan.
It is important to clear our minds about what
development really means, so that the energies and
resources of a poor country do not continue to be
wasted, otherwise we will be groping around in the
dark like those blind men touching different parts of
the elephant and mistaking its parts to be the animal
itself.
Development is an all-encompassing, multi-
disciplinary process, which touches the lives of people
at individual and collective levels and adds to their
social, cultural, economic and political wellbeing. It is
not a catalogue of construction projects, and it is
much more than economic growth.
If development were synonymous with construction,
then no bigger development has taken place in history
than the construction of the pyramids of Egypt – but
these were constructed by the Pharaohs to project
their power and create comfortable conditions for their
afterlife, not to improve the social, cultural, economic
or political wellbeing of the Egyptian people.
Lastly, Pakistan needs its citizens to save water.
Freshwater is still available in the system, but per
capita usage in the country is entirely unsustainable.
Under a high-warming and high population growth
scenario water demand is projected to increase almost
60 per cent by 2047, especially in the domestic and
industrial sectors.
Currently, we have one of the fourth highest levels of
per capita water usage in the world. According to the
IMF, Pakistan’s per capita annual water availability as
of 2017 was 1017 cubic meters, perilously close to the
scarcity threshold of 1000 cubic meters. In 2023,
many urban areas have reported dangerous deficits
which are compounded by the politics of informal
distribution.
We don’t want to become water scarce just because we
could not change our habits. (Author: Sherry Rehman.
The writer is the former federal minister for climate
change and environmental coordination. Published in
Pak Observer in August 2023)
So, development is ‘of the people and for the people’.
In other words, development means empowerment of
the people. That is the first characteristic of
‘development’.
And the litmus test to measure the empowerment of
people is not by how many billions are allocated for
this programme or that project. That figure may be of
interest to those who are given the contract or the
wheelers and dealers to calculate their cuts and
commissions, but it has no meaning for the people.
What is important for the people is to tell them how
many new jobs and business opportunities are
created through these programmes/ projects and
what tools of empowerment – the new knowledge,
skills, technologies, abilities – are imparted to the
people through these projects to enable them to add
value for themselves and for society. And how these
add to the safety, security and dignity of the citizens
and protect them so that their rights, rewards and
opportunities are not usurped by the high and mighty.
Any programmes or projects – and the money spent
behind these – that run counter to this litmus test
may be projecting anyone’s pomp and power, but do
not qualify to be called ‘development’ for the country.
We learn from history that development has not been
a continuous, consistent or sustainable process in
any country. Even as all kinds of things were going on
in the world – wars, conquests, invasions, settlements
or the rule of this or that king or conqueror, tons of
money spent and life going on as it may be – there has
been no development to upgrade the life of the people
living in these countries, even for centuries.
It is noteworthy to recall that it took 1000 years for
the world’s GDP to double before the 18th century,
because the environment for the development or
empowerment of the people did not exist for centuries.
Let us look closely at home. When India started to
become colonized after the Battle of Plassey (1757) it
was contributing 25 per cent of the world GDP. About
200 years later during which all kinds of things – and
governments by this or that local or foreign rulers –
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were going on, the country continued to be pauperised
and its people disempowered socially, culturally,
economically and politically. When it was finally
decolonized in 1947, it had been pauperized by
colonial governance to such an extent that its
contribution had fallen to a mere 3.0 per cent of the
world GDP.
Again, a little more than 100 years ago, at the
beginning of the 20th century, Argentina was among
the five most developed and richest countries of the
world. Today, it has slumped down to the 30th
position, its people suffering from 100 per cent
inflation. Argentina, like Pakistan, is among the
biggest debtors to the IMF with $46 billion of
outstanding debt, and an unending begging bowl
before the IFIs of the world.
That is the second lesson to learn from history: that
development has not been a continuous, consistent or
sustainable process in the history of any country.
That decades, even centuries, can go by without that
society or country seeing any addition to the wellbeing
or empowerment of its people.
The third lesson to learn from history is that
development is not an autonomous or independent
process. It does not happen by itself. It is a dependent
process – a byproduct of an environment or culture
that believes in empowering people and enabling them
to take the processes of development forward.
This is where we often make the mistake of putting
the cart before the horse and complaining why the
cart is not moving forward (that is development is not
taking place). Our deceptive talk of development
without a thought to creating the enabling
environment for it has wasted 75 years and caused
despondency among the people of Pakistan. Can there
be a bigger vote of No-Confidence in the policy choices
made for ruling this country than shown by the
exodus of the people, leaving the country in droves
and even risking their lives in the waters of the
Mediterranean?
The point to note is that the enabling culture that
encourages empowerment of the people is the
foundation upon which the processes of development
can move forward. If the ingredients of that enabling
culture are put in place, development would
automatically happen, as one of the byproducts of
that environment – not the other way around.
To cut a long story short: development of a country
and disempowerment of its people do not go together.
Without investing in people and empowering them, we
would again be wasting years without developing the
country. No country can claim to be developed while
its people remain disempowered.
That the people have the right to development and the
state has a duty to provide an enabling environment
will be discussed now.
Development processes are meant to empower people
and add to their social, cultural, economic and
political wellbeing. If people remain disempowered, no
angels are going to come in and lift the country from
its medieval backwaters of under-development and
put it on the path of power, prosperity and
development.
So the development of the country is a by-product of
the development of its people. Only when its people
are prosperous and empowered can a country hope to
join the comity of developed nations.
Of all things that separated modern from the medieval
world, the developed from the undeveloped, and the
empowered from the dis-empowered, the most
important was a culture change. While it affected the
whole range of how we conduct our life, work and
leisure, the most important ingredient of that culture
change was that individuals took centre stage in
society.
It radically changed the status of the individual from
being a slave or a subject to becoming a citizen with
inalienable rights which could not be taken away at
the whims and wishes of anyone. This empowerment
unleashed the creative powers of the people and
liberated them from the suffocating totalitarianism of
the medieval world.
Any doubts about it should be dispelled by an
example right from our home. Nothing explains better
the pitiful position of people in the suffocating and
tyrannical medieval world than the Urdu phrase used
in the court of medieval kings: “jaan ki amaan
paanoon tau arz karoon” (I will speak or express my
opinion only if you promise not to take away my life –
in case my words do not please the lord!).
