Dr. George Kurian Journal of Comparative Family Studies

"I Hardly Understand English, But...
": Mexican Origin Fathers Describe Their Commitment

as Fathers Despite the Challenges of Immigration
Author(s): Andrew O. Behnke, Brent A. Taylor and José Rubén Parra-Cardona
Source: Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 39, No. 2 (SPRING 2008), pp. 187-205
Published by: Dr. George Kurian
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41604210
Accessed: 27-06-2016 08:12 UTC
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"I Hardly Understand English, But. .
Mexican Origin Fathers Describe Their Commitment
as Fathers Despite the Challenges of Immigration
Andrew O. Behnke*
Brent A. Taylor**
José Rubén Parra-Cardona***
INTRODUCTION
Latinos are the largest and most rapidly growing immigrant minority group in the U.S. (U.S.
Bureau of the Census, 2005). Of this group, every year over half a million individuals migrate
from Mexico to the U.S. (OISDHS, 2003). The majority of these immigrants are men and face
considerable cultural, familial, and economic challenges as a result of their immigration
experience (Padilla, Cervantes, Maldonado, & Garcia, 1988; Pessar, 2003). Though recent
attempts have been made to understand the influence of immigration on the lives of immigrant
Latinos (Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, & Louie, 2002), few studies have attempted to understand
how immigration affects Latinos' familial adjustment, structure, and parenting practices
(Cabrera & Garcia Coll, 2004; Perreira, Chapman, & Stein, 2006).
A number of studies have shown that immigrant Latino parents who are involved,
knowledgeable, and encouraging of their youth have children who have lower rates of drug
use and sexual risk-taking, have less likelihood of dropping out of school, and get higher
grades in school (Delgado-Gaitan, 1992; Fishbein & Pérez, 2000; Okagaki & Frensch, 1995;
Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992). From these studies we learn that parents play a
substantial role in the success of immigrant Latino children and youth. Yet, even these
studies have often neglected the opinions and reports of fathers, especially immigrant Latino
fathers (Cabrera & Garcia Coll, 2004). In particular, qualitative research related to father
involvement and childrearing practices among Latino immigrants is lacking (Taylor & Behnke,
2005; Cabrera & Garcia Coll, 2004). This exploratory study uses qualitative methods to
delineate key themes of fatherhood from the perspective of Mexican immigrant fathers in the
U.S. Specifically, this study explored Mexican immigrant fathers' views on fathering and their
perceptions of how migrating to the U.S. influenced their childrearing practices.
We recognize that the Latino culture is comprised of multiple cultures (e.g., Umaña-Taylor &
Fine, 2001). Unfortunately, it is challenging to integrate a theoretical framework focused
exclusively on Mexican origin fathers because research with this population is scarce (Parke
et al., 2004). Thus, we will use the term Latino whenever we refer to research conducted with
* Department of Family and Consumer Sciences, North Carolina State University; Campus Box 7605;
Raleigh, NC 27695-7605, USA.
** Department of Counseling and School Psychology, San Diego State University, 5500 Campanile Dr., San
Diego, CA 92182, USA.
*** 3-D Human Ecology, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA.
188 Journal of Comparative Family Studies
the Latino immigrant population in general and the term Mexican origin whenever we make
reference to studies involving individuals with Mexican ancestry.
SENSITIZING CONCEPTS AND THEORETICALFRAMEWORK
Latino Father Involvement in the United States
Research has provided robust evidence indicating the positive effects of father involvement
on the physical, social, and emotional development of children and youth (Cabrera, Tamis-
LeMonda, Bradley, Hofferth, & Lamb, 2002). Unfortunately, most of this research has been
conducted with European American, middle-class populations (Tamis-LeMonda & Cabrera,
2002).
Existing research on Latino fathers has provided evidence against negative stereotypes
depicting Latino males as authoritarian and uninvolved (Coltrane, Parke, & Adams, 2004).
For instance, researchers have found that Latino fathers are more physically involved, monitor
their children more, and provide more consistent discipline than similar groups of European
American fathers (Hofferth, 2003; Mirandé, 1997; Toth & Xu, 1999). Similar evidence has
been provided by Hofferth (2003), who conducted interviews and time diaries with a large
representative sample of fathers and children from various ethnic groups to explore the level
of involvement with their children. Her research demonstrated that Latino fathers were warmer,
more engaged, and less controlling than Asian American, European American, and African
American fathers. Her results also indicated that Latino fathers were second only to African
American fathers in terms of time spent involved with their children and responsibility for
their care. Similarly, Toth and Xu (1999) used a nationally representative sample to show that
father involvement differed considerably across ethnic groups. They reported that Latinos
(comprised primarily of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans) were more involved
than European Americans in behavioral (e.g., physical involvement) and cognitive (e.g.,
discipline, etc.) domains.
Research with Latino fathers has also provided evidence indicating that Latino fathers do
not limit themselves to the sole role of being a provider. For instance, Fitzpatrick, Caldera,
Pursley, and Wampler (1999) conducted focus groups with Latino parents inquiring into the
roles and behaviors of Latino fathers. They found that the fathers in their sample commonly
engaged in fathering roles such as teacher, playmate, and emotional supporter. Similarly,
Coltrane and colleagues (Coltrane, 2001 ; Coltrane et al., 2004; Coltrane & Valdez; 1993) have
demonstrated that Mexican origin fathers are as involved in child care and other domestic
labor as European American fathers. Furthermore, preliminary data from a longitudinal study
of low-income fathers indicates that Mexican origin fathers are similar to European American
fathers in their levels of child monitoring and housework. However, Mexican origin fathers
spent more time in these tasks and were more involved in their children's activities (Coltrane,
Parke, & Adams, 2001).
Latino Cultural Values and the Experience of Fatherhood
Research has provided evidence against traditional stereotypes depicting Latino fathers as
domineering and unwilling to engage in egalitarian relationships (Fitzpatrick, et al., 1999;
Coltrane, et al., 2004). Scholars have also suggested that the fathering experiences of Latino
"/ Hardly Understand English, But. 1 89
fathers may be highly influenced by specific Latino cultural values (Parke, et al., 2004). For
instance, familismo is a Latino value that emphasizes the importance of being rooted in the
family and ensuring that one's actions contribute to the welfare of all family members (Falicov,
1998). Colectivismo refers to the relevance of experiencing a sense of cohesion with groups
other than one's family of origin (Toth & Xu, 1999), and personalismo highlights the
importance of establishing meaningful interpersonal relationships in a variety of social contexts
(Falicov, 1998).
Despite the relevant role of culture on fathering experiences, limited research has explored
these issues among Latino fathers in the U.S. (Parke et al., 2004). Therefore, researchers have
expressed that there is a great need to explore the cultural precursors of father involvement
and marital stability among Latinos (Mirandé, 1997; Oropesa & Landale, 2004; Parke, et al.,
2004). Failure to recognize the need to engage Latino fathers in research can result in further
marginalization of this population from the benefits of research and program design (Alderete,
Vega, Kolody, & Aguilar-Gaxiola, 2000).
In addition, fatherhood research needs to be guided by key methodological considerations.

