Preliminary Study on Darinday: A Vocal Expressions

of the Higaonon in Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City

Lanao del Norte, Philippines

A Graduate Thesis

Presented to the School of Graduate Studies

Center for Culture and Arts Studies
Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

Master of Culture and Arts
Major in Performance Studies

Jane L. Paglinawan

January 2024
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS………...………………………………………..….ii

ABSTRACT…..…………………………………………………………...….. iv

CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION………..……..………………………...……5

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY………………………………………..……....6

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK……………….…………………..….8

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK……………...………………………..10

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY……………………..……….………..…....12

SCOPE AND LIMITATION………………………………………..………….14

DEFINITION OF TERMS…………………………….………………….……15

CHAPTER II – REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE………..…..…..….18

CHAPTER III – RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY……...…..36

LOCALE OF THE STUDY………………………….………………...36

METHODOLOGY………………………………….………………….39

CHAPTER IV – RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS…………….……………..43

RESEARCHER’S JOURNEY……………………………………….....44

THE RITUAL…..………………………………………………………45

THEDARINDAY……..………………..……………………………..…48

DARINDAY STORY………………..…………………………………52

DARINDAY AS A VOCAL EXPRESSION……….………………….54

THE BAYLAN………………………..………………………………..55

DARINDAYAND ITS MUSICALPROPERTIES………………….….56

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A. Texture and Vocal Range………………………………………….57

B. Mode or Style……………………………………………………...58

C. Vocal Style/Technique…………………………………………….60

D. Timbre and Tone Color……………………………………………61

E. Musical Form and Structure……………………………………….61

F. Rhythm and Tempo………………………………………………..65

DARINDAY, MUSICALENVIRONMENT………………………….66

POETICS OF DARINDAY……….…………………………………..68

DARINDAY, SOCIAL CONTEXT…………………………………..71

CHAPTER V – CONCLUSION…...………….……………………………..74

SUMMARY…………………………………………………………...74

RECOMMENDATION……………………………………………….75

APPENDIX A ……………………………………………………..…………76

APPENDIX B …………………………………………………………..……77

APPENDIX C ……………………………………………………………..…78

APPENDIX D ……………………………………………………………..…79

APPENDIX E ……………………………………………………………..…80

APPENDIX F…………………………………………………………………81

APPENDIX G…………………………………………………………………82

APPENDIX H…………………………………………………………………83

APPENDIX I………………………………………………………………….84

BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………..….…..….85
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ABSTRACT

This paper explores the impact of music on the daily lives of the

indigenous people, with a particular focus on the Higaonon community. Music

plays a significant role as a communal activity and holds spiritual importance,

functioning as a form of prayer and offering to the Magbabaya, their revered

deity. The study centers on the Higaonon chant Darinday, examining its musical,

social, and cultural dimensions within ritual contexts. Through descriptive

qualitative approach, the researcher investigates how individuals derive personal

meaning from their musical experiences during these rituals. Ethnomusicological

theories, along with Alfred Schutz’s phenomenology, guide the study to

understand the role and significance of music in ritual settings.

A descriptive research design is used, enabling the researcher to fully

understand and experience Higaonon culture. In contrast to Western music, the

Higaonon people view Darinday as a chant that plays an important role in their

rituals, particularly the Kaamulan prayer meetings. This study emphasizes the

Higaonon people's distinctive perspective on their vocal expressions. Since the

datus severely forbid transcription or rewriting of their chants and texts due to

their sacred character, the study also acknowledges the difficulties in

documenting and conserving Higaonon cultural history.

Keywords: music, chants, ritual practice, culture, tradition, indigenous music, cultural elements, music in

ritual
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Despite the significant impact of Spanish, Japanese, and American

colonization in the Philippines, the country’s oral tradition has endured through

various literary genres, as noted by Macasantos and Macasantos (2012).

However, the probable extinction of oral literature has been raised by United

Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organizations due to its intangible

nature (UNESCO 2012). According to Saranza (Saranza, 2016), these intangible

cultural expressions, local expressions, local communities themselves often do

not see the significance of preserving, or, in my definition, "strengthening"—

their cultural legacy.

Defining the sociocultural foundations of music in the Philippine context

is a challenging task because it lacks clear and distinct characteristics. Music

appears to be diverse and serves various purposes in different cultures. Even for

cultures where music is a distinct and recognizable category, the elements and

functions attributed to it may be similar or different from all other cultures. The

complexity of music as embedded in a cultural practice and its relationship to

sociocultural dynamics cannot always be simplified or easily understood. Despite

this, music remains a universal and deeply human experience.

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OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

According to Saranza (Saranza, 2016), a Professor in Philippine Normal

University – Mindanao, the danger of losing the Higaonon oral literature exists

largely because of the lack of documentation and other processes that may help

in strengthening the identity of their culture, as their datus or those of high rank

from whom knowledge of their indigenous lore is a requisite in the revealing and

retelling of a narratives may have died. Thus, the danger of losing their narratives

and other traditions as well.

This paper sought to explore the foundations and essence of the Higaonon

vocal expression – Darinday – from a “musical”, social, and cultural, within a

framework that focuses on the experienced and particular expression of this

Higaonon “music, specifically” during rituals. Specifically, the objective of the

study is to (a) document the vocal expression Darinday of the Higaonon done in

rituals situated in Kalasan Tribal Village, Minsaliding, Barangay Rogongon,

Iligan City, Lanao del Norte. This paper further examines the risks associated

with the disappearance of Philippine oral culture and literature in more detail,

tracing its history in the context of a concept of their "music" that acknowledges

the diversity of the Higaonon culture and serves as their cultural legacy.

Although the concepts and theories employed to categorize and specify the

characteristics present in this specific Higaonon “music” are Western, since there

hasn't been any initial research on this that can identify local labels for whatever
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this tribe may have done in terms of traditions and rituals. The closest, if not the

most precise description of each component of their "music" is one of the

objective of this study.

This paper also points to (b) investigate/explore Darinday as a vocal

expression of all the Higaonon in Iligan City; and (c) to explore if the Darinday

has been passed down to the present generation, and how this younger generation

has responded to the process.

Statement of the Problem:

1. What is Darinday? What is it in the lives of the Higaonon people?

2. What are the contexts of Darinday as a vocal expression of the

Higaonon?

(a) When is this vocal expression chanted? (Occassions)

(b) Where is this performed? (Geographical context)

(c) Who may perform this? (Social / gender / generational roles)

(d) Why do they perform this vocal expression? (Function)

(e) How is this expression sung?

i. Range (scale-specific, tonal, atonal, etc.)

ii. Texture (as classified in their context, school of

thought)

iii. Vocal technique (nasal, throaty, falsetto, chest tone,

head tone, etc.)

iv. Melodic mode (melismatic, syllabic, etc.)

v. Musical form and structure (responsorial, rondo, etc.)

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vi. Musical style (lullaby, requiem, song for the dead,

etc.)

*Quotation marks are placed on the word music to mean that the Higaonon do not necessarily call their chants (and other “musically”
involved rituals) as music.

vii. Physical movement (standing, sitting, closing eyes,

etc.)

(f) Are there any other forms of art present while performing

“music”? (Reciting verses, theatre, etc.)

(g) What is the societal perception of these “musicians”? Are they

held in high esteem or looked down upon?

3. How is this vocal expression preserved [strengthened, empowered] both

socially and culturally? How is this transmitted from generation to

generation? Does the present generation still chant Darinday in rituals or

festivals?

4. Do they have a system of notation? What is it? What patterns of practice

do the Higaonon chanters construct in passing on the chants to the next

generation of chanters? Has there been any written record?

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The study aimed to investigate the essence and significance of Darinday

to the Higaonon community residing in the Kalasan Tribal Village, Minsaliding,

Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City. The community has been officially registered

and named as Rainforest Academy by its location and is supported by an

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international organization that promotes and preserves the cultures and traditions

of various tribes across the world.

The study also explores the details of Darinday, such as the performance

of those who are involved and all other details that could shed light on the

understanding of this musical ritual. This paper is then envisioned to be of help

in the field of traditional music and anthropology. It is also hoped that the study

will contribute to the further understanding of the intersection of tradition, belief,

and art in the Philippines.

This study is anchored on two theories. First is the theory on

Ethnomusicology culled from the, The Anthropology of Music: Merriam’s

Theoretical Model by Alan P. Merriam. The theory defines ethnomusicology as

the study of music in culture. The second theory is Phenomenology and

Experiential Ethnomusicology as advocated by Alfred Schutz. This theory

explores the role of music in ritual contexts; explores the ways in which

individuals construct meaning through their experiences of music during rituals.

This theory further explains how to understand music and its role in different

cultural contexts.

One common approach is the use of participant observation. This method

involves the researcher immersing themselves in the cultural context being

studied and observing how individuals experience and interpret music within that

context. Participant observation allows researchers to gain an in-depth

understanding of how music is used within a particular cultural context.

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The study also employs an ethnographic strategy, a qualitative approach

in which the researcher fully integrates with the society or setting they are

researching. With this approach, the researcher examines their own personal

experiences of music within a cultural context. Autoethnography can be a

powerful tool for understanding people's subjective experiences, and for

examining the function of music in various cultural contexts. The purpose of this

approach is to comprehend what is occurring naturally in the environment and

analyze the data gathered to determine what conclusions might be drawn.

According to Merriam's theoretical framework, ethnomusicology is

defined as the result of human behavioral processes that are shaped by the

values, attitudes, and beliefs of the members of a given culture, in this case the

Higaonon. This theory is quoted from the book “The Anthropology of Music”

which stated that “Music sound is the result of human behavioral processes that

are shaped by the values, attitudes, and beliefs of the peoples who comprise a

particular culture” (Merriam 1964:6).

This model can be boiled down into four main categories: aesthetics,

which establishes the cultural context of musical systems and determines what

makes music enjoyable or disagreeable; good voice, as defined by the Higaonon

chanter/s; good instrumentalist; and good instrument.

Selection and organization come in second. According to the definition,

this is used to describe a specific group in the community that is influential and

that structured the community on their own. Additionally, this relates to the place

of musicians and chanters in society and/or the community, the distinction of

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gender roles, and the affiliation with a certain sector of a particular genre of

music; The third component is the learning process. This required the researcher

to become fully immersed in the Higaonons life and way of life, to understand

their cumulative behavior (since the Higaonon vocal expresisons and music are

passed down through generations, and the transmission and/or movement of

vocal expressions from one generation to another).