Human lives had no value in that culture – much less
their liberty and development. Every aspect of their
lives depended upon the whims and wishes of the
rulers. Any remaining doubts on this would be put to
rest by the diary of French physician Francois Bernier
who spent 12 years in India during the reign of
emperors Shah Jehan and Aurangzeb. How could
anything, any idea, any reform grow in such a barren
soil where survival was every day at risk.
Liberating people from that suffocating tyranny was a
long struggle – both intellectual and physical – that
weakened the medieval culture and made the
transition to the people’s empowerment possible.
What is important here is to highlight the important
features of this culture change and its new value set,
which created an enabling environment.
For our purpose, we will briefly mention five main
features of the culture change which laid the
foundation for the empowerment and development of
the people: One, a belief system that all humans are
equal, and all lives, not just that of kings, conquerors
and clergy are important and must receive equal
rights and protection. Two, there is neither any divine
right to rule nor a hereditary one. The only legitimate
way to rule over people is by the consent of the
governed.
Three, society determines the shape, form, powers and
functions of the state, as well as the rights of citizens
– not the other way around. Four, knowledge is
rational and incremental. Five, the state is a man-
made institution, not a divine creation; and its raison
d’etre is to work for the social, economic and political
empowerment of its citizens in this world.
Once this culture – this value set – is embraced and
lays its roots in a country, development is an
automatic output of this enabling environment which
liberates the creativity of the human mind. It has
continued to add value and wealth to the world.
Previously, it took over a thousand years for the global
GDP to double before this culture change. Later, it
doubled in 100 years in the 19th century and doubled
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again only in 50 years in the 20th century. It
continues to increase by leaps and bounds every
single day.
But countries still mired in the suffocating medieval
culture are miles away from economic growth. In
these countries, economic stagnation and the status
quo continue to prevent people from realizing their
potential. The shift from medieval to modern culture
can best be seen in the context of the power struggle
between the state and society as an attempt to create
a better balance of power between the two.
The resistance of the state to this shift, which earlier
had a monopoly of power, also reflects its concern to
the emergence of a competitive centre of power in
society which may hold the state accountable for not
delivering on the empowerment of the members of
society – the people.
The insistence of some quarters on preserving the
status quo is a throwback to the monarchical style of
governance and the desire to continue to keep power
within the same family or group. This is symptomatic
of the underlying fear of the empowerment of the
people and co-exists with non-representative rule. But
to believe that a country can develop without the
development of its people is wishful thinking.
If we analyze the failing states, we will see that the
disempowerment of their people is a common thread
running through them all. Some countries have ended
up in the list of failing states despite being
independent for 200 years (Haiti) or rich with
abundant mineral resources (DR Congo) only because
their people have remained disempowered.
ADDRESSING PAKISTAN’S TRADE IMBALANCE
Pakistan’s persistent trade deficit has been a major
impediment to economic development. The deficit
stood at $48.35 Billion in the 2022 fiscal year but has
declined to $27.55 Billion this year. Presently,
Pakistan exports goods and services worth $35.21
Billion while imports are estimated to be $60.13
Billion. Exports include textiles valued at $16.3 billion,
food items worth $4.7 billion, chemicals &
pharmaceuticals at $1.4 billion, leather products at
$627 million and sports goods at $461 million. The
principal imports are crude oil & petroleum products
priced at $17.5 billion, agricultural and fertiliser
inputs quoted at $8.25 billion, food items primarily
cooking oils costing $7.96 billion, and machinery
estimated at $4.4 Billion. A portion of the trade deficit
is structural, such as petroleum for automobiles and
machinery not produced domestically, but the
imbalance may be mitigated via myriad strategies to
substitute imports and increase exports.
To remedy the persistent trade discrepancy, let’s start
by addressing the main factors contributing to the
problem. The first issue is the small export base of the
country. Pakistan only exports a limited range of
products and is heavily reliant on sectors such as
textiles and agriculture, thereby limiting the country’s
ability to increase exports. Pakistan needs to diversify
its export base by identifying new sectors and
products that have the potential to generate higher
income. This will require state support for Pakistani
firms entering new markets as well as investment in
Research and Development. For instance, the global
sports equipment market is estimated at $160 Billion.
Pakistani manufacturers could explore new
opportunities in sports such as American Football,
Rugby, Netball, Lacrosse, Australian Football,
In an age of empowered people where new inventions,
discoveries and advances in science and technology
are uncovering the secrets of the universe and leading
the march to ever new sources of power and
prosperity, a country with disempowered people –
mired in unending medieval games of instability with
no agreed code of conduct – is creating problems for
itself and should reset its priorities.
Former Singaporean prime minister Lee Kuan Yew
had famously said that a country without the
discipline of abiding by an agreed code of conduct will
find neither democracy nor development.
And a World Bank report on Pakistan says it is
“heartbreaking” that the country has “so little to show
for so much money spent in the name of development”.
On top of this, the country has buried itself under a
mountain of unsustainable debt.
This reaffirms our fundamental concern: that we have
been misusing popular labels like democracy and
development often contrary to the intent of the labels
themselves.
The state should retreat from being an active player in
development and focus on its principal function of
creating an enabling environment for the
empowerment of people. An empowered people will
take care of not only their development but also the
country; because people’s development precedes the
development of the country. (Author: Syed Mohibullah
Shah. The writer designed the Board of Investment
and the First Women’s Bank. Published in Pak
Observer in August 2023)
Baseball and Golf. If Sialkot’s manufacturers can
produce Cricket Bats and meet 70% of the world’s
Football demand, they can also explore opportunities
in other sports.
Low productivity complicates matters for Pakistani
firms competing in international markets. This is a
consequence of poor infrastructure, a scientifically
inept workforce with inadequate STEM skills and
limited access to finance and technology. Addressing
these would necessitate a coherent government
strategy since higher productivity levels will decrease
production costs and increase exports. Pakistan needs
to invest in infrastructure to improve the efficiency of
its export and import processes. This includes
investment in transportation, communication, energy,
and water supply networks. Improving infrastructure
will reduce the cost of production and transport,
making Pakistani goods more competitive in
international markets. Practical examples include
hydropower projects to generate electricity at 3.5 to 5
cents / kWh. This would be followed up with
investments in the Railways for cheaper transport of
goods e.g. upgrading the ML – 1 and ML – 2 lines.