For instance, scholars have demonstrated the usefulness of utilizing qualitative methodologies
in research with Latino fathers in order to allow participants to describe their life experiences
in their own words (Garcia & Oliveira, 2005; Parke, et al., 2004; Rojas, 2000). Such a consideration
is particularly relevant because fathers who have experienced challenging backgrounds,
have also provided detailed narratives that illustrate the ways in which fatherhood has been
a critical motivator for overcoming challenges in life (Lesser, Tello, Koniak-GrifFm, Kappos, &
Rhys, 2001).
The Experience of Immigration and Changes in Childrearing Practices and Roles
Though some research has suggested that fathers in Mexico primarily identify themselves
with the role of provider in their families (Garcia & Oliveira, 2000, 2001), recent research seems
to suggest that these fathers are taking on new roles within their own homes, including
housework and childcare activities (Casique, 1999; Esteinou, 2001 ; Garcia & Oliveira, 2005).
Recent research has shown that fathers in Mexico (particularly more mature and more educated
fathers) appear to be accepting more egalitarian arrangements in the home in terms of domestic
labor, childrearing practices, and women's entry into the labor market (Esteinou, 2001 ; Garcia
& Oliveira, 2005; Rojas, 2000; Wainerman, 2000). Though these changes towards more
egalitarian roles appear to mirror the changes in father's roles in the U.S., they seem to be
slow in gaining widespread acceptance in Mexico (author citation; Vivas Mendoza, 1996).
More egalitarian fathers in Mexico have been found to engage principally in play (recreation),
discipline, education, and affective bonding, rather than physical care such as food provision
and cleanliness (Garcia & Oliveira, 2005; Rojas, 2000; Vivas Mendoza, 1996). There is also a
great deal of diversity in the fathering practices and roles among fathers in Mexico (even
among those with similar ages), because of differing external (e.g., geographic, socio-
economic) and internal (e.g., personality, education, maturity) factors (Garcia & Oliveira,
2005).
The experience of immigration to the U.S. appears to facilitate father's engagement in more
egalitarian relationships with their spouses or partners (Gutmann, 2003) and with their children
(author citation). Yet Mexican immigrant fathers may be somewhat less traditional than their
counterparts in Mexico simply because younger and more egalitarian men are more likely to
immigrate to the U.S. (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1994; Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). Additionally, fathers
who immigrate come in daily contact with cultural messages, depictions, and models of
egalitarian family roles in the U.S., and may confront less criticism from peers for their
egalitarian gender relations (author citation; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1994; Pesquera, 1993; Pessar,
2003). These fathers may also face the added burden of dealing with pressures to conform
with the mainstream U.S. culture, while at the same time, refusing to abandon cultural values
and traditions that are important to them (Patel, Power, & Bhavnagri, 1996). Furthermore, it is
critical to consider the multiple challenges associated with the experience of immigration for
Mexican origin fathers, because they are often faced with oppressive experiences such as
racial discrimination or exploitation in the workplace (Garcia & Oliveira, 2000; Jain & Belsky,
1997). In sum, the experience of immigration conveys intense challenges and opportunities
to Latino fathers, which are likely to be reflected on their fathering experiences (e.g., Padilla
et al., 1988). This study represents a response to Cabrera and Garcia Coil's (2004) call for
qualitative research on Latino immigrants' paternal childrearing practices by exploring Mexican
immigrant fathers' views oh fathering and their perceptions of how migrating to the U.S.
influenced their childrearing practices.
Ecological Theory
Our study is informed by Bronfenbrenner's (1979) ecological theory, which leads us to think
about fathers in terms of three dynamic contexts, the microsystem (i.e., parent-child
relationship, fathering), the mesosystem (i.e., influence of immigration on parenting), and the
macrosystem (i.e., culture and cultural beliefs). A critical aspect of this theory refers to the
fact that successful development results from the multiple and continuous interactions
between individuals and their contexts. Therefore, variability in individual development and
family functioning must always be understood by taking into consideration variability across
contexts.
Based on this, Mexican immigrant fathers are influenced by multiple relationships in multiple
contexts such as the relationship with their children, families, and friends, as well as the new
social, economic, and political contexts associated with the host country (Bubolz & Sontag,
1993). Thus, and because this exploratory study pays particular attention to the ways in
which the experience of immigration as well as culture influence the fathering behaviors of
Mexican origin fathers, it is important to recognize that there are methodological challenges
associated with exploring the life experiences of participants who live in different and
contrasting contexts (e.g., limited generalizability). However, we also recognize the usefulness
of finding commonalities in the fathering experiences of Latino immigrant fathers who despite
living in different contexts, report important similarities of their experiences as fathers.
MEIHOD
Description of Participants
Nineteen Mexican origin fathers were recruited through word of mouth and advertisements
posted in community centers, local churches, and neighborhoods. Visits to households were
"I Hardly Understand English, But. . . " 191
arranged through phone calls to parents. Participants provided informed consent in their
language of choice, were residents of lower income neighborhoods in San Diego, California
and Hyrum, Utah, and had at least one middle-school aged child (see Table 1 & 2). All but two
fathers responded to the interview in their first language, Spanish. All the fathers were first-
generation immigrants from Mexico, except for one father who was of the second-generation
and married to a first-generation Mexican- American woman. This father was born in the U.S.,
but had been raised in Mexico and had immigrated to the U.S. to find work and start a family.
Eighteen of the fathers were employed full time, working an average of 52 hours per week.
The fathers in this sample tended to hold lower to lower-middle class economic status, yet