The last is the sound itself. Merriam’s model emphasizes simplicity

because it is one of its strengths.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

In relation to interdisciplinary
approach as a musical expression

HIGAONON
COMMUNITY
DARINDAY (protection, preservation,
strengthening of the
MIRROR
- FORM indigeneous peoples’
beliefs and traditions as a
- STRUCTURE great challenge int the
course of change and
modernizatipn)

Figure 1 shows the schematic
relationship of different variables
studying Darinday as a Vocal
Rogongon, Iligan City
WORLDVIEW
(Socio-economic
factors)
- Values
- Behavior / action
- Society/heirarchy diagram, showing the
and/or aspects considered in
expression of the Higaonons of
 | 12

The conceptual framework's relationship diagram concentrates on the chant

Darinday. Darinday is classified, described, and structured in this study based on

the context of the Higaonons [rather than the school of thought in which we are

engaged] to reflect the identity of the entire Higaonon community located in

Kalasan Tribal Village, Minsaliding, Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City. The study

of vocal expression in Higaonon culture can lead us to explore its correlation

with the interdisciplinary approach as a form of musical expression. This

approach involves the integration of different disciplines and perspectives to

achieve a more comprehensive understanding of the subject matter. By analyzing

the chant in the context of the Higaonon culture, we can acquire insights into this

community’s worldview perspective, including its values and beliefs.

Moreover, the chanters' behavior as participants-observers/performers of

vocal expression can reveal insights into the Higaonon community's social and

cultural dynamics. The study of the chant allows us to see how the Higaonons

communicate and express themselves through magic, and how it is deeply

embedded in their way of life.

Additionally, the performer’s identity, particularly if they are Bae, can

have implications on the chant’s performance and reception. The Bae is a high-

ranking female leader of the Higaonon community who holds a significant role

in the performance and preservation of their cultural heritage. By examining the

role of the Bae in the chant performance, we can learn about the gender

dynamics and power structures in the Higaonon community.

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Overall, the study of the chant in the Higaonon culture can provide a rich

and multifaceted perspective on interdisciplinary approaches, musical

expression, worldview, social dynamics, and cultural identity.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study will definitely serve as a reference for future research because

it will enrich one’s understanding of the Higaonon Indigenous people and their

cultural practices. According to the online resource, Ethnologue (16 th Edition,

2009), the Philippines is the 12th most ethnolinguistically diverse country in the

world, with more than 175 ethnolinguistic groups scattered all over the

archipelago. Preservation [which refers to the strengthening of the cultural

heritage] of the set of cultures, traditions, and beliefs attached to these groups is

of great importance as it “demonstrates a recognition of the necessity of the past

and of the things that tell its story,” as stated in a study by G. Thomas Tanselle

(Tanselle, 1998). Furthermore, in Singh’s study in 2001, it was mentioned that

classical civilizations viewed cultural heritage as a social resource, including

those that can be considered as economic assets and those that promote social

integration.

In the Philippines, very little is done to preserve (to protect and continue)

[at least the memory and/or the legacy of] the varied cultures and traditions

available, even when the benefits of cultural heritage are self-evident. Many

traditions, especially those of the highland ethnolinguistic groups, are running

the risk of extinction, primarily due to the preferential trend towards

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globalization. While globalization has indeed given everyone unprecedented

access to many cultures, it has had a negative impact to cultural diversity. As

globalization originated from the West and is heavily centered on western

culture, the Western ideal of individualism, comprising a homogenous set of

values, has been heavily promoted all over the world. The present education,

legal, and power structures, according to Youngman (2000) “reflect western

ideas and philosophies” that are easily assimilated into other cultures with

definitive effects.

This phenomenon has indeed caused the loss of classical sense of

individualism and group identity, in an effort to integrate into the new “global

community” paradigm. In this context, this study becomes expressively

important because it is in essence a bid to protect and continue the heritage of a

culture that has indubitably felt the far-reaching effects of globalization and

cultural homogenization. Through proper and accurate documentation of the oral

traditions, the abstract becomes objectual, which in turn creates a concrete

foundation for ideas that can be tested and applied.

Yet, through the cultures of Indigenous people have undergone major

upheavals, many of the core values, beliefs and practices have survived and are

beginning to be recognized as having an adaptive integrity that is as valid for

today’s generation as it was for previous generations. The researcher hopes that

this paper will help and contribute to the materials that are needed to document

this group’s way of life and thus via the documenting and transcription, maintain
 | 15

not only their culture and identity but also their history, which serves as a

remembrance of their community.

The researcher also sought to help scholars and other researchers who

want to learn more about our cultures which are constantly in danger but are also

developing, as well as our own traditional music. Through this materials, which

specifically help in the preservation and development of the Higaonon culture as

an essential component of the Philippine cultural legacy, it is hoped that we will

be able to appreciate the worth of our distinctive identity as a people.

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

This study focused on the documentation of the Higaonon vocal

expression, Darinday, which is practiced by the Higaonon Indigenous group in

Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City, Lanao del Norte. The respondents were

members of the community especially the chanter and his family, together with

the key informant, and approximately 10 families in the rainforest. One barangay

or sitio, the last barangay of Rogongon, Iligan City, which is located in the heart

of the rainforest, was the subject of the study. The location is the last section of

the land, covering 500 hectares of land, and has around two hectares cultivated

with abaca and coffee. It is flanked by nearby mountains.

The researcher chose this community even though the Higaonon natives

have spread to other areas of Rogongon because she personally believes that the

culture, beliefs, and practices of these so-called "True Higaonons" are still intact,
 | 16

rich, and in some ways have not yet been assimilated to the migrants' way of life,

which their presence may threaten.

DEFINITION OF TERMS

Higaonon, This refers to a group indigenous people residing in Kalasan Tribal

Village, Minsaliding, Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City. This term will be used as

the name of the group in the study.

Culture . This term refersto the act of developing education and training or

customary beliefs, social forms, and material traits of a racial, religious, or social

group. The term will be used in this study as the act of developing education and

training or customary beliefs, social form, and material traits of a racial,

religious, or social group of the indigenous people.

Community. This term will be used in the study as the body of people who are

living in the same place under the same laws.

Preserving / Preservation. The term is being used in the study which refers to

strengthening something [like cultural heritage] which is valuable in the

community.

Ritual. This term is used in the stud as the form of conducting ceremony in a

specific time and place that which the Datu will lead the ceremony.

Datu. The term is used in the study which refers to as one of the masters of the

indigenous group, and the respected persons of the community.

Baylan. This refers to the individual who is tasked to help those in need,

officiate during rituals, where spirits chant and dance through him/her.
 | 17

Bae. This term refers to the wife of the Datu in the community.

Practices. The term refers to an actual performance or customary action of the

community.

Tribe. The term will be used as a group of persons having their common

character, occupation, and interest in the community [specifically the study

focuses on the Higaonon community.

Cultural practice. Refers to the beliefs, customs, and behaviors that define a

particular culture and are passed down from generation to generation.

Chant. This refers to a rhythmic and repetitive vocal musical form typically

performed by a group of people in a specific cultural or religious context.

Chanter. This refers to the person who performs or sings a chant, typically in a

ritual or ceremonial context.

Music. This refers to an art form that combines rhythm, melody, and harmony to

create an expressive and emotional sound.

Ritual practice. This refers to a set of actions, words, and symbols that are

performed in a specific sequence and have a symbolic or spiritual significance

within a particular culture or religious context.

Indigenous music. This refers to music that is created and performed by the

native people of a particular region, typically reflecting their cultural traditions,

history, and beliefs.

Phenomenology. This refers to a philosophical approach that emphasizes the

study of subjective experience and consciousness, including how people perceive

and interpret the world around them.

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Experiential. This refers to the process of learning or gaining knowledge

through direct personal experience or involvement, rather than through abstract

or theoretical concepts.

Sociocultural. This refers to the intersection between social and cultural factors

that shape people's beliefs, values, behaviors, and practices within a particular

society or community.

Societal perception. This refers to the way in which a particular society or

culture views and interprets certain phenomena or practices, such as music or

ritual.

Vocal expression. This refers to the use of the voice to convey emotion,

meaning, and communication through singing, chanting, speaking, or other forms

of vocalization.
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CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

This chapter presents the related literatures that have bearing on the study as well

as other studies that relate to this present study.

The Culture of Ethnomusicology

In retrospect, ethnomusicology may have been formulated as a result of

the European “discovery” of the world in the late nineteenth century, which

would have provided the means for considering the interrelationship of cultures

politically, intellectually, and artistically, and for pursuing musical study

comparatively. Adler may have anointed the field of ethnomusicology in 1885,

with his discussion of musicology as a broad discipline encompassing music

research of many types (1885).

Adler laid out two divisions of musical scholarship, historical, and

systematic musicology. The first includes the substance of what music historians

do, the second, systematic musicology, includes theory, aesthetics, music

 | 20

pedagogy, and “Musikologie”, a pursuit that Adler defined as the comparative

study of music for ethnographic purposes (as cited by Campbell, 2003:18).

In understanding the concepts on Musicology, the chapter from the book

of Kerman Joseph, “Contemplating Music: Challenges to Musicology”, features

Seeger’s exploration in countries and in investigating the music of the different

ethnolinguistic groups in every area. The one which is usually remarked is called

“the lingo-centric predicament” or “the musicological juncture”. It pointed out

that this is the incommensurability of verbal and musical communication, the

insuperable problem – seldom appreciated by musicians. According to further

immersion in the community, the results when words are used to convey

anything other than scientific fact. Speech-knowledge of music is very different

from music-knowledge of it (Joseph, 1985).

Nettl also defines ethnomusicology as “the comparative study of musical

cultures, particularly as total systems including sound and behavior with the use

of file research” (1885). His historical reflections in the beginnings of

ethnomusicology place it in the 1880s as well, due to the appearance by that time

of intercultural studies in music, the study of music in culture, comparative

organology, fieldwork techniques, including recording technology, and attention

to analytical problems (as cited in Campbell, 2002).

A corollary postulated by Alan Merriam in his book entitled

“Anthropology of Music”, in his discourse on music s symbolic behavior, states

that:
 | 21

It seems more likely that we deal here with continuum in which

the sign melts imperceptibly into the symbols s rigidly separable

or as a continuum, music does seem to function as a “symbolic”

part of life, at least in the sense that it does represent other

things.

The use of music in social research methodologies can be viewed less as

an experiment and more of as a realization. In this paper, it is hoped that music-

based approaches to research can help researchers access, illuminate, describe,

and explain that which is often rendered invisible by other research practices.

Key points from this paper state that music is a cultural product imprinted

with material and symbolic aspects of its point of production as well as the

musical conventions prevalent in time and space. Generally, it is created within a

certain context and can identify differences across cultures and ethnicities and

comment on such differences. It has also pointed out the narrative capabilities of

lyrical songs in many cultures; music is viewed as a major form of storytelling

(Merriam, 1960).

There are three (3) factors highlighted in this chapter: Multiculturalism,

Hybridity, and Ethnomusicology. Music and multiculturalism are exam music as

a locus of hybridity – a space wherein different cultures, times, or genres merge

to create something new. The concept of ethnomusicology is a disciplinary

hybrid that roots from both anthropology and musicology. Music as a model for

qualitative research, with emphasis on “hearing” is integral to the knowledge-

 | 22

building process and skills associated with music, which helps the researchers

build their listening skills with great depth and intricacy (Merriam, 1960).