Financial institutions need to be encouraged to
pursue a policy of greater financial inclusion, which
will benefit small and medium enterprises that often
struggle will access to capital. Special economic zones
(SEZs) need to be prioritised to encourage export-
oriented industrialisation. Providing firms operating in
SEZs with quality infrastructure, utilities and support
services will attract foreign investors by creating a
favourable environment for firms to manufacture
exportable goods.
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In the education sector, provincial governments
should prioritise STEM subjects. The IT and
Technology sector could have become a success story
but successive governments ignored subjects such as
Computer Science, Artificial Intelligence, Data Science,
Biotech and bio-engineering. Therefore, it should not
come as a surprise that the country is not prepared
for a future where Artificial Intelligence, Web 3,
Virtual Reality, advancements in Biotech and the 4th
Industrial Revolution determine the trajectories of
nations. There is no substitute for an educated and
competitive work force, and this necessitates
concentrating on STEM subjects.
Moving on, Pakistan is heavily dependent on imports,
particularly for energy and capital goods. The country
has a limited capacity to produce prerequisites
domestically, implying it must import them. An
example is the $120 billion spent on Petroleum
imports over the past decade. A calculated policy of
import substitution would reduce imports. The
Federal government needs to identify sectors and
products that have the potential to be sourced
domestically and provide support to firms entering
these markets. This will require investment in
infrastructure, education and training, and access to
finance and technology. Establishing a $10 billion
Petroleum Refinery at Hub to meet refining demands,
or even exceed capacity, would save the country $2
billion annually, or $20 billion over a decade.
Pakistan would only have to import Crude Oil and
subsequently refine it for domestic use. Demand for
Petroleum products could be met locally and tertiary
petroleum products could be exported, as China and
India are currently doing. The ensuing savings would
be enough to finance the construction of the Yulbo,
Pattan and Tungus Dams for a cumulative
generational capacity of 7,400 MW. Likewise, Pakistan
has fertile land that could be used for the cultivation
of Olives, soybeans and Palm, and subsequently, the
production of edible oils. This would decrease the
$7.57 billion spent annually on the import of 4.5
million tons of edible oil.
The devaluation of the Pakistani rupee has also
contributed to the trade deficit by making imports
more expensive and reducing the country’s
purchasing power, which in turn has a further
negative impact on domestic demand and GDP growth.
Pakistan needs to strengthen its currency to reduce
the cost of imports and increase domestic purchasing
power. This will require sound macroeconomic policies,
including fiscal and monetary policies, that promote
economic stability and growth. Expenditure on future
projects will have to be determined by economic
feasibility, development priorities and efficient
outcomes, not based on gaining votes from
economically uninformed constituents. For example,
the $1.55 Billion spent on the Orange Metro Line in
Lahore would have been better spent on the 700 MW
Azad Pattan Dam, which would have generated cheap
THE ECONOMICS OF CIRCULAR DEBT
The energy sector of Pakistan has been grappling with
a severe and urgent situation, burdened by the
mounting circular debt (CD) and severe liquidity
pressures. These challenges have been building up for
more than a decade, fueled by a combination of
sluggish reforms, operational losses, and political
reluctances. The fiscal year 2023 witnessed a further
deterioration, putting immense strain on the power
sector, resulting in widespread power outages, load
energy at 4.5 cents / kWh. The economic growth
resulting from cheap electricity would have been
enough to finance multiple metro line projects.
Political turmoil and protests in the country
exacerbate problems, hinder investment and prevent
successive governments from formulating a coherent
trade policy. Any mayhem in the country, whether by
political parties or religious organisations, will scare
off foreign investors, including Chinese manufacturers
attracted by the China – Pakistan Economic Corridor.
Political stability is a prerequisite if Pakistan desires
to attract foreign investment to finance its trade deficit.
On the governance side, the state struggles with a
cumbersome bureaucracy and red tape. Prospects of
legal disputes and a hectic dispute resolution
framework further disincentivise investment. Pakistan
needs to create an attractive investment climate,
including a stable political and economic environment,
favourable policies and regulations, and establish
special courts for investors. Improving the rule of law,
reducing corruption, enforcing contracts and
enhancing transparency are of vital importance. A
strong governance framework will create an
environment that is conducive to investment and
economic growth. Foreign investment can help
Pakistan develop new export sectors and products,
improve productivity levels, and reduce its
dependence on imports.
Lastly, Pakistan needs to reduce trade barriers to
increase exports. The country needs to improve its
trade facilitation measures, including customs
procedures and regulations, to reduce the cost and
time of exporting. The Federal government should
negotiate trade agreements with friendly countries to
improve market access for Pakistani exports in Saudi
Arabia, UAE, Qatar and Oman. Pakistan should take
advantage of its strategic location, which makes it a
gateway to the Central Asian Republics, China, India
and the Middle East. Promoting regional trade, and
developing transport links and trade agreements with
these countries could increase trade flows and
increase exports.
Pakistan’s persistent trade deficit is a major challenge
to the country’s economic development. Despite the
plethora of problems and myriad challenges the
country faces, all of these issues can be systematically
addressed and rectified. Future governments need to
diversify the export base, improve productivity levels,
promote import substitution, reduce trade barriers,
strengthen the currency, attract foreign investment,
develop special economic zones, improve
infrastructure, improve governance, and promote
regional trade. These strategies will require significant
investment and policy reform, but they are essential
for Pakistan to achieve sustainable economic growth
and development. (Author: Ahmed S Cheema.
Published in Daily Times in August 2023)
shedding, exponential increase in tariff and
unexpected additional budgetary subsidies.