approximately 30% of our sample held middle to upper-middle class status. Fourteen of the
nineteen participants were married to the mothers of their children, the marriage being the
first for all but three of the men. Participants had lived in the U.S. for an average of fifteen
years.
PROCEDURE
Data was collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews with each participant, and
each interview lasted between one to two hours. The interview was comprised of brief
demographic questions as well as questions about the roles and involvement of fathers in
their families, perceived influences in their fathering, level of involvement with their children,
perceptions about fathering in México and the U.S., and parenting beliefs and characteristics
considered to be adaptive for U.S. society. All questions and translations of transcripts used
a "translation-back translation" method. A bilingual professor reviewed the translations for
accuracy of translation in relation to the Spanish spoken by Mexican immigrants. All
participants' names were changed to protect anonymity.
This qualitative study was guided by grounded theory (Guba & Lincoln, 1982; Strauss &
Corbin, 1998) and aided by the qualitative software package QSR NUD*IST 5 (N5, 2000).
Grounded theory makes possible an in-depth understanding of the underlying meaning of
the fathers' comments because explanations of their experiences are "grounded' in the data.
Transcripts were coded focusing on the general themes and meanings, and these themes
were then categorized into broader codes to separate, compile, and organize the descriptive
data (Patton, 2002). We then used NUD*IST 5 and the method of constant comparison (in
which the interview transcripts were compared and contrasted with one another) to identify
recurrent phrases and themes in the data. These preliminary codes were then analyzed
identify connections, pattern, and clusters among the themes.
Trustworthiness and Rigor
Two teams comprised of native and nonnative interviewers were lead by the first two authors
of this study. Though these two authors are fluent in Spanish, they are of European American
decent and therefore their nonnative status may have had some influence on the interviews.
However, it seems that lack of trust did not seem to negatively influence the process of data
collection because participants provided extensive and rich descriptions of their experiences
as fathers. The third author is a fully bilingual Mexican native. He has extensive experience
conducting research and service delivery to Latino populations in the U.S. He provided
feedback related to data analysis and interpretation of research findings. Each team used
peer debriefing and discussion of their experiences associated with data collection prior to
engaging in coding of the data.
RESULTS
Es Mutuo: Decision-Making
It was quite common for interviewed fathers to reveal that both they and their wives were
mutually involved in making family decisions; however, some fathers reported that they were
the principal decision-maker, a few said it "depends on the situation," and one father replied
that his wife was the primary decision-maker. Fathers with lower levels of formal education
reported a more traditional (or essentialist) approach to raising children. Typically, the husband
made the household decisions (e.g., purchases for the home) and the wife was more
responsible for the children (e.g., child's education and activities). However, this scenario
varied among different immigrant fathers. Some fathers with less education managed to
share decision making with their wives, but at times not completely. For example, Lazaro, who
had only six years of formal education and who had lived in the U.S. for 21 years, stated, "I
make the decisions and my wife does sometimes. . .1 let her sometimes." In this case there was
some degree of sharing in the decision-making but it appears that Lazaro feels that he
"delegates" this responsibility.
As we have mentioned, some fathers explained that who made what decision depended on
the circumstances or context under which the decision was to be made. Ruben highlighted
the traditional nature of these decision making "areas" when he reported, "Well it depends
[who makes the decisions] because if they're decisions related to the kitchen, then I can't be
the one making those decisions." Based on these results we found that families with more
traditional gender roles, either found a way to share decision-making within the confines of
traditionally gendered roles, or did not expressly share in making decisions. These families
appeared to have more rigid structures, and greater difficulty realigning, reassigning, and
changing roles. Those with more egalitarian gender role ideologies were more likely to share
in the decision making process, though even many of these fathers reported that this was at
times difficult.
The Father is the Tree: Paternal Roles
Fathers' perceptions of the roles they played appeared to be related to the division of
household labor and childrearing responsibilities within this Mexican immigrant sample.
Fathers frequently mentioned that being a "provider" was their most important role, while
others reported other roles such as "being a disciplinarian," being "teachers," being a "helper,"
and being a "caretaker." Those fathers who reported "provider" as their main role were
actually more likely to report sharing domestic labor with their wives than fathers who
reported other main roles. Fathers who reported "disciplinarian" as their main role were often
more traditional or essentialist in their childrearing and help around the home, than those
that responded differently. So in at least some cases those fathers who reported roles that
sounded less involved (i.e., "provider") were in fact more involved, whereas those fathers
who were less involved reported that characteristically more involved roles (i.e.,
"/ Hardly Understand English, But. . . " 1 93
"disciplinarian") were more salient. Even though some fathers see their primary role as
disciplinarian, most fathers stated that their wives participated in the discipline as well, as
noted in the previous section.
One Mexican immigrant father with traditionally gendered roles described the reason discipline
was his most important role in this way, "the man needs to be stronger than the woman so the
kids will listen. In reality, the man is stronger than the woman, so the kids listen to me. You
know that the woman is simpler than the man." These traditional views led this father to think
of himself as needed in the "disciplinarian" role.
On the other hand, another father described the importance of being a caretaker or nurturer