Also, Merriam’s model of ethnomusicology suggests constant feedback

and change in both the music sound and the concepts about music. We cannot

assume that people’s values and music will remain constant. What we study

among a group of people one year will not necessarily apply next year, nor was

reflected last year. Yet both of these concepts reveal the potential of music for

changing people’s ideas, not only about music, but about other things as well.

Merriam didn’t exactly see it that way. He only saw how people evaluated the

music and make judgments about it. For him, the music was being modified by

the concepts, nor vice versa. Yet the potential for music changing people’s idea

is included in his model (Merriam, 1960).

Another concept in studying ethnomusicology in a community is Jeff

Titon’s model which focuses on “performance” (Titon, 1988). In this article,

Titon emphasized the experience in music brought to life through performance

that centers on “affect” which he defines as “the power to move people”. In this

concept, “performance” carries four implications: (1) intentional, the goal is to

move people in specific ways; it is not just “listening” or “entertaining” but is

meant to produce a reaction in the audience; (2) rule-governed, performance is

not a random event but has definite procedures that are followed for its

execution; (3) Lastly, performance is always interpreted by both performers and

the audience; it is marked. There is a definite beginning and end. Performance is

an aspect of life, but it is not all of life. A musical performance takes place with a
 | 23

group of people. Also, the musical event does not disappear. It remains in the

memory of the members of the community.

Titon’s model is very useful for recognizing the influence of context on

music. In studying music performances, we need to remember all the factors that

are influencing the musical event: the audience, the community, personal

relationships both within and without the group, politics, finances, the historical

context, even weather. All of these directly influence what is occurring during

the performance. If we are to study music in its context, we must also study these

other factors. Titon’s model is based on affect or the power to influence and

change, both the listeners and the performers.

Meanwhile, constructivist theorists support the notion that individuals

construct meaning as the result of prior experiences, interests, social connections

and where they are situated. Froehlich (2007) claims that the social and cultural

experiences contribute to the construction of meaning where it is not necessarily

inherently found in the music itself. From a constructivist perspective, music

leadership is viewed as a shared process between facilitators and musicians. The

organizational structure is flattened and integrated, and participants share

common values and purposes.

Meaning making music with cross-cultural context can be constructed,

depending upon social, cultural, and physical contexts. Common musical

experience is a uniting, connecting factor. A connected context is created that is

by definition, diverse and multicultural, and it may only exist for that brief time.

The participant-constructed meaning is most deeply revealed in post-event

 | 24

comments, conversations, reflective journaling, and blogging. As discussed by

Gerard Yun, for most, this creative facilitation process is unfamiliar in

professional training and it borders on the mysterious. As a result, it requires

alternative forms of meaning revelation (Yun, 2006).

In the studies of the Suyá Indigenous people from Brazil,

ethnomusicologist Anthony Seeger (1987) observed that when the Suyá sing

together in groups, their collective singing goes beyond creating mere sounds in

the present moment. Instead, their singing serves a multifaceted purpose of

creating a connection between the past, present, and future, thereby constructing

a sense of identity and continuity within their community.

According to Seeger, the act of singing in groups allows the Suyá to not

only express themselves musically but also to engage with their history and

project themselves into the future. By singing together, they establish a powerful

link between their present experiences, the ancestral past, and their aspirations

for the future.

The Suyá understand that their singing is not isolated in the present

moment but is intricately connected to their cultural heritage and collective

memory. Through their songs, they invoke the stories, knowledge, and values

passed down from previous generations. They carry the weight of their history

and use music as a means to preserve and transmit their cultural identity. By

singing, they express their shared hopes, dreams, and desires as a community

(Seeger, 1987).
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The Ethnomusicological Method

The hallmarks of ethnomusicology are fieldwork, performance-

participant activity, and transcription. It was not always that way, for research in

ethnomusicology began as the collection and notation of songs (Campbell,

2003:22).

The point of fieldwork is to attune oneself to the culture, its music, and its

musicians, and to develop an understanding of the ways humans relate to music,

and through music to other ideas about their culture. The most direct way of

accomplishing this has been to connect to an artist-teacher who may function as a

conduit through which the ethnomusicologist can learn the music and its

meaning and functions in the society. The participant-observation process of

ethnographic research in other fields becomes the participant-performance

activity for ethnomusicologists, who learn what they can through performances

(Campbell, 2003:23).

Transcription continues to be an important part of the method. It has

evolved from the aim of product to one of process (Campbell, 2003:23). It is

where making an “accurate” record of a song was once the task, now

transcriptions are done for the sake of engaging in a process that will aid the

ethnomusicologist in better understanding the musical culture. Transcriptions

become graphic means of presenting thoughts and behaviors of music-makers

and are often the launch into interpretations and discussions of why particular

musical events happen. Ethnomusicologists become participants in a chosen

location, their fieldnotes, interviews, and audio and video recordings give way to
 | 26

reviews and transcriptions, all of which leads to interpretations in light of one or

more theories and the relevant literature that has come before (Campbell,

2003:23-24).

Meanwhile, Ritual is defined as ordinary behavior transformed by means

of condensation, exaggeration, repetition, and rhythm into specialized sequences

of behavior serving specific functions usually having to do with mating,

hierarchy or territoriality. Schechner further states that rituals are not deposit

vaults of accepted ideas but in many cases performative systems generating new

materials, recombining traditional actions in new ways. He considers rituals

according to the following overlapping categories: (1) as part of the evolutionary

development of animals; (2) as structures with formal qualities and definable

relationships; (3) as symbolic systems of meaning; (4) as performative actions or

processes; and (5) as experiences. The system of meanings and its experiential

aspect are intertwined in the performance of the ritual (1995).

Ritual can be heuristically defined as an ordered sequence of collective

actions usually involving sacral objects and marked speech forms, aimed to

produce certain effects on the natural and social worlds. For rituals that express

participants’ identities and their relationships to one another and of their

existential attachments to the worlds of their own making, ritual participants

engage human sense faculties fully, sometimes exhaustively due to their physical

bodies. Ritual performance affirms participants’ experience of their material and

transcendent world. Music is a necessary component for it transports the ritual

events into the sphere of the extraordinary [its repetitiveness and its highly
 | 27

patterned language-ing can facilitate the “choreographing” of the celebrating

bodies in space, which then construct the kind of envisioned social order or state

those bodies have become] (Buenconsejo; 2011).

Phenomenology in Ethnomusicology

Phenomenology has its roots in the works of philosophers such as

Immanuel Kant, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Martin Heidegger. However, it was

Edmund Husserl who first developed the formal concept of phenomenology in

the early 20th century. Husserl argued that the natural world is constructed by

human consciousness, and that reality can only be studied through the subjective

experience of individuals (Friedman, 2019).

Ethnomusicologists use phenomenology as a means to study and

understand music and its role in different cultural contexts. Music is a universal

human experience that has the power to evoke strong emotions and memories in

individuals. Through a phenomenological approach, ethnomusicologists can

explore how individuals construct meaning through their experiences of music.

One of the fundamental aspects of phenomenology is the idea of

intentionality. This concept refers to how consciousness is always directed

towards something, whether it be an object, an idea, or an experience. In the case

of music, individuals are intentionally directed towards the sound, rhythm, and

melody of the music. Ethnomusicologists can use this concept to explore the

ways in which individuals experience and interpret music within different

cultural contexts.
 | 28

In ethnomusicology, phenomenology is often used to explore the role of

music in ritual contexts. Rituals are often accompanied by music, which can

serve to heighten the emotional and sensory experiences of the participants.

Through a phenomenological approach, ethnomusicologists can explore the ways

in which individuals construct meaning through their experiences of music

during rituals.

According to Christine Skarda, “The phenomena with which the

phenomenological approach concerns itself are (1) the essential structure of the

experience of the listener reflectively grasped, and (2) the “content” of the

musical work considered as the intentional correlate of musical consciousness

with its particular mode of existence” (Skarda 1989:46). There was an emphasis

upon the flow of conscious life and the concept of the specious present.

Traditional Forms of Music

Even in the field of ethnomusicology – which has patronized

non=European musical expressions as a culturally significant phenomenon, but

which also emerged as a branch of learning from a colonial perspective – non-

western expressions and their social matrixes have long been studied as peculiar

objects in musical discourse and whose significance was measured according to

the theoretical framework of Western music.

According to Ramon P. Santos, Philippine oral traditions have two

distinct repertoires: indigenous traditions and folk music. Indigenous traditions

are related to life cycle events, such as agricultural cycles, peace pacts, courtship

and marriage, and death rites. Folk music is related to physical movement, space,
 | 29

dance, and theater. Vocal genres include owiwi (Kalinga), dagdagay and oppia

(Kalinga), langan bata-bata (Tausug), bua (Subanen), and kawayanna (Kalinga).

There are also love incantations such as the Manobo antang (for match-making)

and sindaay, tarasul (Tausug), tamuyong, dango, oggayam, songs of greetings

and advice during a Kalinga wedding.

In addition, entertainment songs include the salidummay and dangdang-

ay, bayok (Mandaya), and the Manobo limbay. Work songs are called duduru

(Aeta) and gagonapu of the Subanen Vocal music among rural Christians which

is divided into religious and secular forms. Religious forms include hymns

related to the liturgical year, such as the Pasyon, and local carols such as

villancicos, dayegon, and tamborra. Secular forms include long romance

narratives, ballads, and short song genres such as kumintang, kundiman, oyayi,

the harana, children's songs, and song-debates such as the pandangguhan, the

balitao, and the dal-lot.

In general, these vocal genres have specific functions in the community

and/or society. Analyzing such song descriptions includes melodic and rhythmic

complexity which explains the variability of each vocal genre and expression

(R.Santos, 2020).

A deeper problem in the use of art and music as a point of reference for

analyzing, interpreting, and understanding practices and expressive activities in

non-western cultures is the fact that art and music encompass, in their broader

social context, an entire civilization with its own concept of human cosmology
 | 30

and worldview, as well as concepts of temporality and esthetic cognition (Santos,

2000).

In another study of Santos on “Ba’diw [Ibaloi] and Bayok [Maranao]:

Poetry and Oratory as Filipino Musical Culture,” he discovers that these are

merely two of the many different expressive forms that have musical elements but

can hardly be considered as forms of music in its conceptual framework.

In the ba’diw, the melodic-modal schema is quite fixed while the bayok

allows greater musical latitude to the performer in creating musical phrases within

the larger 3-part formal structure, as well as the prescribed general melodic-modal

configurations. The rubrics that govern the composition of the text follows,

though not always strictly, the poetic parameters of syllabication (7syllables),

versification (couplets), and even rhyme is adopted by the ba’diw while the

bayok’s main strength lies in its rhetoric, the flow of ideas and the quality,

relevance and freshness of the ideas. As forms of linguistic expressions, both

derive much artistic value from the ingenious use of figures of speech and the

imaginative exercise of archaic language.

