● Class Identities

The concept of class is difficult to define, but as Crompton (2003) notes, ‘employment position
has long been used to identify class’. We can therefore examine developments in working class
identities through changes in the nature of employment over time.

● Working class Identities

Traditional working class identities are centered around manual work and the manufacturing
industry. A further dimension to class identity came from the communities within which the
traditional working class lived; largely urban, relatively close-knit in terms of social relationships
and characterised by a lack of home ownership. This ‘sense of community’ represents an
important source of class identity, whereby the working classes could be contrasted with the
middle classes, who lived in ‘suburbs’.

In the 1960s, however, Goldthorpe et Al (1968) suggested the emergence of a:

New working class that contrasted a traditional working class identity with a new form of class
identity. Goldthorpe et al’s 1968 study of affluent car workers questioned the view that the class
structure was ‘flattening.’ Zweig’s (1961) ‘Embourgeoisement Thesis’ backed up this idea by
arguing that most people were ‘becoming middle class.’

According to Goldthorpe Et Al (1968), this section of the working class developed new forms of
identity. They were:

- privatized working class, centered around the private sphere of the home, family life and
children. A further change, noted by Peele (2004), was the idea that ‘affluence had
affected working class attitudes’, making workers more instrumental and less solidaristic.
In other words, new working class identities were less likely to form around ‘shared
experiences’ in trade union membership and close-knit communities and were more
likely to involve expressions of the desire for personal and family advancement. More
recent changes to working class identities have been attributed to the decline in
traditional manufacturing industries. This has resulted in what Peele refers to as ‘a
blurring of traditional class identities.’
- The second development which has resulted to changes in working class identities is the
change in taste and consumption. The basic argument here is that there is a general
convergence of similarity of working and middle class tastes, making clear-cut class
boundaries increasingly difficult.
 ● Middle Class Identities
In terms of occupational groupings, Self and Zealey (2007) note that those employed in ‘middle
class occupations’ now account for around 65% of the UK employed workforce. Middle class
identities are constructed around a range of occupational identities. These are:

● Professionals- such as doctors, who combine high levels of educational achievement

with personal autonomy and decision-making in the workplace
● Managers- they are involved in the day-to-day running of private and public companies.
According to Brooks (2006), this role combines things like career progression, decision-
making, power and control over others, the organisation of work routines, and the like.
● Intellectuals- e.g. University lecturers reflect an academic stratum dealing with
knowledge and information services.
● Consultants- this grouping focuses on the selling of knowledge, information and skills
across both global and national markets.
● Service Workers- e.g shop assistants or cars staff. This group represents worked at the
bottom end of the middle-class scale. They may have lower earnings and levels of skill
than some higher working class occupation, but qualify as middle class because of their
non-manual work.

Some of the features of middle class identities include:

1. Not identifying as working class: This idea reflects the observation that the middle
classes occupy a precarious position on the class structure. That is, they want to
maintain their separation from the working class. As Broooks (2006) puts it, ‘the
construction of middle class identity has primarily been related to the claim that one is
not working class.’ Secondly, in terms of taste cultures, middle class identities involve
the consumption of music, food, literature, clothing and so forth that are qualitatively
different to those enjoyed by the working class.
2. Disgusted Subjects: Lawler (2005) argues that ‘expressions of disgust at perceived
violations of taste and white working class existence’ are a constant feature of middle
class identities. She argues that the ‘ownership of taste’ is one way that the middle
classes aim to distinguish themselves from those below them.
3. Social Capital: Social capital refers to the ways people are connected from social
networks (who you know) and the value these connections have. It represents what
Catts and Ozga (2005) call ‘the social glue’ that holds people together in communities
and gives them a sense of belonging. The argument here is that middle classes are
better positioned than their working class counterparts to key into significant social
networks that reinforce their sense of identity.

● Upper Class Identities

The relatively small, but immensely powerful middle class, consists of two major groupings;
 1. Landed Aristocracy: The traditional source of this group’s power is their historic
ownership of land, and their connection to the monarchy. During the 20th century, it is
arguable their influence has declined, but they remain a significant part of the upper
class structure.
2. Business Elite: A section of the upper class characterized by their ownership of
significant national, international and global companies. This section is sometimes
subdivided into a financial elite (those involved in the provision of banking and insurance
services) and industrial elite(those focused on manufacturing.

Wealth alond however does not define upper class identities. As with other classes, we need to
look at various forms of cultural behvavior ‘behind the economic definitions.’ Upper class
identities whether based on aristocratic claims to status and title, or simple economic wealth,
are based around:

1. Privacy: this is a significant feature of upper class cultures and identities. Privacy
involves the idea that upper class identities are cemented by social distance; members
of this class live, work and socialize predominantly with members of their own class.
Privacy extends from private education and healthcare through employing professionals
(such as tax lawyers) and accountants to shield their economic activities from close
inspection to creating physical activities and privacy - gated communities, country
estates and mansions where access is tightly controlled, patrolled and regulated.
2. Social Capital: Cohen and Prusak (2001) observe that ‘the trust, mutual understanding,
shared values and behaviors that bind the members of human networks’ involves a
distinct set of upper class identities that are continually reinforced by both mutual self-
interest and cooperation.