for his children in the form of a metaphor. Diego said,
The father is the tree, and when the tree blooms its fruit, those fruit are the children.
So for the children to mature well, you need to know how to cultivate the tree, you
know. When the tree is growing sideways, it needs to be straightened so the fruit
that blooms will be good; giving it water and nutrients.
Diego viewed his role as one of provision, not only through economic means but even more
importantly through emotional support and physical interaction. Contrasting traditional
views of the "provider role," Diego shared his beliefs that mothers and father's roles were
interwoven and interdependent in the provision of their child's needs. He commented about
his wife, "I need her, I ask her for advice. And she needs me too. So, we're two people, but it
has to be that we're united and become one, only."
Fathers in this study commonly shared these egalitarian views even though they reported
different principal roles. They thought that fathers should share roles and tasks with their
wives or partners. For example, Miguel expressed that "when the father and mother are
mutual about things, it's easier to raise a family." These fathers recognized that parents
create opportunities for their children when they work together. Pedro made a similar statement:
"It should also be a role of collaboration and guidance, not only of provider."
Another prevailing pattern arose regarding the most important characteristics that exemplify
a father. Fathers were frequently found to report that the most important fathering
characteristic was being "hard workers." Less commonly, fathers indicated being
"responsible," being a "friend," "loving his children," being an "example or role model," and
being both a "protector and a provider." The salience of this "hard working" characteristic
was reflected by Guierrmo when he said, "The role of the father is to go to work, provide for
the family, and make time for the family, to have activities together so that they won't feel
they come second." Fathers reported similar responsibilities that a father should execute and
characteristics a man should have, regardless of level of education, SES, number of years in
the U.S., age and/or number of children. Results showed there was a consistent pattern
regarding the ideal role of husband and father. In sum, we see that fathers felt that their actual
and ideal fathering roles were to be egalitarian, hardworking, and responsible for their
children's needs, whether they be physical needs or other needs in terms of discipline or
emotional support.
I Believe Being a Father is the Same: Immigration and Fatherhood
Fathers commonly related that they parented in similar ways to the way they were raised or
the way they parented in Mexico. For instance, Pablo, a 30-year-old mechanic and father of
an eleven year-old boy and a nine year-old girl, responded, "Maybe the essence of fathering
is the same, even in the levels that a foreigner can be compared to us, no? But I believe being
a father is the same. . .here and there." Cristobal added, "They're the same kids and I am the
father, the love is the same." While more fathers felt that immigration had not necessarily
changed their fathering role , they also stated that they felt they had to adapt to new
challenges in their new environment For example Adrian, a 37 year-old phone technician and
father of a thirteen year-old daughter and eleven year-old son, shared, "We're all fathers and
we all have those sentiments of wanting our children to grow up the same. The influences
[on youth] are different but everyone wants their children to be their best and do their best,
and give them the best influence that we can give them. There is no difference." Similar to
this statement most fathers indicated that they and their children had to adapt to challenges,
but they did not see this as changing the way they parented.
Mexican immigrant fathers discussed how immigration influenced their children and the
ways they raised their children. In relation to their children, fathers worried about new found
influences such as: the dominance of television in their child's lives, increased autonomy,
greater access to parties, sex, drugs, and alcohol in the U.S., a higher standard of living, and
reduced family involvement. The influence of a higher standard of living and reduced family
involvement are apparent in the comments of Saul, a 36 year-old father of a four year-old
daughter and twelve year-old son. He said, "In Mexico, kids are more responsible, life's a
struggle, so, eh, you have no time to joke around - you need to support the family, help feed
the little ones. Here kids don't treat life seriously - everything is a game." This father was
anxious about the influence of having more, and how it seemed to make his family less
united. José, a construction worker and father of two girls - ages fifteen and thirteen - and
a six year-old son, referred to problems he saw with kids in the United States who learn to
disrespect their parents and the value of family, he related the issue to television use. He
shared this insight,
There's a big difference. In Mexico, when they grow up, they're more respectful,
more obedient, not spoiled. Because once they know more the true value of family,
they respect their elders. But here, you know, everyone's brought up on TV, especially
prime time. They talk back to their parents and they think they can get away with it.
Autonomy was another key influence that many of the interviewed fathers felt they
struggled against here in "the States." Enrique, a 32 year-old auto body painter and father of
three girls, demonstrated the connection he saw between increased autonomy and problem
behaviors. He commented,
Regarding moral principles, you show your kids the good and the bad. The only difference
is that here, when kids grow up, parents give their kids more freedom than in México
with things like alcohol, sex, and drugs.
"/ Hardly Understand English , But. . . " 195
Fathers quite commonly reported that these worries about their youth having "too much
freedom," lead them to attempt to be harsher disciplinarians. For example, José shared,
It's harder raising kids here. You have to be tougher because of all the influences.
You can't just rely on your wife to discipline them and all that, eh... both parents
need to really get in there. I can't just be the breadwinner; I have to also put them in
line. It's not like Mexico here. Here, kids need to be redirected by both parents
because of all the negative influences.
Fathers identified that legal issues limited their abilities to use physical punishment to
discipline their children, in a way that would be common in Mexico. For example, Ruben