The two expressions encapsulate not only their life and their present

worldview, but also their historical, genealogical, and metaphysical beliefs and

convictions. Given these varying artistic and social attributes, both represent an

entirely unique expressive dimension that may share elements with western art

forms such as poetry, rhetoric, and music.

 | 31

In this regard, both are in themselves categories of socio-aesthetic

communication that do not need to be attached or related to poetry, nor rhetoric,

nor music, to claim their legitimate place in the universe of human expression.

The Culture of Higaonon, ethnomusicological and ethnographic approach.

In defining culture, Clifford Geertz notes that:

The analysis of culture involves a sensitivity to the total

configuration of forces in society. It involves “a searching out of

significant symbols – the material vehicles of perception, emotion,

and understanding – and the statement of the underlying

regularities of human experience implicit in their formation

(Geertz, 1973:478)

Culture is the landscape which provides the setting from which the social

dynamics involved in the study of the art form takes place. Culture leads

significance to human experience by selecting from and organizing symbols that

represent that experience. It refers broadly to the forms through which people

make sense of their lives (Rosaldo, 1989:7).

The northern and central regions of Mindanao, particularly in the

provinces of Misamis Oriental, Bukidnon, Agusan del Sur, and Lanao Del Norte,

are the habitations of the Higaonon. Among all the ethnic groups of the area,

Higaonons are the least known. They are described as the “people of the living

mountains” and “people of the wilderness”. In fact, their name is derived from
 | 32

“higa” which means “to live or reside”, “goan” which means “mountain”, and

“onon” which means “people” (http://litera1no4.tripod.com).

The culture of the Higaonon tribe can best be described as a culture of

Peace, for solving their internal conflicts or settle feuds among other ethnic

groups, the tribe practices an ancient ritual;: the tampudus hu Balgun, or the

Treaty of the Green Vine, a symbolic and traditional cutting of the vine. Most of

the members of this indigenous group are Christianized, but the recounting by

the older generation of stories concerning their traditional and indigenous

religion is common practice. When they are baptized, the Higaonon are allowed

to keep two names, a Christian and a Higaonon name

(http://thingsasian.com/story/last-tribes-mindanao-higaonon-people-living-

mountains).

The Higaonon tribe is one of the major Indigenous groups in Iligan City,

in Northern Mindanao in the Philippine islands. At present, they continue to live

as farmers and are trying to keep their tradition alive. In their development as a

tribe, they were able to develop moral and ethical concepts that became the

backbone of their culture (A.C. Daug, 2016).

The Higaonon Tradition

Tradition is defined as that which is based on the integration and

organization of a society or a generation’s history (Mirano, 1997). Tradition also

includes the transmission of customs or ways practiced in the past to the present.

Traditions are formed by an interplay of two important factors: the systematic

structure or form and the sustenance of the tradition. In this context, the
 | 33

Darinday, as a Higaonon chant, is considered as a devotional practice because “it

[exhibits] a strong attachment or affection expressing itself in earnest service; an

act of worship; prayer” (New Webster’s Dictionary, encyclopedic edition).

In addition, one of the main foundations of this study is a paper by

Saranza (2011), which focused on Higaonon Oral Literature, marking the

Higaonon community in Agusan del Sur. The researcher stressed on the danger

of extinction of the Higaonon traditions and culture settled in different parts of

Mindanao. The researcher documented a written account of a Higaonon oral

literature fearing its extinction in history. The study was aimed to analyze the

indigenous oral literary genres of an ethno-linguistic group, specifically in

Agusan del Sur, in terms of the human values, symbols, imagery, function and

characterization. It anchored on the theory of Manuel (1985) which stated that

oral literature can be a valuable material for historical interpretation. These oral

traditions can as much be the foundation of national literature as creative writing.

It was pointed out in the study that these oral traditions become basic in cultures

ravaged by nature, time, and the circumstance of history. The study made use of

20 literary pieces in prose and poetry narrated by their key informants. These

were further analyzed and subdivided into four (4) parts according to the

interpretation and transcription. These literary pieces were found out based on

customary laws, traditions, and beliefs, the semiotics and imagery in terms of the

values, human activities and point of view.

The Higaonon foretold stories in their chants and rituals

 | 34

Another research study by a resident from Central Mindanao University –

Bukidnon, focuses on studying the stories foretold by the Higaonon elders and

how their stories have strengthened their beliefs and traditions , and passed on to

the new generation. The paper states that there are two realms in the

interpretation of reality by the Higaonon: (1) the concept of space and time

which composes what the Higaonon believe to be the material realm, which is

signified simply as Lumppad (nature); and (2) the spiritual realm, signified as

Baya, the realm beyond space and time.

The will of the absolute and eternal Magbabaya held sway among all

creations, all of Lumppad. The “being” is the role already acquired by birth. The

lines of Datu and Baylan are already determined by the Magbabaya, so one can

be born following the footsteps of those who became Datu or Baylan in the clan

or one is simply born to a common family. A Higaonon, in a sense, is thrown

into the world by the Magbabaya and he or she has no dictates over which family

he or she is born with. The Higaonon is molded by the Magbabaya to existence,

but “destiny” is limited to the circumstances the Higaonon find himself or herself

in. the fact of the Higaonon’s existence is no longer necessary to inquire, the

same way, as there is no need to ask the essence of space or nature. Inquiries on

the nature of things, such as those in metaphysics, cannot change the “fact” of

one’s existence. This is the Higaonon’s being (D. Sangcoan, personal

communication, 2012).

According to the Datu/Baylan arbitrator and chanter, knowledge exists on

the face of the earth and other elements of nature. In order to acquire this
 | 35

knowledge, a person simply needs to recognize the existing patterns, symbols,

and meanings that define knowledge. These meanings and recognitions are based

on the Higaonon perspective [their classification and school of thought].

The Higaonon people have distinct cultural worldview that encompasses

their spiritual beliefs, connection to nature, and community values. Within this

framework, their chants and ritualistic expressions hold a deeper significance

beyond the concept of music as understood in a conventional sense.

For the Higaonon, these rituals and chants are integral components of

their cultural and religious practices. They serve as conduits to establish

connections with their ancestors, spirits, and the natural world around them.

Through these expressions, they seek to maintain harmony, communicate with

the divine, and preserve the wisdom of their traditions.

While these rituals may involve rhythmic patterns, vocalizations, and

instrumental sounds, the Higaonon people view them as much more than mere

musical performances. Instead, they perceive them as sacred rituals, spiritual

expressions, and cultural ceremonies that have been passed down through

generations. These practices are deeply intertwined with their identity, history,

and way of life.

By refraining from labelling these rituals as music, the Higaonon people

emphasize their cultural distinctive and spiritual significance. They recognize

that their chants are not purely for entertainment or aesthetic enjoyment but are

part of a larger tapestry of customs and beliefs that shape their understanding of

the world.
 | 36

In summary, the Higaonon people’s perspective on their chants and

musically involved rituals transcends the conventional definition of music. They

perceive these practices as sacred, spiritual, and integral to their cultural identity,

reinforcing the unique nature of their traditions and their connection to the

spiritual realm.

On the preservation and transmission of Higaonon Oral Literature

The Higaonon informant, Datu Lanelio Sangocan, which happens to be

the Vice-Chieftain of the Rainforest Academy, Rogongon and the son of the

baylan arbitrator and chanter, they have identified the Kaamulan as the only

means of preserving [empowering and strengthening} their cultural heritage

(Datu Sangcoan, personal communication, Oct-Nov 2019).

Unlike in Bukidnon, where Kaamulan Festival is celebrated through

street dancing and showdown, the celebration in the rainforest is a 7-days 8 hour

chanting and dancing under a bushfire in their torogan [a nipa hut built for

occasions and celebrations in their community]. The Higaonon baylans, both

Baes and Datus, gather in this momentous event (L. Sangcoan, personal

communication, Oct-Nov. 2019).

 | 37

CHAPTER III
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
This chapter presents the research design, the locale of the study and the
methodology and gathering of data.

Research Design
The study employed ethnographic research design. Ethnographic

techniques include direct, firsthand observation on actual performance, including

participant-observation; conversation with the varying degrees of formality, from

 | 38

their chanters and performers; in-depth interview with the Higaonon baes and

datus; and focus group discussions. The researcher took interest in the

appropriate interpretation and delivery through performance based on the

Higaonon tribe rituals and traditions following Kottak (1991).

The main informants were the Baylan Kaligaun Eladio Sangcoan, who is

75 years of age; and whenever available, his older brother Dionesio Sangcoan,

who is almost 80 years of age. The main contact, guide, and translator was the

son of Baylan Eladio, the 40 year old Datu Kilala Lanelio Sangcoan (enthroned

as tribal leader in December 2014).

Locale of the Study

The Higaonon people, the resident indigenous tribe of Iligan City have

established their cultural homeland in Barangay Rogongon, a remote area located

on the hills surrounding the eastern portion of the city. While their community

can also be found sporadically throughout Barangay Rogongon, most of their

residences are concentrated in Sitio Poblacion, which serves as the center of

barangay activities in the area. Sitio Poblacion is surrounded by hills and forests

in almost all directions, except for the area where a national highway is currently

being constructed.

The historical presence of the Higaonon in the region predates the

Spanish colonization period that lasted from 1565 to 1898. Even before the

arrival of the Spanish, the Higaonon had already established communities in the

area that eventually became known as Yligan and later on Iligan. Many of the old
 | 39

barangays (sub-districts) in the city still bear Higaonon names, often referencing

to warriors or trees, such as Dalipuga, Kiwalan, Tibanga, Tambo, Tambacan, and

others.

https://www.google.com/maps/place/Rogongon,+Iligan+City,+Lanao+del+Norte/@8.1749807,124.5002291,62048m

The Higaonon people organize themselves based on clans, and

throughout the researcher's study, it was observed that most of the informants

belonged to the Sangcoan clan. The Sangcoan clan is held in high regard by other

clans due to the considerable amount of respect they have earned. It is worth

noting that the only recognized convener of the Kaamulan festival, a ten-day

celebration centered around the genealogy of the tribe and culminating with the

enthronement of several Datu (tribal leaders), who also belong to the Sangcoan

clan.
 | 40

The Sangcoan clan resides in the Kalasan Tribal Village, specifically in

Sitio Minsaliding, which is located on the opposite side of Sitio Poblacion in

Barangay Rogongon. The clan's territory spans 500 hectares of land, which

includes an abaca and coffee plantation. The clan has chosen to envelop

themselves within the rainforest, embracing their natural surroundings and

preserving their ancestral connections to the land.

https://www.google.com/maps/place/Kalasan+Tribal+Village+Council

The Higaonon people have a deep connection to their cultural heritage

and maintain their traditions, customs, and way of life. Their presence in Iligan

City is a testament to their resilience and adaptability, having inhabited the

region for centuries. Despite the encroachment of modern development and the

construction of a national highway in the vicinity, the Higaonon people continue

to hold onto their ancestral lands and maintain their distinct identity.
 | 41

The significance of the Higaonon people's cultural homeland in Barangay

Rogongon extends beyond its physical boundaries. It serves as a symbol of

indigenous pride and resilience, as well as a reminder of the rich history and

diversity of the Philippines. The Higaonon's deep connection to the land, as

evidence by their choice to live in harmony with the surrounding rainforest,

reflects their understanding of the interdependence between humans and nature.