At the heart of this crisis lies the power sector,
requiring immediate and concrete reforms to restore
its viability. Recognizing the gravity of the situation,
the International Monetary Fund (IMF)’s staff report
and statement have provided valuable insights and
way forward. As part of the plan, the government is
poised to adopt an updated Fiscal Year 2024 Circular
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Debt Management Plan (CDMP) in 2023. The primary
aim of this plan is to reduce the budgeted FY24 power
subsidy from PKR 976 billion, equivalent to 0.9
percent of GDP. Moreover, the plan entails measures
to offset the projected FY24 CD flow of PRs 392 billion
and stabilize the FY24 CD stock at its expected end-
FY23 level of PKR 2,374 billion (2.2 percent of GDP).
The implementation of this comprehensive plan is
crucial to alleviate the energy sector’s woes and pave
the way for a sustainable and robust power industry
in the country.
In the reform plan, a crucial step is the timely
realignment of power tariffs with cost recovery levels
and annual rebasing (AR) by National Electric Power
Regulatory Authority (NEPRA). This entails regular
adjustments based on established formulas for annual
rebasing, quarterly tariff revisions, and monthly fuel
price adjustments. These measures play a pivotal role
in arresting the accumulation of circular debt, easing
fiscal pressures, and restoring the financial health of
power generators, ultimately ensuring a seamless
energy supply.
The government is also cognizant of the necessity to
target power subsidies more effectively. In this regard,
efforts are underway to shield vulnerable segments of
society, introduce fairness, and reduce fiscal burdens.
To achieve this, the government is required to embark
on the third stage of a multi-year subsidy reform plan,
focusing on rationalizing subsidies for major
agricultural users. Alongside, regular tariff
adjustments will be implemented while safeguarding
lifeline and protected slabs for residential consumers.
Furthermore, the government is required to actively
pursue medium-term reforms to tackle costs and
circular debt. These initiatives involve measures to
curb commercial and technical losses, renegotiate
power purchase agreements (PPAs), and restructure
guaranteed debts into more manageable terms.
Additionally, there will be a concerted push to
augment renewable energy capacity and enhance
distribution efficiencies. These reform efforts have
garnered support from esteemed international
financial institutions such as the World Bank and
Asian Development Bank (ADB).
The natural gas sector is confronted with similar
challenges, necessitating regular biannual end-user
gas price adjustments while ensuring protection for
the most vulnerable consumers. Collaborating with
the World Bank, the government seeks to implement
the weighted-average cost of gas pricing law, improve
data management and projection capabilities, and
implement reforms to reduce Unaccounted-for Gas
(UFG) losses. The gravity of the circular debt issue
within the energy sector demands immediate attention
and decisive action. Failing to address this problem
could have far-reaching implications for the economy,
leading to power shortages, diminished industrial
output, and ultimately, a negative impact on the
overall growth and development of the country. The
recurrent problem of circular debt in the power and
gas sectors is not novel. For the past decade, the
nation has grappled with mounting debt, resulting in
a cyclic pattern that appears increasingly challenging
to break. The predicament has been exacerbated by
several factors, including slow-paced reforms,
inefficient distribution systems, and political
resistance to essential tariff adjustments.
Pakistan’s energy sector, long shadowed by systemic
flaws, has been skating on thin ice. It’s a cocktail of
inefficiencies, administrative faux pas, and a chronic
investment drought that’s left powerhouses running
dry. The resultant strain? Spiralling costs, an
unwelcome reliance on premium imported fuels, and a
burgeoning circular debt that increasingly feels like a
millstone around the government’s neck.
The political arena, notorious for its ‘kick-the-can-
down-the-road’ approach, hasn’t helped. Fearing
electoral aftershocks and public furore, authorities
have shied away from biting the bullet on global
commodity pricing and exchange rate fluctuations.
The upshot: a liberal sprinkling of subsidies, intended
as a salve, but only deepening the fiscal quagmire and
stretching the national purse strings to snapping.
Adding fuel to the fire are off-the-books subsidies-
ephemeral band-aids that miss the heart of the
ailment. They’ve spun a web of dependency, turning
power companies into subsidy junkies rather than
champions of fiscal reform. The ripples of circular
debt aren’t just numbers on a ledger but real-world
blackouts and dimmed factories. The everyday fallout?
Stalled production lines, shrinking payrolls, and
businesses turning to pricey power alternatives. And
for foreign investors? Pakistan’s energy landscape
seems more minefield than goldmine. The capricious
energy scene makes them skittish, curbing the very
investments that could inject vigour into the economy
and pull it out of the fiscal doldrums. Addressing this
Gordian knot, the touted Fiscal Year 2024 Circular
Debt Management Plan sounds like a step in the right
direction. But it’s not just about plans on paper; it’s
high time for brass tacks solutions that trim the fat off
the energy sector and lighten the load of this circular
debt albatross.
The first and most crucial step is the timely alignment
of power tariffs with cost recovery levels. Transparent
and regular tariff adjustments, in line with established
formulas, are essential to ensure that power
companies can cover their costs and invest in
infrastructure and maintenance. At the same time,
these adjustments should protect vulnerable
consumers through lifeline and protected tariffs.
Additionally, there is a pressing need to better target
power subsidies. While it is essential to protect the
poor and vulnerable from rising energy costs,
subsidies must be designed to benefit those who truly
need them. The government’s commitment to entering
the third stage of a multi-year subsidy reform plan is
commendable. It should focus on phasing out
subsidies for well-off consumers while sparing the
lifeline and protected slabs for low-income households.
In the medium term, the government should pursue
other critical reforms to reduce costs and circular debt
in the power sector. This includes efforts to reduce
commercial and technical losses, renegotiate power
purchase agreements to ensure fair pricing, and
improve governance and terms of Power Purchase
Agreements (PPAs). Increasing competition in the
energy market and expanding renewable energy
capacity are also crucial to diversify the energy mix
and reduce reliance on expensive imported fuels.
Furthermore, addressing circular debt in the gas
sector requires a similar approach. Regular biannual
end-user gas price adjustments, as per established
formulas, can help maintain the financial viability of
gas suppliers while protecting vulnerable consumers.
Simultaneously, measures to reduce Unaccounted-for
Gas (UFG) losses through infrastructure
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improvements and theft control will contribute to
overall cost reduction.