reported, "I had to adapt to how it is here.... For example, the difference here is that you can't
hit your kid, you can't hit him because you'll get reported." Other legal issues faced a few
fathers as they were illegal immigrants and they felt this limited their abilities to be involved
in their child's activities, and added an extra dimension of stress related to deportation. One
father commented how every time he left the city in his truck, he was scared that the police
would pull him over and send him back to Mexico. Legal dilemmas such as these were a part
of the daily lives of some of these men.
Some fathers also felt that a lack of time and fatigue from long, demanding working hours
reduced the time they would like to spend with their children. Roberto said "But time is the
difficult thing here, and with so many children one has to keep working more and more."
Another father added, "You get home so tired that sometimes you just go in an go to bed and
your done for the day. Often the kids are just out watching television until 9 - 10 at night."
Therefore the time constraints and fatigue experienced by some fathers can make positive
interaction with their kids more difficult.
Holding Them Up with Love: The Fathering Relationship
Another prevailing pattern involved the father/child relationship, and in particular the
closeness to the child and aspirations that fathers held for their children. It was fairly common
for fathers to reported strong, active relationships with their children, especially those fathers
that had more recently immigrated. These recently immigrated men had often had a child live
with them before their spouse came over. Families in these types of situations and those
where the family had recently migrated together, often had exceptionally strong parent/child
bonds, because the families had pulled together in the face of similar challenges and stresses.
One father related that in light of the many challenges they faced he supported or held his
children up with love.
Fathers who had both a son and a daughter commonly reported treating their sons and
daughters equally, despite demographic variations (e.g., relatively higher or lower income,
number of years in the U.S.). In fact, fathers quite commonly stated they treat all of their
children "the same." Shedding light on these reports, Roberto explained that he treats all his
children equally, although he feels closer to his sons "because they follow me around more."
So while fathers report treating daughters and sons equally, the data demonstrates that their
relationships may not be equally strong. For example, some fathers expressed their limitations
in relating to their daughters directly, and others reported that they could identify more with
their sons but treated all children equally. For example, Lazaro expressed these sentiments:
It's because the boys are more confident with me. They tell me everything, but she
[his daughter] doesn't, she tells her mom, right? So I can help her up to a point, but
it's almost the same. She's going to be different. She's more into school. I didn't
encourage the boys to study much because at the time I wasn't aware of the
opportunities that were out there.
Fathers usually reported spending most of their free time with their children and
families-with an average of 1 1 hours-per-week. They reported that they spent this
time in the home watching TV, playing video games, listening to music, reading
books and magazines together, joking and talking around the dinner table, fixing
things, and cleaning together. They also reported participating in an average of 2-3
activities with their families outside the home each week. Some of the most commonly
reported activities were going to the movies, to the park, or to church, visiting
family, going out shopping or on a camping trip, and playing sports together.
When asked about how they demonstrated their love to their children, the participants
described various mechanisms. As voiced by Victor, "I show them I love them by telling them
how smart they are, showing them affection, with hugs." Lazaro added, "I listen to them, I like
their conversations, I accept their invitations [to talk] and I also invite [discussions] to
happen. I give to them and they give to me. . .1 show them my love, I trust them and they also
trust in me." Many fathers perceived that their children have a high level of trust in them.
Enrique stated, "There are no secrets between my daughters and I. They even ask us questions
about sex. So I think they trust us because they ask us a lot." Enrique felt that his daughters'
willingness to confide in him was a sign of the trust he felt in their relationships. However
this wasn't the case for everyone. For example, Francisco stated his kids trusted their mother
more. 'They're a lot closer to their mom; [they share] everything with her. ... On rare occasion,
I scold them, and then my wife comes to their defense. Then their trust is directed not
towards me but towards her."
I Hardly Understand English, But...: School-Related Involvement
The participants were asked to describe how they supported their children in their scholastic
achievements. Fathers in this sample were less likely to report that they alone helped their
children with homework. Instead fathers said their wives took primary responsibility or that
they and their spouse made a collaborative effort. Fathers explained some of their reasons for
being less invested in helping their children with homework by saying that they came home
tired, that their English wasn't good enough, and that their work schedule conflicted with the
times when their children did their homework. Certainly, English language proficiency played
a central role in the involvement of fathers in their children's schooling. Yet this did not stop
some fathers. For example Rogelio, a Utah father, responded saying:
I hardly understand English, but when she has a question I try to help her with it,
and tell her what she needs to know. Sometimes I have to look in books or on the
computer, and if I can't find it there I'll ask my wife or one of my friends that speaks
English and they help out.
Those fathers that helped out with homework were generally the more educated parent, or
spoke better English than their spouses. Less educated fathers in our sample generally held
more traditional views of their gender roles and had more difficulty feeling involved in their
child's schooling. One father who held more traditional gender roles described the difficulties
that made it hard for him to help with homework. Andres said, "I don't know nothin' . . .One