Methodology

The initial process of this paper was to first discover what “music” was

commonly used among the Higaonons in Kalasan Tribal Village, Minsaliding,

Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City. It was then determined that Darinday, Limbay,

and Sala were the three most-used chants, sung as a lullaby to hush (tahan) a

crying child.

The field of ethnographic study is also taken into consideration which

plays a great role in documenting and analyzing the vocal expression in the

social context of the Higaonons situated in Rogongon, Iligan City. The

performances of these vocal expressions and “music” in rituals are to be

discussed, which will be substantial to the field of music and anthropology since

musical and cultural descriptions are included.

After the vocal expressions interviews, Darinday was chosen as the study

subject among the three because it was the only chant that was allowed to be

heard by and/or transmitted to anyone outside the study group.

ǂ
M.J.Almario, “Ethnohistory of Iligan City through its old place names interpreted based on the Higaonon context” MIH special project,
Department of History, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology, Ilugan, Lanao del Norte, Philippines, 2013.
 | 42

The researcher’s initial strategy was to locate community members who

were willing to participate in Darinday and allow documentation of their daily

routines and rituals. The researcher prepared the tools necessary to record the

activities (such as a top-notch camera, high-capacity memory card, and recorder)

after selecting possible respondents.

Oral traditions are used to play and pass down the music of the Higaonon

people in the bordering provinces. It must be heard frequently until it becomes

“in the blood”, before the necessary improvisations can be made, still following

the traditional formats. This contrasts with Western music, which uses

complicated notation and music notation sheets to create the music according to

standard rules. The information gathered for this study proceeded to a

comparison of observational data with interview data, determining whether what

people are saying is consistent with what they are doing, and contrasting

Higaonon views. These included the use of written documentation to validate

information gleaned through interviews.

In this descriptive qualitative study, "native" analysis is used to analyze

the data in accordance with ethnomusicology ideas and methods. This means that

analytical approaches inherently incorporate value judgments and that, to

understand music, it is essential to establish analysis within cultural context. In

this study, fieldwork techniques were used; when the community data were

gathered, they were transcribed, carried out, and analyzed. Alan Lomax's

cantometrics approach was then used to examine the information gathered and

the performances of the Higaonons that were recorded.

 | 43

Alan Lomax defined Cantometrics (“song measurements”) as the study of

singing as normative expressive behavior and maintained that it reveals folk

performance style to be a “systems-maintaining framework” which models key

pattern of co-action in everyday life. His work on cantometrics gave rise to

further comparative studies of aspects of human communication in relation to

culture, including: choreometrics (combination of choreography and

metrics/measurement), parlametrics, phonotactics (an analysis of vowel

frequency in speech), and Minutage (a study of breath management).

The vocal style factors were designed to be easily rated by observers on a

five-point scale according to their presence or absence. They include, for

example; group cohesion in singing, orchestral organization, tense or relaxed

vocal quality, breathiness, short or long phrases, rasp (vocal grating), presence

and percentage of vocables (any meaningful sound uttered by people, such as a

word or term, that is fixed by their language and culture) versus meaningful

words), and melisma (ornamentation).

“It’s the fundamental diagnostic traits appear to be vocal

quality (color, timbre, normal pitch, attack, type of

melodic ornamentation, etc.) and the degree in which song

is normally monodic or polyphonic. The determinative

socio-psychological factors seem to be…the type of social

organization… I myself believe that the voice quality is

the root[diagnostic] element. From this socio-

psychological complex there seem to arise a complex of

 | 44

habitual musical practices which we call musical style”

(Lomax, 1968).

Before embarking on the task of documenting vocal expressions, a

significant and sacred ritual known as paninghud was performed as a gesture of

respect and acknowledgement towards the spirits and Diwata, the guardians of

nature. Ritual can be heuristically defined as an ordered sequence of collective

actions usually involving sacral objects and marked speech forms, aimed to

produce certain effects on the natural and social worlds. For rituals that express

participants’ identities and their relationships to one another and of their

existential attachments to the worlds of their own making, ritual participants

engage human sense faculties fully, sometimes exhaustively due to their physical

bodies. Ritual performance affirms participants’ experience of their material and

transcendent world. Music is a necessary component for it transports the ritual

events into the sphere of the extraordinary [its repetitiveness and its highly

patterned language-ing can facilitate the “choreographing” of the celebrating

bodies in space, which then construct the kind of envisioned social order or state

those bodies have become] (Buenconsejo; 2011).

The term "paninghud" holds deep meaning, signifying the act of seeking

permission from the unseen spirits and caretakers of the natural world before

engaging in the documentation of the chants. This ritual is essential to ensure that

the spirits would not be disturbed and to bring their awareness to the researcher's

sincere intention of establishing a connection with nature and its inhabitants.

 | 45

As the researcher prepared for the journey to the mountains in Rogongon,

specific items were needed to carry out the opening rite. Among these were five

“bisaya" chickens, a one-meter white cloth, ten kilograms of rice, and a halad, or

offering, for the Baylan, the revered chanter who would direct the ritual. These

items had symbolic value and were essential to the paninghud procedure, which

involved requesting permission from the spirits inhabiting in the surrounding

rainforest.
 | 46

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

The Researcher’s Journey

On November 2, 2019, Datu Debarusan accompanied the researcher as

they rode a motorcycle an hour to the summit of the rainforest in Rogongon.

Upon arrival, two Baes, Bae Nasangkaw and Bae Kadayunan welcomed

the researcher with warmth and charm. Afterwards, the group then embarked on

a 300–500 step climb to the only Higaonon tribe, which was located in the

rainforest's core. As the informant established, these are the only “authentic”

tribes left in their clan, the Sangcoan clan, who are the only living tradition-

bearers as Higaonons.

As observed by the researcher, the path leading to the rainforest was

uneven and rocky. According to reports, the location had a clear passage through

which some small cars could once still pass, but when the area was severely

destroyed by tropical storm Sendong, cars could no longer drive through. The

road was broken down due to the mud, clay soil, and rapid flow of high-pressure

water from uphill. The only type of vehicle that may pass through is a heavy-

duty motorcycle, or "habal-habal" as they are known locally.

According to the interviews that were performed, there are about 15

Higaonon tribal families that reside in the forest. To them, the word "tribe" often

refers to "First People who have not been Christianized or Islamized." Farming is

how they make a living in the neighborhood. About 500 hectares of Datu Kilala
 | 47

Lanelio Sangcoan's property are covered in abaca and coffee plantations. The

families' means of subsistence and basic needs are met by the earnings from their

livelihood. According to them, "keeping in touch with nature" ensures a plentiful

supply of food.

The Ritual and its Paraphernalia

In the context of the community, the ritual's use of five "bisaya" hens has

cultural and spiritual significance. In many indigenous belief systems, chickens

are frequently regarded as sacred animals, representing fertility, protection, and a

connection to the spiritual world. In order to respect the spirits and forge a

peaceful coexistence with the environment, the researcher presented five

"bisaya" chickens.

The white fabric, which was one meter long, had its own symbolism in

the paninghud ceremony. White is often associated with reverence, clarity, and

purity in various cultural traditions. In order to establish a sacred space for the

ceremony and ensure a connection between the material and spiritual worlds, the

researcher used a white cloth that was of sufficient length.

The ten kilograms of rice were offered to the spirits and Diwata as

sustenance and nourishment, demonstrating the community's profound respect

for the interdependence of nature and people. Rice is a staple food and a symbol

of plenty, sustenance, and thankfulness in many cultures. Through this offering,

the researcher hoped to forge a mutually beneficial connection with the spirits,
 | 48

and expressing appreciation for the wisdom and blessings they impart upon the

land.

Lastly, the halad, or offering, presented to the Baylan was of enormous

significance. The Baylan, played a vital role in facilitating the paninghud ritual

as the esteemed chanter and intermediary between the human and spiritual

realms. The offering was made as a token of appreciation for the Baylan's

wisdom and counsel and to reaffirm the researcher's vow to conduct the

documentation process with respect and integrity.

The researcher demonstrated a deep understanding of the community's

cultural traditions and their symbiotic relationship with nature by meticulously

following these preparations and engaging in the opening ritual. Through the

paninghud ritual, permission was sought and granted, creating a harmonious

atmosphere for the subsequent documentation of the vocal expression. The

researcher's commitment to honoring the spirits and caretakers of nature ensured

a respectful and fruitful exploration of the vocal expression. This furthered the

understanding and appreciation of the community's cultural heritage.

In conclusion, the paninghud ceremony had a big influence on how the

field of vocal expressions research developed. The researcher's dedication to

honoring and recognizing the interconnectedness between people, spirits, and the

natural world was further underlined by the addition of certain items and

offerings, such as bisaya chickens, a white cloth, rice, and a halad. By

performing the paninghud rite, the researcher opened the door for an insightful
 | 49

investigation of the chants, conserving and honoring the community's rich

cultural legacy.

About seven minutes into the paninghud, the Baylan agreed to let the

researcher record the chant and ask additional questions afterward. The chanter

was Baylan Datu Eladio Sangcoan, the vice-chieftain of the Higaoon council and

75-year-old father of Datu Lanelio Sangcoan. He mentioned that the Sangon-

Sangon Spiritual Language is what was employed at Darinday.

The Sangon-Sangon Spiritual Language holds a significant place in the

cultural and spiritual heritage of the Higaonon people. It is a sacred language

with ancient roots that has evolved over many generations, incorporating the

depth of Bisaya and Latin influences in more recent iterations. The Higaonon

society uses this unique linguistic fusion as a channel of communication and a

connection to the spiritual world.

As a lived language, the Sangon-Sangon Spiritual Language is not merely

a relic of the past but continues to be actively being passed down through the

generations. The responsibility of preserving and transmitting this invaluable

heritage falls upon the Baylan, who assumes the role of a spiritual leader and

teacher within the community. Through oral tradition, the Baylan imparts the

intricacies and nuances of the language to the next generation, ensuring its

continuity and current relevance.

Beyond its linguistic features, the Sangon-Sangon Spiritual Language has

enormous cultural significance. It serves as a link between the physical and

spiritual realms, allowing people to communicate with their ancestors, deities,

 | 50

and the supernatural entities that have influenced their worldview. The Higaonon

people express their deepest beliefs, convey spiritual wisdom, and uphold a

strong bond with their ancestral roots through this language.

In essence, the Sangon-Sangon Spiritual Language embodies the wisdom,

traditions, and spirituality of the Higaonon people. Its continuous use and

preservation symbolize the community's resilience, reverence for its history, and

closeness to both the divine and its predecessors.