To support the reform efforts, the government should
work closely with international financial institutions
like the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank
(ADB). These organizations can provide technical
expertise, financial support, and valuable insights
from successful energy sector reforms implemented in
other countries.
Moreover, a tailored Just Energy Transition
Partnership Investment Plan (JETP-IP) must be
negotiated under the strategic initiative of China-
Pakistan Economic Corridor, so that energy transition
can be accelerated along with much needed
investment into power grids.
In conclusion, Pakistan’s energy sector, long a tangle
of inefficiencies and fiscal acrobatics, stands at the
precipice. For a decade, it’s been ensnared in the
stranglehold of a mounting circular debt, punctuated
by power blackouts and beleaguered bailouts. 2023
only darkened the clouds, with the power sector
bearing the brunt, beset by liquidity woes, and
drawing ever deeper from the national purse.
The heart of the matter? A power sector that’s more
out of steam than it can afford to be, its very viability
hanging by a thread. It’s a quagmire deepened by
political dithering, sluggish reforms, and perennial
operational losses. To many, the grim tapestry looks
familiar – the sector has been down this gloomy alley
before, tethered to a cyclic pattern of debt
accumulation that’s becoming tougher to snap.
The International Monetary Fund, ever the fiscal
harbinger, has thrown a lifeline. They have proffered
THE GLOBAL SECURITY INITIATIVE: EXPECTATIONS
In an era defined by interconnectedness and shared
challenges, global security has emerged as a
paramount concern. Against this backdrop, China’s
Global Security Initiative (GSI) assumes a significant
role in shaping a safer world. The GSI, which Chinese
President Xi Jinping introduced in February this year,
has garnered interest from scholarly experts in
Chinese studies since its inception.
As China rises as a global power, expectations from
the GSI are high, and rightly so. This proactive and
comprehensive initiative holds huge potential to
promote international cooperation, address security
threats, and foster sustainable peace. As this initiative
gains traction, it is critical to examine the
expectations and implications for the rest of the world.
GSI revolves around multiple core concepts. A primary
expectation from the GSI is its commitment to
multilateralism. The success of any global initiative
depends on international collaboration and
cooperation. In order to encourage inclusive dialogue,
consensus-building, and collective decision-making
when addressing security challenges, the GSI must
build on this foundation and further strengthen the
current multilateral structures. Global security is
significantly threatened by cross-border risks like
terrorism and organized crime, and the world expects
proactive action from the GSI in mitigating these
dangers. China’s history in managing internal security
crises, especially its counter-terrorism activities in
Xinjiang, makes it a key player in international anti-
terrorism initiatives. The GSI should collaborate with
other nations to enhance the exchange of intelligence,
the Fiscal Year 2024 Circular Debt Management Plan
(CDMP). Aimed squarely at reining in power subsidies
and offsetting the whirlpool of debt, it’s a roadmap to
breathe life into a flagging sector. And with a target to
stabilise the fiscal year’s debt at 2.2% of the GDP, it’s
more than just a flash in the pan. Central to the
reform drive is tariff realignment. A push towards
transparent, regular adjustments ensures the
economic gears don’t grind to a halt. And as the
government reshapes its subsidy strategy, shielding
the needy without bleeding the exchequer becomes
paramount. Cue the third stage of the multi-year
subsidy reform, which zooms in on agriculture while
keeping a protective arm around residential lifelines.
The future? Think renewables, reduced losses, and
better-managed debts. And while the gas sector
battles its own circular demons, the prescription
remains eerily familiar: fair pricing and regular
adjustments. It’s a path that’ll need global guidance.
Institutions like the World Bank and ADB aren’t just
deep-pocketed allies; they’re repositories of wisdom,
their lessons from other shores invaluable.
A final piece of the puzzle lies with the China-Pakistan
Economic Corridor. A bespoke Just Energy Transition
Partnership Investment Plan might be the linchpin,
energising grids and speeding up the energy transition.
In essence, Pakistan’s energy woes, knotted in
political indecision and historical inefficiencies,
demand not just immediate panaceas but a
sustainable vision. The country can ill-afford to let its
energy sector keep running in fiscal circles. (Author:
Dr Khalid Waleed. The writer has a Doctorate in
Energy Economics and serves as a Research Fellow at
SDPI. Published in Daily Times on August 19, 2023)
AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE WORLD
orchestrate operations, and devise efficient strategies
to counter terrorism.
Moreover, as societies evolve towards greater
digitalization, the importance of cybersecurity as a
fundamental aspect of global security is enhanced.
The GSI is expected to encourage global cooperation in
cybersecurity matters, including the establishment of
standards for responsible cyberspace conduct by
states, enhancing capabilities, and sharing
information. China, with its rich cybersecurity
knowledge and rapidly growing technological abilities,
is a pivotal participant in this sector. It is irrefutable
that conflict and instability causes substantial
damage to global security; the GSI possesses
considerable potential to foster a meaningful shift in
the promotion of global peace and dispute resolutions.
As a permanent member of the UN Security Council,
China’s capacity to influence international
peacekeeping endeavours and mediation initiatives is
greatly amplified. The GSI should take a practical role
in aiding peacekeeping operations, promoting
diplomatic communication, and offering logistical
support to nations going through conflicts.
The GSI is also expected to prioritise environmental
security by promoting sustainable development and
addressing climate-related risks. China is committed
to achieving carbon neutrality by 2060 and has
immense investments in renewable energy which
make it an influential actor in this domain. Moreover,
during instances of humanitarian emergencies and
natural catastrophes, the world expects the GSI to
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play a pivotal role in delivering immediate and efficient
aid and disaster relief.
China has already effectively persuaded numerous
countries to endorse the concept of the GSI. Although
the idea might have been ambiguous, when it was
proposed by President Xi at the SCO Council of Heads
of State in Uzbekistan, the initiative was rapidly
backed by the majority of SCO members, that is,
Azerbaijan, Belarus, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
and Uzbekistan. In addition to these, over 80 nations
and regional organizations, including Cambodia,
Mongolia, Cuba, Uruguay, and Nicaragua, have
expressed their appreciation. Pakistan also strongly
supports the Global Development Initiative, a similar
Initiative aimed at expediting the process of achieving
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGS), 2030, and
the GSI. In Africa and the Middle East, the GSI has
been used in a variety of foreign policy and diplomatic
initiatives. Moreover, Gulf governments consider the
GSI as well aligned with their security views, hence it
will likely receive support from different parts of the
Gulf region.