doesn't know how to read well or write, and if you can't read how can you help 'em. They're
so advanced in math and they learn different things, and they're so advanced you can't
help." Fathers who had more traditional or essentialist gender role designations were not as
involved in the scholastic endeavors of their children. These fathers offered some instrumental
support (i.e., verbal support or rewards for good grades), yet mothers were primarily
responsible for their child's academics. Fathers who reported speaking to their children
about school every day, generally held more progressive gender ideologies and higher
educational levels-ranging from high school completion to college degrees.
In Place of Hitting 'Em, I Let Life Hit 'Em: Discipline
The men were asked who typically disciplined the children in their home and how. As with
other child-rearing dimensions, a majority of fathers suggested that both parents collaborated
in disciplining the children, whereas three fathers reported that only their wife did. In addition,
most of the fathers reported that they or their wives disciplined solely by verbal reprimands.
Several fathers echoed similar sentiments, as Oscar who explained,
If by words they don't understand me, hitting them will work even less. In place of
hitting em, I let life hit 'em, or the law hit 'em over the head, they're the ones that
have authority here. That's all I can do today.
Very few fathers in our sample reported using physical forms of discipline. This finding
contradicts the popular idea that corporal punishment is more common among uneducated
ethnic minorities, who often reside in destitute situations and thus have limited or tenuous
means of disciplining their children. In fact, the fathers who reported spanking were among
the more economically advantaged in the sample (i.e., earning modest incomes of about
$40,000 and having a high school or college education).
She Should Be the Same as the Husband: Materaal Roles
To understand how maternal roles shaped paternal roles, fathers were also asked about
mother's roles. It was common for fathers to indicate that a woman should be a "caretaker,"
though some fathers stated that mothers should be "teachers," "disciplinarians," and "co-
providers." Some fathers reaffirmed their egalitarian beliefs expressing that the woman should
have the same roles they have. As Adrian shared, "She should be the same as the husband
[responsible; financially disciplined], except she should be more emotional. She should also
be strong, independent, and think for herself. Not be gullible." Those men who reported that
women should have similar qualities as they have generally had higher levels of education
and exercised more egalitarian methods of parenting. These fathers reported making household
decisions and partaking in childrearing practices collaboratively with their wives. Based on
these results we speculate that higher levels of education accounted, at least in part, for
father's more egalitarian and nontraditional views of roles and responsibilities.
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to explore Mexican immigrant fathers' views on fathering and
how migrating to the U.S. has influenced their childrearing practices. Analysis of the data
suggested that Latino fathers had mixed views on how immigration influenced their fatherhood
experiences such as their level of paternal involvement, discipline, as well as redefinition of
gender roles within their families. In the following section we will discuss each of these key
themes in detail.
Immigration and Fatherhood
Results shed light on how immigration to the U.S. can influence the ways fathers interact
with their children as well as the roles that fathers have in their families (Hondagneu-Sotelo,
1994; Pessar, 2003). Most participants said they parented in similar ways to the way they
were raised in Mexico. Yet, while fathers felt that immigration had not changed them , they
also stated that the new environment had posed them with new challenges to which they felt
they had adapted (Padilla, et al., 1988). For example, the fathers expressed that they were
taking active measures to "help" their children succeed and avoid the various risks that came
with their new surroundings, which according to them were at times more challenging than
those posed by the social context in Mexico (e.g., higher availability of drugs). An additional
concern, specifically for fathers without legal immigration status, referred to fear of immigration
authorities. These fathers felt that they could not be involved in school related activities and
felt scared to even drive their kids from one town to the next. Thus, immigration status was
reported as a great source of stress and uncertainty for illegal immigrant fathers, which in
turn influenced their level of involvement as fathers.
Fathers were also worried about the process of cultural adaptation among their children,
which according to them could influence their children to desire greater autonomy and lose
respect for their elders and other authority figures. Various fathers expressed difficulties in
raising children in the U.S. due to the need to redefine parental roles and family structure.
Specifically, participants considered that both parents needed to exert more effort in parenting
practices and needed to be more involved in protecting their children from the values and
influences that contradicted their own cultural values (e.g., children's desire for excessive
autonomy). These findings suggest that the cultural value of familismo , which emphasizes
the importance of family cohesion and closeness, is a distinguishing feature among Mexican
immigrant fathers despite differences in variables such as SES, level of education, and number
of years in the U.S. The importance of familismo in participants' lives is also illustrated by the
father's reports regarding their need to uphold familial ideals (i.e., responsibility) as well as
by their commitment to protect their children from negative peers and other social forces that
they viewed as detrimental to their well-being.
Involved Fathers
This study challenges stereotypes of Mexican immigrant fathers by underscoring that these
fathers are involved parents and actively participate in various childrearing practices. Fathers'
reports of the time they had spent with their children was consistent with the time diary
findings of Yeung and colleagues (2001) who found European American and Mexican
American fathers to have similar levels of father involvement on a weekly basis. Present
"/ Hardly Understand English , But. . . " 1 99
Table 1
Demographic Characteristics of Fathers in California (n=10) and Utah (n=9).
Demographic variables California Utah