The Darinday
DARINDAY
(Sangon-sangon language in Visayan Translation)

Paglisud gayud, maanyag nga binuhat Oh hard it is, beautiful creatue

Nga mag-inusara sa panimalay Being alone at home

Luyo sa kamingaw Behind the loneliness

Sa layong panglantaw In distant view

Pagka dili masabtan, maanyag nga binuhat Unfathomable, beautiful

creature

Maanyag nga binuhat, pagkalisod gayud Beautiful creature, how hard it

is

Pagkadili masayon sa walay masandigan It’s not easy to have no one

to rely on

Ni kadoolan, minahal nga binuhat Nor seek help, dear creature

Sama dakung kahoy ug mataas nga balite Like a big, tall Balite tree

Wala nay paglaum ug nawadan kadasig Hopeless and discouraged

Sa dihang naglantaw ug dihang namalandong when watching and when

meditating

Nawadan paglaum ang katawhan sa kabukiran The people of the mountains

Have lost hope

 | 51

Napagngan kadasig ang lumulopyo sa kabungtoran The hill dwellers was

discouraged

Ang nagpuyo sa ibabaw nga taliwa sa kakahuyan The one who lives in the uphill,

middle of the woods

Mao ra ato Makita ang nalupad lupad nga punay That the only thing we see is

the flying bird

Mao ray madunggan ang awit sa alimokon That we only hear the song of

the nightingale

Maanyag nga binuhat, sa subrang kasakit Beautiful creature, in such pain

Sa kalisud nawadan sa gugma Hardly lost love

Nakuhaan sa kadasig Caught up in devotion

Maoy akong gika anugunan, maanyag nga binuhat This is what I regret, beautiful

creature

Ang gikausahang gugma ug kadasig Thy divine love and devotion

Ang unang nangulo The first leader

Maoy panahon karun In times like this

Minahal nakung binuhat, maoy napanag-ingnan My beloved creature, I was

foretold

Ang tibook nga lumad maoy sumbanan The whole native is the

standard

Nga nagapuyo sa kalasangan Who lives in the forest

Ug tunga tunga sa kakahoyan In the middle of the woods

Langgam nga gimingaw nga wala nay kabatugan Litlte bird who misses its own

nests

Ni wala nay kadangpan nga duluna sa gugma There’s nothing like love before

Nga wala nay kaulian sa ug pahimutan That there is no need to please

dear creature

Transcription and Translation by

DATU KILALA LANELIO SANGCOAN
Son of the Baylan
Vice-Chieftain of the Higaonons living in the Rainforest
 | 52

The Darinday* Story

“It has long been told that the mountains were called the virgin forests –

the tribes were well and thriving, the nature in its perfect, operating form. There

was love, compassion, brotherhood, camaraderie, and communality. The datus

back then not once belonged to a corrupt society, as it was forbidden and

outlawed in the tribe.

“As expressed in Darinday, it is perceived that the entire dwelling place

of the tribe has unfortunately become tarnished – with the Christianization of the

inhabitants in the mountains. It has become an unfamiliar civilization. The

kinaiyahan is lost, and when that happens, chaos ensues. Disorder will take

place. Now, the Indigenous Peoples, as revealed in the chant, are but the same to

that of a Maya bird – who live nowhere other than under the shade of a kugon.†

“We hear now in our kinaiyahan many different kinds of Truths, and that

there are unnecessary, if not deceitful communications that damage and destroy

our own – our sectors in the tribe or our kinaiyahan per se. The wickedness of

these drunkards and the viciousness of these drug-inebriated individuals – these

are examples of the causes of the destruction of our tribes and our culture.

“The Darinday notes that before the Spanish had come, the tribes have

always had a Law. The tribe has always had a tradition, a ‘culture,’ and a belief

system. However, when the religious had gone to the mountains as they had

*
as narrated by Datu Eladio Sangcoan.
†
Imperata cylindrica is a species of perennial rhizomatous grass native to tropical. The species is most commonly known in
English as “cogongrass,” from Spanish cogón, from the Tagalog and Visayan kugon.
 | 53

taken interest in our many tribes and our cultures, they had tarnished the minds,

hearts, and spirits of our people. They had said that befriending an engkanto‡ was

prohibited because the Bible said so. It had been said that instead of giving our

offerings for our friends, the engkantos and the §diwatas – our amigos, we should

provide these offerings to the religion – to the ‘church.’ These people further

intrigued us as we took care of our mountains and our tribes, they spoiled our

culture by speaking such altered Truths about our kinaiyahan.

“The engkantos were our friends. We befriended them, associated with

them, and we gave them gifts, not pray to them. Because we humans are superior

than them. We alone have katungod**.

“To Magbabaya, our God, we humans are even more powerful than these

disadvantaged engkantos who do not have the same rights, the same

consciousness and the same free will as we do. We should not give high regard

to those we cannot see; we give the utmost reverence (tahod) to those we can see

– our brothers and sisters (higalaan). Because these engkantos and diwatas, they

pray to our God, the same as us.

“We were the first to be loved and cared by our God; we were the only

ones given this opportunity to have authority to hold, keep, or make changes to

these material things – to have gold, to have property. What about them, what

authority do they possess? They are only asked to guard and protect the forests

and the mountains.

‡
Engkanto - Higaonon mythical environmental spirit that is believed to have the ability to appear in human form
§
Diwata – Philippine mythical mountain goddess
**
Katungod (n.) Sebuano – right; power of authority
 | 54

“But this does not indicate that we should simply disrespect them; we

should nonetheless value these spirits because they also have the right to get

angry and have the capability to communicate to God to have the irreverent ones

punished.

“Likewise, we humans pray to the Lord because when the Time comes,

the esperitu – not the physical bodies – of the good, the resolved, and the

believers will someday go [back] to the heavens, and of the rebels and the sinners

– to the underworld. That is why we take care, we foster, and we nurture the

Diwata, the Engkanto, our cows, dogs, our chickens – our pets. We give.

“That is all I can say [about what the Darinday expresses.]”

Darinday, Limbay, Sala as Vocal Expression

Although similar to the melody and content of Limbay and Sala (the

lullabies of the Higaonon), the Darinday differs mainly for its restriction and

exclusivity to the area of those Higaonon who only live close to the Maranao

people – as this depicted only their tribe’s kinaiyahan†† and theirs alone.

When the Baylan performed the Darinday, the vocal expression was

beautifully articulated, and the vocal expression's content had an impact on how

the baylan evoked emotion. The facial expression was maintained throughout,

and the jaws, corners of the lips, and slightly lifted eyebrows all varied to reflect

while they were performing.

††
 | 55

The Higaonon do not classify their vocal expressions in rituals to be

“music,” at least not in the sense that it is understood in Western culture. In

particular, during the 10 days that include seven nights of prayer of their social

gatherings (Kaamulan) in the rainforest, the darinday is a vocal outpouring that is

regarded as the pinnacle of their traditions. It is merely a social convention and a

component of their life cycle.

For the Higaonon people, the Darinday carries significant cultural and

spiritual meaning. It is a medium through which they communicate with their

ancestors, deities, and the natural world around them. The vocal expression holds

ancestral knowledge, stories, and wisdom that are passed down through

generations. The Darinday helps the Higaonon people stay deeply rooted in their

cultural heritage and reinforce their sense of identity as a distinct indigenous

group.

The Baylan

It is important to emphasize here that unless granted the title of Datu, a

researcher is limited only to information that a Baylan (the tribal authority in

culture) found allowable. The interviews revealed that the Baylan holds

practically absolute authority in terms of knowledge and wisdom, which the

Higaonon just had one term Tanod. Baylan Eladio and Datu Kilala are the

primary sources for the description of Higaonon culture contained here.

When the Baylan, a spiritual leader and ceremonial expert, performs the

Darinday, it is a beautiful vocal performance. The datus made it very clear that
 | 56

notating and/or transcription of their vocal expressions, and (re)writing of their

scriptures were strictly prohibited because these expressions are most sacred.

Although the Darinday can be performed by both men and women, the main

performer should be a Baylan (priest), they noted that it would be an exception

should the researcher immerse and continue to conduct these rituals for a period

of time.

The Darinday, among any other vocal expression of the Higaonon, has to

be passed on through Oral Tradition and therefore cannot be shared in public

whenever. The one imparted should have lived the experience – the life in the

tribe and knows what it means to value the kinaiyahan.

Darinday and its Musical properties

It is important to note that the Baylan's skill and mastery in executing the

vocal expressions contribute to the overall impact of the song. Through years of

training and experience, the Baylan has developed an intuitive understanding of

the nuances of the vocal techniques and the cultural significance they carry. This

expertise allows for a seamless integration of the text, melody, and expressive

elements, resulting in a powerful and engaging performance that resonates with

both the spiritual and human realms.

 | 57

A. Texture and Vocal Range

The Baylan holds a revered position as the master chanter and guardian

of the vocal expressions within the cultural context. When initiating the

performance, the Baylan sets the tone by starting with a mid-range pitch that

seamlessly flows, resembling their natural speaking voice. This deliberate choice

creates a sense of ease and authenticity, establishing a strong connection between

the vocal performer and the listener.

The texture of the song performed by the Baylan is characterized as

monophonic. This means that it consists of a single melodic line without any

additional harmonies or accompanying voices. The focus of the performance lies

solely on the intricacies of the melody and rhythm, allowing for a more profound

exploration of the nuances and subtleties within the vocal expression.

The monophonic texture of the song emphasizes the Baylan's role as the

sole storyteller and bearer of the cultural traditions. By presenting a single

melodic line, the attention of the listeners is directed towards the rich musical

and lyrical content, as well as the emotional depth conveyed through the chant.

This intimate connection between the Baylan and the audience fosters an

immersive experience, where the listeners can fully engage with the narrative

and the sentiments being expressed.

Moreover, the monophonic texture of the song highlights the unique

vocal techniques and improvisational skills of the Baylan. Without the presence

of harmonies or additional voices, the Baylan has the freedom to explore the
 | 58

melodic contours and embellishments with agility and creativity. This allows for

the personal interpretation and expression of the chant, adding an element of

individuality to each performance.

The absence of harmonies in the monophonic texture also serves to

emphasize the spiritual and ritualistic aspects of the vocal expression. It creates a

sense of simplicity and purity, reflecting the connection between the chanter and

the divine. The focus on a single melodic line creates a space for the spiritual

essence of the vocal expression to resonate, allowing the listeners to connect

deeply with the sacred dimensions of the performance.

Furthermore, the monophonic texture enables the listeners to fully

appreciate the rhythmic intricacies of the song. The rhythmic patterns and

percussive elements inherent in the vocal expression become more prominent

and discernible without the presence of harmonies or additional voices. The

Baylan's rhythmic prowess and ability to navigate complex rhythmic structures

become evident, captivating the audience with their skillful and precise

execution.

B. Mode or Style

The melodic mode employed in the vocal expression is a combination of

syllabic and melismatic styles. Syllabic sections are evident when each syllable

of the text is sung distinctly for each note, creating a clear correspondence

between the text and the melodic line. This syllabic style ensures that the
 | 59

meaning and nuances of the words are effectively conveyed through the melodic

structure.