However, despite this initial enthusiasm, the GSI will
face significant challenges in the actual
implementation. It is essential to comprehend the
actual capacity of China to implement the GSI as it
appears to function more as a rhetorical tool to
HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF THE ISLAMIC SPIRITUAL THOUGHT
ISLAMIC spiritual thought is a tradition of
conceptualizing human affairs that originates with the
Prophet Muhammad (570–632 CE) in seventh-century
Arabia. In his lifetime Muhammad recited the Qur’an
and established a precedent (Sunnah) that Muslims
ever since have taken as a guide for establishing a
just community. In the following centuries, Muslims
spread the Islamic way of life (Deen) across the Middle
East, North Africa, Southern Europe, Iran, Central
Asia and India, until today approximately one and half
billion people, or one-fifth of humanity, identify as
Muslim. Islamic spiritual thought has consistency
insofar as certain terms — such as community
(Ummah), justice (‘Adl) and struggle (Jihad) — recur
throughout the Qur’an and Prophetic narratives
(Hadith) and subsequent spiritual texts.
Throughout its history, however, Islamic spiritual
thought has incorporated modified and challenged
Arab customs, Jewish law, Persian statecraft,
Hellenistic philosophy, Christian theology and
European and American culture. Muslims are
currently debating how to reconcile (or not) Islamic
notions of community and justice and struggle with
concepts that first appeared in ancient Greece or
medieval Christendom, such as democracy, liberty
and secularism. This entry provides a background to
that debate by focusing on how leading Muslim
thinkers address questions of sovereignty and law or
who ought to govern according to which interpretation
of Sharia (divine law).
According to Ibn-e-Rushd, philosophers were best
qualified to interpret scripture, tradition and law
because they possessed the highest form of knowledge.
Following Aristotle, he held that right and wrong were
determined by nature rather than by divine command
and that effective legislation required both theoretical
and empirical knowledge. In the last century of
Abbasid rule in Baghdad, Sufism emerged as an
organized movement of fraternities, building up the
infrastructure of Muslim society and shaping the
Islamic identity of the polity for centuries to come; in
promote Chinese perspectives on global security
governance than as a concrete strategy for
establishing a Chinese world order within the realistic
framework of China’s role as a participant in
international security. It is believed that the GSI
actually lacks the necessary regulatory tools to carry
out President Xi’s aspirational policy objectives, and it
also needs an economic programme in addition to
security measures.
The transition of the GSI from rhetoric to reality is still
in progress, although China has presented numerous
rebranding frameworks to other countries, but few
have advanced beyond Beijing’s merely nominal
endorsement, raising doubts about this initiative’s
chances of taking off. Therefore, it is crucial to track
the progress of the GSI over the coming years and how
it relates to China’s larger objectives of reforming
global governance. It is also imperative to take into
account the practical limitations that will be placed on
China when analysing its motivations. Eventually, for
the GSI, process is as important as results and even if
the most specialized components of the GSI results in
few concrete policy outcomes, the overall initiative will
still foster a friendly international network. (Author:
Fatima Pasha. Published in Pakistan Today on
September 8, 2023)
fact, Sufism made a powerful impact on the fabric of
Islamic polity, which contemporary scholarship has
widely overlooked. Sufism began in the eighth and
ninth centuries in Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Iran, with
groups of men of piety leading an ascetic life and
seeking the mystic experience of union with God.
Led by teaching masters called Shaykhs (or Pīrs in
Persian), it developed its ideal of poverty (Faqr) and
trust in God (Tawakkul) and spread its practice of
meditative recollection (Zikr). Its radical spiritual and
social patterns provoked scholars of law and theology,
stirred up urban populations and challenged public
order. After being eclipsed by the Shi‘i renaissance of
the tenth century, Sufism reframed its path to God as
a branch of the Muslim sciences during the Sunni
revival under the Seljuk Turks. Leading into the
caliphate of the Abbasid Nasir (1180–1225), Sufism
organized itself into a large number of fraternities
(Tarīqah) based on a strict order of master and
disciples and marked by initiation rites and common
prayer ceremonies.
Networks of Sufi centres called “lodges” (Ar Ribāt, or
Pers. Khānqāh) paralleled the educational institution
of the madrasa and were favored by sultanate
governments. The sultans sought sacred legitimization
for the secular leadership they had acquired through
usurpation by securing the endorsement of Sufi
Shaykhs, whom they often honored with the title of
Shaykh al-Islam. Sufism was profoundly undergirded
by the monist philosophy of Ibn al-‘Arabi (1165-1240),
who’s pivotal concept of the “Perfect Man” (Al-Insān
al-Kāmil) supplied both an ontological and ethical
ideal. Yet Sufism engaged the emotions as well as the
intellect, tolerating unruly wandering dervishes
(Qalandar) and growing widely popular through its
provocative use of Persian love poetry, especially that
of Jalal al-Din al-Rumi (1207–73).
Drawing upon an image familiar to steppe populations,
the Sufis advocated a “tent” of spiritual rule (Wilāya)
over the entire society. The hierarchy of saints (Awliyā’)
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would be anchored in a spiritual pole (Qutub), which
would in turn be supported by his substitutes, the
“stakes” (Abdāl) and “pegs” (Awtād). Sufi institutions,
often built on the outskirts of urban centres around
the tombs of their founders, produced widely used
manuals that disseminated the ethical and spiritual
ideal of the Sufi way of life and contributed much to
the Islamic identity of populations in India, Southeast
Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Sufism made its
principal impact on Islamic spiritual thought and
social practice during the turbulent transition from
the fragmentation of the Abbasid Empire and the
emergence of its three successors.
During the sultanate period of Ilkhanids, Timurids,
Mamluks and Delhi Sultans, Sufi influence was
spread by many orders, among them the Kubrawis in
Pakistan’s Energy Policy: Foresight Versus Hindsight
Pakistan's energy policy has been dictated by a
hapless myopia that has more often than not left the
nation's citizens without power, or burdened with
excessive electricity bills. Instead of hasty political
posturing, prudence must govern Pakistan's energy
choices.