Average age 37 39
(3.7) (4.6)
Average household income $31,000 $33,000

($7,880) ($12,420)
Speak conversational English 7 6

Read and write 8 8
Years in the U.S. 16 13

(8.3) (7.9)
Marital status
Married 9 5
Cohabitating 0 2
Remarried 1 2
Note: Standard Deviations in Parenthesis
findings demonstrate that in spite of immigrant father's heightened contextual and working
strains, most fathers are making efforts to be involved in the lives of their children. For
example, fathers frequently noted real barriers to helping their children with homework, such
as limited education and inability to read or write. However, despite these barriers, these
fathers made extra efforts tö learn with their children, play soccer, or do other activities with
their children.
Finally, although research has provided evidence indicating which fathers in Mexico and
other countries in Latin America traditionally identify themselves with provider roles (Garcia
& Oliveira, 2000, 2005), greater economic pressures have influenced an increase in the number
of Mexican immigrant women who join the labor force (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1992, 1994). This
trend has in turn shifted gender dynamics and increased women's power within some Latino
families and has redefined traditional gender roles within the family (Pesquera, 1 993 ; Williams,
1988). This was demonstrated by participants who expressed that fathers should share roles
and tasks with their wives oř partners using egalitarian terms.
Finally, fathers expressed that employment-related difficulties (e.g., lack of time and energy)
negatively influenced their fathering experiences. Yet, at the same time, it may be plausible
that a change in fathers' relative position of power based on their lower capacity to generate
income may also be a factor that might facilitate an increase level of paternal involvement
because provider responsibilities are shared with their spouses or partners (Garcia & Oliveira,
2005; Jain & Belsky, 1997; Pessar, 2003).
Discipline
Mexican immigrant fathers in this sample were adamant in their desires to protect their
children from negative peer influences and other social forces. This point was highlighted by
Table 2
Detailed Information about Each of the Fathers in the Study.
Father's Country of Ages of

pseudonym Education Occupation origin children
Father's from California
Adrian High school Tile worker Rural Mexico 3

Enrique High school Landscaping Urban Mexico 5,9,11
Guiermio Some college Customer Service Rep Rural Mexico 6, 8
Jose Elementary Sales Rep. Urban Mexico 15,20
Lazaro High school Landscaping Rural Mexico 4, 8, 1 1, 14
Miguel None Car painter Rural Mexico 2,8,10
Pablo Elementary Chef Urban Mexico 2, 4
Pedro High school Baker Urban Mexico 11,13
Ruben None Cook Rural Mexico 1,9
Saul High school Mechanic Urban Mexico 6, 1 1
Father's from Utah
Andres None Meat factory Rural Mexico 12,15,19

Cristobal Some high school Meat factory Rural Mexico 6, 10, 1 1
Diego Elementary Agriculture Rural Mexico 5, 8, 14, 15, 17
Francisco Some high school Explosives factory Rural Mexico/USA 4, 1 1, 14
Jaime Elementary Treadmill factory Urban Mexico 3,10,13,14
Oscar Some high school Treadmill factory Rural Mexico 1 , 7, 10, 1 3, 14
Roberto Some high school Meat factory Rural Mexico 4, 8, 13, 16, 19
Rogelio Some college Agriculture Rural Mexico 10,16
Victor Elementary Treadmill factory Rural Mexico 7, 9, 1 1, 13, 16
many of the fathers in this study, who said that they felt they had to exercise more parental
control and become "stricter." Some fathers reported they had to discipline more in order to
protect their children from ideals that they disagree with in the United States (i.e., excessive
freedom/autonomy, detachment from the family, and disobedience) as well as social problems
that they perceived to be prominent in the U.S. such as substance abuse or sexual promiscuity.
A related theme among immigrant fathers was their desire for their children to be more
obedient. This concern was mostly directed towards their daughters. Consistent with the
ideal of virtue (i.e., béing modest, virtuous, and sexually abstinent until marriage), several
fathers expressed their worry for their daughters' welfare while neglecting to mention their
sons. This tendency toward protectiveness may be heightened for Mexican immigrant fathers
given that they are raising daughters in a new society with a set of values (i.e., sexuality)
about which they may not fully agree (Patel, et al., 1996). These findings resemble previous
studies conducted with Latino immigrant families (Bachu & O'Connell, 2001 ; Gonzalez-Ramos
& Sanchez-Nester, 2001).
Fathers' Perceptions of Roles
It was not surprising to find that the majority of fathers reported being a provider as their
most important role as fathers. Interestingly, those fathers who reported interacting less with
"I Hardly Understand English , But. . . " 20 1
their children described themselves with descriptors associated with high levels of paternal
involvement (i.e., "disciplinarian"). In contrast, fathers who reported more frequency of
interaction with their children primarily described themselves by using descriptors that
highlighted their roles as providers. Additionally, fathers who identified themselves with
more traditional gender roles also reported lower levels of father-child interaction, which was
commonly brief, sporadic, and centered around discipline. Fathers holding more egalitarian
gender roles reported more diverse forms of father-child involvement (i.e., economic,
emotional, and social support) as well as higher frequency of interaction with their children.
Although previous research has found that individuals with lower income are more likely to
be more controlling of their children (McLoyd, Cauce, Takeuchi, & Wilson, 2000), present
findings indicate that some of the most educated and economically solvent fathers held more
hierarchical and controlling parenting beliefs. Based on the present results, perceptions of
paternal roles as well as the ways in which such perceptions were influenced by educational
and economic factors remains as an area that deserves further exploration.
IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND PRACTICE
This study revealed that the parenting beliefs and practices of Mexican immigrant fathers are
significantly influenced by their experiences as immigrants. As Latino immigrant families
continue to grow in number in the U.S., a better understanding of their needs, experiences,
and cultural strengths should constitute a priority for informing practice and policy aimed at
these populations. We offer the following suggestions for professionals committed to service
and/or research with Latino families.
Interventionists and researchers need to continue to move beyond simplistic understandings