Conversely, melismatic passages are observed within the song. In these

instances, a single syllable of the text extends over several notes, enriching the

melodic line and allowing for a more intricate and ornamented vocal expression.

These melismatic sections provide moments of embellishment and artistic

interpretation, showcasing the Baylan’s skill and creativity in navigating the

melodic contours of the song.

Text: Tamana ho malagon si inday madadalinday

Sung: Tama (ah) na(ah) ho ma/lă(uh) go(oh)n si inda(ah)y

madadalinda(ah)y

Throughout the performance, certain musical phrases catch the attention

of the listener which includes the short sudden coughing.

Text: (1) Ha / nagahat sa sandigan simadainday darinday /

(2) Lumbayan ha dumagit si lulan ha gindologan //

(3) Yanta da ka / dingilan lag lagala a punay

(4) Dion tag iling iling sag sunglabay ha indanon //

Translation

(1) Pagka dili masabtan, maanyag nga binuhat

(2) Sama dakung kahoy ug mataas nga balite

(3) Mao ray madunggan ang awit sa alimokon

(4) Wala na magparehas ang kausaban sa kinaiyahan

 | 60

“ / ” - Refers to the short sudden coughing, glottal stoppage

These phrases are identified by distinct glottal stoppages that occur after a

specific text that comprises a sentence. A glottal stoppage refers to a momentary

closure of the vocal cords, resulting in a brief pause or interruption in the flow of

sound. These intentional pauses serve as musical punctuation marks, allowing for

a moment of reflection and emphasizing the significance of the preceding text.

The combination of the Baylan's mid-range tone, the monophonic texture,

and the interplay between syllabic and melismatic styles creates a captivating and

dynamic vocal expression. The song unfolds as a captivating narrative,

intertwining the melodic contours with the textual meanings, evoking emotions

and conveying messages deeply rooted in the cultural and spiritual context.

C. Vocal Style/Technique

The Baylan's exceptional skill and mastery in executing the vocal

expressions play a vital role in shaping the overall impact of the chant. One

notable aspect of the Baylan's vocal technique is the deliberate use of a

somewhat grating quality in their voice. This deliberate choice adds a distinct

texture and character to the chant, capturing the attention of the listeners and

evoking a range of emotions.

The grating quality, the Baylan incorporates a mixed tone into their vocal

technique. This involves utilizing both the head tone and chest tone

simultaneously. By employing a mixed tone, the Baylan is able to explore a

 | 61

wider range of expressive possibilities within the vocal performance. The head

tone lends a sense of clarity, brightness, and agility to the higher register, while

the chest tone provides a grounded and sonorous quality to the lower register.

This blending of vocal registers allows for a dynamic and versatile vocal

expression that can convey a broad spectrum of emotions and nuances in the

chant.

D. Timbre and Tone Color

The grating quality of the Baylan's voice introduces a unique timbre and

tonal color to the vocal performance. It creates a sense of rawness and intensity,

allowing the chant to penetrate deeply into the hearts and minds of the audience.

This intentional choice adds an element of authenticity and primal energy to the

vocal expression, making it both captivating and evocative. This deliberate

choice adds a distinct texture and character to the chant, capturing the attention

of the listeners and evoking a range of emotions.

The intentional use of a grating quality and the incorporation of a mixed

tone in the Baylan's vocal technique contribute to the overall impact and

effectiveness of the vocal expression. These deliberate choices enhance the

expressiveness of the vocal performance, captivating the audience and

immersing them in the rich cultural and spiritual tapestry woven by the chant.

Through the interplay of these vocal elements, the Baylan brings the chant to life,

embodying the essence of the text and evoking a profound connection with the

listeners.
 | 62

E. Musical Form and Structure

The musical form and structure of the Darinday vocal expression among

the Higaonon people exhibit a distinct pattern, with a notable resemblance to the

rondo form commonly found in Western classical music. The rondo form is

characterized by the repetition of a main theme, interspersed with contrasting

sections, and this pattern is evident in the Darinday.

In the Darinday, the musical structure follows an ABACA/ABACADA

pattern, where each letter represents a distinct section of the song. Sections A and

C serve as the recurring main theme, while sections B, D, and E provide

contrasting musical material. This structure creates a cohesive and engaging

composition that captures the essence of the Darinday.

Text: A - Tamana ho ma/lagon si inday madadalinday/

(Paglisud gayud, maanyag nga binuhat)
 | 63

B- Sa babalay ko tag/tunay si inday madadalinday/

(Nga mag-inusara sa panimalay)
A- Su gahat ho ko mogbolonaw
(Luyo sa kamingaw)
C- Ha nababalay ta dogo/
(Sa layong panglantaw)
A- Ha nagahat sa sandigan si madainday darinday/
(Pagka dili masabtan, maanyag nga binuhat)
D- Inday madadarinday/ ta tamana ko malogon
(Maanyag nga binuhat, pagkalisod gayud)
A- Tungkay ko matag/lasol sa huda on og kaandilan/
(Pagkadili masayon sa walay masandigan)

Section A introduces the main theme, establishing the melodic and

rhythmic motifs that are characteristic of the Darinday. This section serves as the

foundation for the entire piece, setting the tone and mood of the vocal

expression. The lyrics and melody in section A often contain elements that are

repeated throughout the song, forming a refrain-like quality that is integral to the

structure.

Following section A, section B presents a contrasting musical material

that deviates from the main theme. This section introduces new melodic and

rhythmic patterns, providing a refreshing and contrasting element to the

composition. The contrast in this section adds depth and interest to the overall

musical experience, creating a dynamic interplay between the main theme and its

contrasting counterpart.
 | 64

After section B, the song returns to section A, reiterating the main theme

and reinforcing its importance within the composition. This repetition brings a

sense of familiarity and continuity, allowing listeners to connect with the core

essence of the Darinday. The return to section A also enhances the overall

structure and coherence of the piece.

Section C follows section A, once again presenting the main theme in a

slightly varied form. This variation adds nuance and variation to the repeated

motif, ensuring that the song remains engaging and captivating. The return to the

main theme in section C strengthens the overall musical structure and reinforces

the central elements of the Darinday.

As the song progresses, additional sections, such as D and E, may be

introduced to provide further contrast and variation. These sections offer new

melodic and rhythmic material, expanding the musical palette and maintaining

the interest of the listeners. The inclusion of these sections contributes to the rich

and layered nature of the Darinday vocal expression.

It is interesting to note that Darinday is closely related to two other vocal

expressions, Limbay and Sala, both of which are lullabies within the Higaonon

tribes. Although the musical style of Darinday may not overtly resemble a

lullaby in the western context, it is important to recognize that within the cultural

context of the Higaonon tribes, Darinday is considered a lullaby. It is sung with

ardor, and the act of closing one's eyes while performing or listening to it further
 | 65

emphasizes its association with lullabies, creating a sense of soothing and

comforting ambiance.

The lullaby-like qualities of Darinday can be found not only in its

musical structure but also in its melodic and rhythmic elements. The melodic

contours of the song often possess a gentle and flowing quality, evoking a sense

of calmness and serenity. The use of repetitive melodic motifs contributes to the

soothing effect, creating a comforting and predictable melodic framework that

can lull the listener into a state of relaxation and tranquility.

F. Rhythm /Tempo

The rhythmic elements of Darinday are fundamental in creating its

lullaby-like character. The song employs a steady and regular pulse, reminiscent

of a gentle heartbeat, which establishes a sense of stability and security. This

consistent rhythmic foundation provides a reassuring and comforting quality,

evoking a feeling of safety and calmness.

Furthermore, the rhythmic patterns in Darinday often exhibit repetition,

enhancing the lullaby's hypnotic quality. The recurring rhythmic motifs create a

sense of predictability and familiarity, inducing a state of rhythmic entrainment.

This phenomenon occurs when the listener's internal rhythms synchronize with

the external rhythmic structure of the song. As a result, the listener becomes

immersed in the soothing and repetitive nature of the chant, facilitating

relaxation and a sense of serenity.

 | 66

The combination of the melodic and rhythmic elements in Darinday

contributes to its overall lulling effect. The gentle, flowing melodic contours,

combined with the steady and repetitive rhythmic patterns, create a harmonious

synergy that lulls the listener into a state of tranquility and contemplation. The

rhythmic stability complements the melodic phrases, allowing the listener to be

carried away by the rhythmic flow while being enveloped in the soothing

melodies.

Moreover, the rhythmic qualities of Darinday serve to create an

atmosphere that is conducive to relaxation and contemplation. The consistent

pulse and repetitive patterns establish a sense of grounding and consistency,

promoting a feeling of peace and stillness. The rhythmic elements provide a

framework for the listener to unwind, encouraging a meditative state and an

opportunity for introspection.

Darinday, Musical environment

The Darinday, as a vocal expression of the Higaonon people in Barangay

Rogongon, possesses distinctive musical characteristics that contribute to its

identification and differentiation from other forms of expression within the

Higaonon culture and even across various world cultures. Exploring the

structural and phonological aspects of the Darinday provides insight into its

unique sonic qualities and serves as a basis for aural recognition.

 | 67

From a structural standpoint, the Darinday exhibits specific musical

properties that define its form and distinguish it from other vocal expressions.

These structural properties may include its melodic contour, rhythmic patterns,

tonal organization, and phrasing. Analyzing these elements helps in

understanding the underlying framework of the Darinday and its musical

structure.

Phonologically, the Darinday showcases distinct sonic peculiarities that

contribute to its aural identification. These may involve particular vocal

techniques, such as vocal ornamentation, timbral variations, or specific vocal

articulations. The Baylan, as the master chanter, employs unique vocal skills and

techniques that characterize the Darinday and set it apart from other vocal

expressions within the Higaonon repertoire.

Moreover, the performance practice of Darinday calls for distinctive

modes of participation from specific members of the society, representing

various social attributes such as gender, age, and status. This aspect adds a

sociological dimension to the study of Darinday, offering insights into the social

dynamics and cultural values of the Higaonon community. The roles and

responsibilities assigned to different individuals during the performance reflect

the social hierarchy and the distribution of power within the community.

Beyond its structural and phonological aspects, the Darinday holds a

significant place within the larger experiential condition and spatial environment.

It cannot be isolated or extracted from its cultural context. The performance of

Darinday is not merely a self-contained event but is deeply embedded in the

 | 68

social fabric of the Higaonon community. It is enjoyed and cherished within an

atmosphere of spontaneous conviviality among the direct participants and the

immediate listeners. The act of performing Darinday enriches the physical and

spiritual surroundings, creating a sense of connectedness with the broader

cultural and natural environment.

The communal nature of the Darinday performance fosters a sense of

unity and shared experience among the participants and the audience. The act of

collectively engaging in the vocal expression strengthens social bonds and

reinforces a sense of belonging within the Higaonon community. The convivial

atmosphere created during the performance enhances the emotional and cultural

significance of Darinday, making it a meaningful and cherished event.