In the realm of energy production, Pakistan has
navigated through two contrasting scenarios over the
years: periods of electricity scarcity that lead to load
management, commonly known as load-shedding, and
times of surplus capacity. In both situations, the
public has not shied from voicing their concerns.
During shortages, the noise emanates from the roar of
generators in shopping districts, while in surplus
times, it echoes in the form of frustration over higher
tariffs and hefty electricity bills.
The journey into private sector involvement in power
generation, which began in the 1990s, led us down a
path of contracting more capacity than our immediate
needs. This era brought "accountability" into the
limelight and ushered in a tumultuous chapter
marked by costly litigation and international
arbitration. At the helm of this accountability drive
was a figure known as 'Ehtisabur Reman.' Those
interested in the details of this tumultuous period can
easily find them through a simple online search.
From 1997 to 2004, we grappled with the dual
challenges of surplus energy and excessive capacity
payments. Yet, from 2008 to 2015, we faced a severe
energy shortage, prompting us to explore various
avenues to meet the demand for electricity.
Reflecting on our energy landscape from 1947 to 2013,
one can discern a pattern of "regular" capacity
expansion plans. During the 1990s, power generation
capacity was bolstered through a mix of public sector
initiatives led by WAPDA and the Pakistan Atomic
Energy Commission, as well as private sector
endeavors facilitated by the creation of PPIB in 1994
and another facilitating agency (AEDB) established
around 2005. Typically, it took approximately a
decade from the inception of a project to its financial
closure, given the nature of the public sector projects
or the stringent requirements of the financial
institutions in standard “project finance” deals.
However, two notable exceptions emerged on
Pakistan's energy horizon, defying conventional
timelines and expectations. Firstly, the power projects
under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
arrived with unprecedented speed, characterized by
their immense scale and rapid execution, true to the
Central Asia, the Shazhilis in Egypt and North Africa
and the Suhrawardis and Chishtis in the Indus and
Ganges plains. The three great empires would draw
religious and political strength from Sufi resources,
the Ottomans from the Mevlevis and Bektashis, the
Shi‘i Safavids from their Sunni Sufi roots and the
Mughals from the Qadiris and Naqshbandis. All that
Islam requires is that men and women strive to create
a just society, where the vulnerable are treated
decently. This was the bedrock of the Islamic spiritual
essence to purify oneself and distribute equality and
justice to society. (Author: Umar Riaz Abbasi (PhD in
Islamic Studies). Published in Pakistan Observer on
September 8, 2023)
Chinese way. Secondly, the public sector, led by Mr.
Shahbaz Sharif & Co., managed to swiftly bring to
fruition four RLNG-based power projects of
considerable magnitude.
While a handful of experts exhibited foresight by
raising pertinent questions about the viability of these
exceptional projects, the majority gave their nod of
approval. This collective decision-making has left us
grappling with excess capacity and the "must run"
obligation imposed by several large projects, including
RLNG and coal-based power initiatives.
In hindsight, we must ask ourselves why we did not
strive for consensus before embarking on these
monumental ventures. Why did we not heed the voices
of experts who raised grave concerns about the
feasibility or non-viability of these projects? Why did
we not consider treating CPEC projects as
government-to-government (G2G) collaborations,
securing significantly reduced “returns on investment”,
both on debt and equity investments by the large
SOEs (State Owned Enterprises) of the friendly
Government of China? These investments, protected
by the Government of Pakistan in terms of concession
agreements and China’s own Sinosure, could have
been structured more judiciously.
We cannot change the past, but we can chart a more
prudent course moving forward. Our first step should
be to lend an attentive ear to the experts, fostering
consensus on how to address the capacity conundrum.
Simultaneously, we must come together to establish a
consensus on how to attract investors, both local and
international, through the SIFC, the recently created
Special Investment Facilitation Council, while avoiding
the repetition of past mistakes.
Just as a company seeks the wisdom of its board and
shareholders and relies on the majority or
supermajority decisions of its directors or
shareholders, our nation must collectively make and
wholeheartedly implement informed decisions. We
should not tolerate political posturing or misleading
tactics. Furthermore, blame games should have no
place in our pursuit of a more stable and efficient
energy future and economic stability. (Author:
Hasnain Naqvee. Published in Friday Times on
September 8, 2023)
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NAVIGATING PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES
Pakistan's foreign policy is shaped by a combination
of security concerns, diplomatic challenges, and
economic stability. It must overcome these to move
forwards
Since its inception, security has dominated Pakistan's
foreign policy. Having redefined its location as geo-
strategic in a region rife with territorial conflicts,
Pakistan has fashioned a foreign policy where it delves
into a combination of critical issues such as Kashmir,
Afghanistan, and terrorism apart from other self-
serving interests. Amid these challenging issues,
Pakistan's foreign policy faces several challenges that
need to be addressed to effectively navigate the
complex international landscape.
International relations scholars define foreign policy
as a set of strategies, decisions, and actions a
government takes to pursue national interests in
relation to other countries. They analyse foreign policy
through the theoretical lenses of realism, liberalism,
constructivism, and Marxism to understand the
motivations, strategies, and implications of a
country's foreign policy decisions. For most countries,
their foreign policies are shaped by their unique
domestic politics, historical experiences, cultural
values, and geopolitical considerations. After that,
factors such as balance of power, global and regional
dynamics, international institutions, and emerging
challenges such as globalisation, terrorism, climate
change, and human rights influence them.
For Pakistan, though, this has meant security,
whether of the physical or the economic kind. But
there are other challenges as well which this article
will explore.
Security concerns: Pakistan has long been grappling
with grave security challenges. This includes terrorism
domestically and from across its borders, along with
regional conflicts. These security concerns not only
impact domestic stability but also affect Pakistan's
relations with other countries.