of Latino father involvement by considering the complex and dynamic nature of Latino
fatherhood (Coltrane et al., 2004). An ecological approach is useful to help researchers and
practitioners understand the complex interplay of influencing agents in fathers' lives, how
they make a difference in their children's lives, and how fathers can overcome barriers or
challenges they might face in terms of fathering.
In light of Mexican American immigrants' elevated rates of poverty, we recommend the

design and implementation of generous work support programs aimed at reducing the economic
disparity that rests in large measure on the shoulders of Latino fathers. Chase-Lansdale and
Pittman (2002) have shown that rather than just improving the economic situation of families,
work support programs for fathers lead to better parenting and positive child outcomes. In
addition, it is critical to focus on the strengths of Latino fathers. This study showed that
even though Mexican immigrant fathers found themselves in contexts of poverty and hardship,
these fathers have certain common characteristics (e.g., strong family values and work ethics;
Vega, et al., 1986) that strengthen their resiliency to various outside forces. Therefore, and
rather than interpreting specific behaviors such as lack of participation of Latino fathers in
service delivery and research as an indication of their "reluctance," the design of these
activities should take into consideration the contextual factors that promote distrust among
Latinos towards institutions (e.g., racial discrimination, language and cultural barriers,
challenging working conditions, and long working hours that produced chronic fatigue).
In an effort to overcome outreach challenges, we echo the suggestions of Anderson, Kohler,

and Letiecq (2002) to encourage more males to enter the human services professions and
serve as role models to men in families. We also assert there is a great need for bilingual
professionals to work with Latino fathers and families. Anderson and colleagues (2002) have
also suggested that fathers need to be offered "concrete incentives for their participation. . .
(e.g., job interviews...; offering organized father-child events or activities; providing
intermittent stipends for program attendance)" (p. 154). Support groups for immigrant fathers
can provide a safe place where marginalized men can connect with one another to build their
parenting resources and develop relationships that can build community.
Findings from this study cannot be generalized to the larger Latino population because of
the small number of participants and the selectivity of the sample. However, participants
provided valuable information to be used for the generation of research questions and
hypotheses in future studies with larger sample sizes. This study is also limited by the fact
that all fathers have migrated from Mexico, so caution should be exercised to not generalize
present findings to non-Mexican born Latinos. However, it may be possible that other U.S.
born and non-U.S. born samples of Latino fathers may also report similar themes to the ones
expressed by participants in this study.
Future research designs would benefit from larger samples, allowing for further analysis by
factors such as immigration status, age of father, age and number of children, years living in
the U.S., and so forth. We would also suggest the use of control groups in studies of
immigrant fathers, to create a baseline understanding of experiences of fathers from the
fathers' sending context (i.e., Mexico). Future studies should also collect data from both
parents in relation to fathering (Fitzpatrick et al., 1999). Such triangulation allows the researcher
to examine the similarities and differences in perceptions of fathering, and provides substantial
improvements to the validity of the research. Finally, we suggest that future research with
Latino fathers should include measures of acculturation, nation of origin, and immigrant
generation status, so that comparisons may be made between various specific groups of
interest.
CONCLUSION
Present findings described the important ways in which the experience of immigration
influences the fathering experiences of Mexican origin fathers. Such findings challenge
traditional stereotypes that depict Mexican origin fathers as uninvolved and emotionally
unavailable. In addition, data from this study illustrate that despite the challenges of fathering
in the face of immigration challenges, fathers in this sample remain highly committed to their
children and their families.
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"I Hardly Understand English, But...

": Mexican Origin Fathers Describe Their Commitment

SENSITIZING CONCEPTS AND THEORETICALFRAMEWORK

Latino Father Involvement in the United States

Latino Cultural Values and the Experience of Fatherhood

In addition, fatherhood research needs to be guided by key methodological considerations.

The Experience of Immigration and Changes in Childrearing Practices and Roles

Trustworthiness and Rigor

The Father is the Tree: Paternal Roles

I Believe Being a Father is the Same: Immigration and Fatherhood

Holding Them Up with Love: The Fathering Relationship

I Hardly Understand English, But...: School-Related Involvement

In Place of Hitting 'Em, I Let Life Hit 'Em: Discipline

She Should Be the Same as the Husband: Materaal Roles

Immigration and Fatherhood

Demographic variables California Utah

Average household income $31,000 $33,000

Speak conversational English 7 6

Years in the U.S. 16 13

Note: Standard Deviations in Parenthesis

Detailed Information about Each of the Fathers in the Study.

Father's Country of Ages of

Adrian High school Tile worker Rural Mexico 3

Andres None Meat factory Rural Mexico 12,15,19

Fathers' Perceptions of Roles

IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND PRACTICE

Interventionists and researchers need to continue to move beyond simplistic understandings

In light of Mexican American immigrants' elevated rates of poverty, we recommend the

In an effort to overcome outreach challenges, we echo the suggestions of Anderson, Kohler,

Esteinou, R. (2001). La parentalidad en la familia: cambios y continuidades [Parenting in the family:

Gonzalez-Ramos, G, & Sanchez-Nester, M. (2001). Responding to immigrant children's mental

Hofferth, S. L. (2003). Race/ethnic differences in father involvement in two-parent families: Culture,

Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1992). Overcoming partriarchal constraints: The reconstruction of gender relations

Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1994). Gendered Transitions : Mexican Experiences of Immigration. Berkley,

Rojas, О. (2000). Paternidad y Vida Familiar en la Ciudad de México: Un Acercamiento Cualitativo al

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