Furthermore, the Darinday's connection to the wider physical and

spiritual environment highlights its holistic nature. The vocal expression is not

confined to a specific setting but resonates with the natural surroundings and the

spiritual realm. The vocal expressions become intertwined with the sounds of

nature, merging human voices with the sounds of birds, wind, and other elements

of the environment. This interplay between the vocal expression and the

surroundings adds depth and richness to the overall experience of Darinday,

creating a harmonious relationship between humans and nature.

Poetics of Darinday

While the musical format and expressive style provide the medium

through which the Darinday is shared within a physical environment, its poetics
 | 69

represent the very core of its being and its significance in the entire social and

cultural facbric of Higaonon life. The text of the Darinday represents a much

higher form of communication and poetic expression than ordinary everyday

speech or discourse. It transfers the listener to a different time and cultural space

as it uses and revitalizes a language of ancient vintage. The unfamiliarity of

various words in contemporary generations provides the element of depth and

mystery in the Darinday, whether a particular piece is conceived as a prayer, an

admonition, or even a joke.

The Darinday poetics also explore the wide and opulent vocabulary, and

figurative sacred language of the Higaonon. Metaphors are practically a must in

darinday that is worth remembering.

Salilo ta ki/wanon migbaylo labugtion

(Napagngan kadasig ang lumulopyo sa kabungtoran)

Sa namangon ta su/mapaw ho sog-ong ta yawa-anon

(Ang nagpuyo sa ibabaw nga taliwa sa kakahuyan)

Yanta da ka/dingilan lag-lagala a punay

(Mao ra ato Makita ang nalupad lupad nga punay)

Yandag kasulimanan sug kutol da ha limokon

(Mao ray madunggan ang awit sa alimokon)

Inday madadalinday, ta nagulab ho malogon/

(Maanyag nga binuhat, sa subrang kasakit)
 | 70

Nololob matag/lasol, so natilabos ha gagaw

(Sa kalisud nawadan sa gugma)

Nalolob sa padaya say an ug ulugon ko

(Nakuhaan sa kadasig)

The phrases cited above appear to be deeply intertwined with the

supernatural domain, making direct or indirect allusions to the Creator or

ancestral spirits. This highlights not only the profound spirituality of the

Higaonon people but also their strong sense of dependence on a metaphysical

world. The Darinday serves as a means for the Higaonon to communicate with

the spirit world, acting as a bridge that connects two realms of consciousness.

From a textual perspective, the Darinday can be understood as a

language-oriented expression. The content of the lyrics determines its

significance in Higaonon life, whether it serves as a spiritual act, a social

practice, an intimate exchange, private entertainment, or a personal poetic

expression. The Darinday exhibits extreme variability in terms of different poetic

compositions and their functional determinism. However, this variability

contrasts with the invariability of the musical formula, performance style, and the

overall formal and meditative demeanor maintained throughout the performance.

This contrast highlights the unique character of the Darinday as a mirror

reflecting the spiritual, creative, and artistic nature of the Higaonon people.

The Darinday's connection to the supernatural realm speaks to the deep

spirituality and belief system of the Higaonon community. It emphasizes their

 | 71

acknowledgement of a metaphysical world and their understanding of their place

within it. Through the Darinday, the Higaonon people express their reverence

and reliance on higher powers, whether it be the Creator or ancestral spirits. This

spiritual dimension adds a profound layer of meaning and purpose to the vocal

expression, elevating it beyond mere entertainment or cultural practice.

The unchanging musical formula and performance style of the Darinday

further emphasize its spiritual nature. The consistent structure and execution of

the vocal expression create an atmosphere of formality and meditative demeanor,

fostering a sense of deep focus and connection to the spiritual realm. This formal

and contemplative approach enhances the overall spiritual experience and

demonstrates the Higaonon people's commitment to honoring their traditions and

spiritual beliefs.

Furthermore, the Darinday serves as an artistic outlet for the Higaonon

people, showcasing their creativity and poetic expression. While the musical

formula remains constant, the lyrical content allows for individual and communal

artistic expression. The Darinday becomes a medium through which the

Higaonon people can convey their emotions, thoughts, and experiences,

transcending linguistic barriers and reaching deeper levels of human

communication.

Darinday, Social context

 | 72

The association of Darinday with lullabies within the Higaonon tribes is

significant as it reflects the cultural significance and function of this vocal

expression. Lullabies, universally recognized as songs sung to soothe and calm

infants and young children, have a profound impact on their well-being.

Similarly, within the Higaonon culture, Darinday serves a similar purpose by

providing a musical expression that brings comfort and serenity.

Lullabies are sung with the intention of creating a peaceful and secure

environment for children. They are characterized by gentle melodies, soft

rhythms, and nurturing lyrics that promote a sense of security and tranquility. In

the context of the Higaonon culture, Darinday serves as a musical lullaby,

offering a means of connection between the caregiver and the child. Through the

melodic and rhythmic qualities of Darinday, a sense of closeness and bonding is

nurtured between the singer and the listener, creating a space of comfort and

emotional well-being.

The use of a rondo form in Darinday further reinforces its association

with lullabies and contributes to its cultural significance. The rondo form is

characterized by the repetition of a main theme, often referred to as the "A"

section, interspersed with contrasting sections. This cyclical structure mirrors the

cyclical nature of life and reflects the enduring traditions that are passed down

through generations in the Higaonon community. The repetition of the main

theme in Darinday not only serves a musical purpose but also symbolizes the

cultural continuity and the intergenerational transmission of knowledge and

values within the community.

 | 73

Additionally, the incorporation of lullaby-like qualities in Darinday holds

deeper cultural meanings. The use of gentle melodies, soothing rhythms, and

tender lyrics creates an atmosphere of warmth and care. The performers of

Darinday sing with ardor and close their eyes, actively participating in the act of

creating a safe and nurturing environment for the listeners. This gesture

demonstrates their dedication to providing comfort and protection, embracing the

listeners in a musical embrace. The act of closing one's eyes while performing

Darinday is a symbolic representation of trust, vulnerability, and the deep

connection between the performers and the listeners.

Through its musical structure and emotional resonance, Darinday

becomes a powerful expression of cultural continuity within the Higaonon

community. It fosters a sense of connection and comfort by evoking feelings of

security, tranquility, and emotional well-being. The performance of Darinday not

only serves as a means of communication but also as a way to reinforce cultural

values and traditions. It strengthens the bond between individuals, creating a

sense of unity and belonging within the community.

Moreover, Darinday acts as a cultural repository, preserving the

Higaonon heritage and serving as a reminder of their ancestral traditions. The

performance of this vocal expression is often accompanied by storytelling,

imparting wisdom and knowledge to younger generations. Through the act of

singing Darinday, the cultural identity of the Higaonon people is celebrated and

sustained.
 | 74

________________________
Kinaiyahan, according to A Dictionary of Visayan Cebuano compiled by John U. Wolff (1972), is formed from three distinct
Visayan words (kina + iya + han). The root word kinaiya, from kina and iya, refers to the “most pronounced” (kina) traits and
ways “possessed” (iya) by a person. It can also be taken as culture unique to certain group of people, in fact, what is cultural is
sometimes misconstrued as natural. The word han is attached to kinaiya as suffix to indicate natural features in places around
us.
CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION

Summary

The researcher discovered that this vocal expression, along with the other

expressions in the Higaonon rituals, is strongly regarded as being very sacred and

strictly guarded after looking into the "musically," "socially," and "cultural"

foundations of the Higaonon chant Darinday. The Higaonon's vocal expressions

and music serve as a bridge between two spheres of consciousness and a medium

for human communion with the spiritual world. The entire conduct of the

Darinday is characterized by seriousness, solemnity, especially when the

exhortation and text carry profound importance and meaning for both the

community and the entire world. It includes reflective and meditative actions.

The Higaonon do not classify their vocal expressions in rituals as

“music,” at least not in the Western context of music. Darinday to them is a

 | 75

vocal expression that is deemed as the highlight of their rituals, especially during

the ten days which includes seven-night prayer of their social gatherings

(Kaamulan) in the Kalasan Tribal Village. It is merely a part of their life cycle; a

social norm.

This may be one of the reasons why documentations and transcriptions

concerning the Higaonon tribe and their culture are extremely difficult to

possess. This further proves how the threat of the “preservation” of the memory

of these tribes, their customs and their cultures being lost could grow.

Darinday acts as a cultural repository, preserving the Higaonon heritage

and serving as a reminder of their ancestral traditions. This vocal performance

frequently includes storytelling to teach younger generations’ valuable life

lessons. Through the singing of Darinday, the Higaonon people's cultural identity

is celebrated and sustained.

The Darinday, among any other vocal expression of the Higaonon, has to

be passed on through Oral Tradition and therefore cannot be shared in public

whenever. The person passing on knowledge ought to have had the experience of

living in a tribe and understands what it means to appreciate the kinaiyahan.

In addition, contrary to Dr. Saranza's study from 2016, there is currently

evidence that the Higaonon tribes in the Philippines are not losing their oral

traditions.
 | 76

Recommendations

The researcher recommends that further studies be conducted on these

vocal expressions and that future researchers be given more time and funding for

cultural immersions so they can study a variety of vocal expression rather than

focusing on a single genre or style. Since these are primarily what would be

required for these to be imparted to people in the academe, this would also mean

(no matter how gradually) that they will eventually in the near future have

permissions granted by the authorities with regard to the publication of

documentation and transcription of their vocal expressions.

 | 77

APPENDIX A
 | 78

Upon arrival, two baes, Bae Nasakaw and Bae Kadayunan warmly and

pleasantly welcomed the researcher.

APPENDIX B

The crooked pathway going to the Rainforest.

 | 79

APPENDIX C

“Turugan”

This is where Kaamulan is celebrated. For their tribe, Kaamulan is a

ten-day celebration that includes seven nights of prayer during

which all Baylan simultaneously conduct Darinday.

 | 80

APPENDIX D

Snapshots of Higaonon Tribal homes in Kalasan Tribal Village, Sitio

Minsaliding, Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City

located in the heart of the Rainforest.

 | 81

APPENDIX E

“Paninghud”, an opening ritual

Initiated by Baylan Eladio Sangcoan together with his son, Datu

Kilala Lanelio Sangcoan

 | 82

APPENDIX F

The symbolic cutting of the head of the Bisaya chicken while

conducting prayer/chanting
 | 83

APPENDIX G

The Sangcoan Clan headed by today’s Iligan’s IP Representative

and Tribal Leader Datu Kilala Sangcoan; Beside is Baylan, Head

Chanter, Datu Eladio Sangcoan;

 | 84

APPENDIX H

Baylan, Head Chanter, Former Tribal Leader, Datu Eladio Sangcoan

 | 85

Appendix I

Kalasan Tribal Village Celebration during Christmas 2022

 | 86

APPENDIX J

THE HIGAONON IN ROGONGON, ILIGAN CITY wearing their

symbolic tribal attire featuring the natural water flowing in

Sitio Minsaliding falls, Barangay Rogongon, Iligan City

 | 87

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