Over the past 50 years, Pakistan has been embroiled
either directly or indirectly in various violent conflicts, its total GDP. Pakistan's total Gross Domestic Product
from the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan in
1979, the resulting rampant militancy, the US war on
terror and the subsequent invasion of Afghanistan
following the 9/11 attacks, all the while dealing with
low-intensity conflict on its eastern border with India
and sporadic issues cropping up on its western border
with Iran. All of these have significantly impacted
Pakistan's foreign policy.
In managing an effective response to terrorism,
tackling militancy, and protecting the global
community's interests, Pakistan was almost driven to
the brink of economic collapse. Even though it
attempted to manage them domestically, its attempts
to raise the issue diplomatically at the international
level received a less than reciprocal response. Instead,
the global community was seen as utterly passive and
non-cooperative.
Still, to tackle these continuing challenges, Pakistan
needs to further enhance its counter-terrorism efforts,
strengthen its intelligence capabilities, and actively
engage with regional and international partners to
promote peace and stability.
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Kashmir dispute: The longstanding Kashmir dispute
between Pakistan and India remains a major
challenge to Islamabad's foreign policy.
The dispute over a region claimed by both India and
Pakistan has been a central point of contention
between the two nuclear-tipped neighbouring but
hostile countries since the Partition in 1947. Pakistan
has consistently advocated for the right to self-
determination for the people of Kashmir and has
sought international support to resolve the issue.
Pakistan's foreign policy regarding Kashmir has
typically focused on diplomatic efforts to raise
awareness about the human rights violations
perpetrated by India and the vain efforts to seek a
peaceful resolution through dialogue with New Delhi.
Pakistan has sought the international community's
involvement, particularly the United Nations, in
mediating the Kashmir dispute.
Islamabad has also highlighted the importance of
implementing UN Security Council resolutions on
Kashmir, which call for a plebiscite to determine the
region's future. Additionally, Pakistan has supported
the right of the Kashmiris to express their aspirations
and has condemned any use of force or repression
against them.
For Pakistan, resolving this critical issue is crucial to
ensuring regional peace and stability. Pakistan should
continue to engage bilaterally with India. It needs to
engage multilaterally at international forums to find a
peaceful solution to the Kashmir conflict.
It is important to note that while the Kashmir issue
has been a key factor in Pakistan's foreign policy, its
overall objectives extend beyond this specific dispute.
Pakistan aims to maintain friendly relations with all
countries, promote regional stability, and pursue
economic development and cooperation.
Economic stability: During the ongoing fiscal year
2023-2024, Pakistan's fiscal deficit is around 6.5% of
(GDP) stands at around $378 billion which is
significantly lower when compared to its eastern
neighbour India, whose current GDP is around $3.6
trillion.
Throw in a balance of payment and devaluation crisis,
and the entire country has been engulfed by rampant
inflation, widespread economic deterioration, and
rising unemployment. In other words, Pakistan is
facing the worst economic recession of its short
history.
Naturally, much engagement between Pakistan and
other nations diplomatically circles to economics as
well.
Economic stability is essential for Pakistan's foreign
policy to effectively engage with other nations.
Pakistan must address economic challenges such as
high inflation, unemployment, and low foreign direct
investment (FDI).
Pakistan can strengthen its position in the
international community by implementing sound
economic policies, attracting foreign investment, and
promoting trade.
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Balancing regional alliances: Given the thrust of
Pakistan's external posturing hinges acutely on geo-
strategic location, Islamabad's foreign policy often
tends to involve balancing alliances with different
regional powers.
However, its economic dependence and fragile
democracy are among the key factors behind its
dependence on power brokers such as neighbour
China and the Western Block led by the US.
Pakistan can ill afford to annoy China for the sake of
the US, and vice versa. A perfect dilemma.
No doubt, maintaining a delicate balance between its
relationships with China, the United States, and other
regional actors is an unenviable challenge.
Pakistan needs to pursue a balanced approach based
on its national interests while actively engaging with
all regional stakeholders to promote peace, stability,
and economic cooperation. The changing regional
security and strategic scenarios have always posed
hurdles for Islamabad to shape cooperative and liberal
foreign policy with a focus on bilateral and
multilateral relations.
Image perception: Pakistan often faces negative
perceptions and stereotypes in the international
community, significantly impacting its foreign policy
objectives.
Over the years, Pakistan has been blamed for various
issues, from human rights violations within its
borders, persecution of minorities, harbouring
militants, sponsoring the Afghan Taliban, and hosting
safe havens for Al Qaeda and the Islamic State
militants.
Despite spending significant blood, treasure, time and
political capital combating religious militancy and
supporting the international community in the fight
against extremism and terrorism, the US and the
Western world have always accused Pakistan of
duplicity and terrorism, which is, unfortunately,
pathetic and unjust.
That being said, Pakistan needs to actively work on
improving its image through effective communication
strategies, promoting cultural diplomacy, and
highlighting its contributions to regional and global
peace.
Pakistan must enhance its soft power through smart
diplomacy to improve its caricatured image on the
regional and global hemispheres.
Way forward: Pakistan must strengthen its
institutions, including the foreign office, intelligence
agencies, and think tanks, to formulate and
implement foreign policy effectively.
Pakistan should actively engage in diplomatic efforts,
including bilateral and multilateral dialogues, to
promote its interests and resolve conflicts. Islamabad
should focus on economic diplomacy to attract foreign
investment, expand trade relations, and enhance
economic cooperation with other countries.
A liberal foreign policy can attract foreign investment
and promote economic growth. By fostering a more
open and inclusive environment, Pakistan can
enhance its trade relations with other countries,
leading to increased exports, job creation, and overall
economic development. Pakistan should build
stronger diplomatic ties and foster cooperation with
the international community. This can lead to
collaborations in various fields, such as technology,
education, healthcare, and research, which can
contribute to the overall progress and development of
the country.
Additionally, Pakistan should emphasise promoting
and protecting human rights, including freedom of
speech, gender equality, and religious freedom
domestically, to improve its image at the global level.
Pakistan should reimagine its foreign policy to
improve its international reputation and demonstrate
its commitment to democratic values. This will surely
help the country earn greater respect and friendly
support from the international community. (Author:
Rahim Nasar. Published in Friday Times on
September 7, 2023) www.CSSExamDesk.com
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