ISSN 1173-5767 He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I, Number 2.

1996

HE PUKENGA KORERO
A Journal of Maori Studies

He pukenga wai he nohonga tangata,

He nohonga tangata he pukenga ki5rero

Contents
He Poroporoaki
Taiarahia Black
Guest Editorial
Contestation of Power and Knowledge in the Politics of Culture -page I
Ranginui Walker
Viewpoint
Waitangi Day Address 1996 - page 8
Chief Judge Edward Durie
Sir Hugh Kawharu
Rangatiratanga and Sovereignty by 2040 - page II
Mason Durie
The Development of Maori Studies in New Zealand Universities - page 21
Dorothy Urlich Cloher and Margie Hohepa
Tc Tii aTe Kohanga Reo i Waenganui i tc Whanau me te Tikanga Poi poi Tamariki
Maori Families. Child Socialisation and the Role of Kohanga Reo- page 33
Ian Christensen
Maori Mathematics - page 42
Rapata Wiri
Land Alienation at Waikaremoana- page 48
Book Review:
Etahi Niipcpa Maori o tera Rautau- page 61
Pare Richardson
Book Review:
Tainui by Pei Te Hurinui Jones - page 63
Mason Durie

Editor:
Professor Mason Durie
Department of Maori Studies
Massey University

Editorial Board:
Sir Hugh Kawharu. Auckland University
Professor Ranginui Walker. Department of Maori Studies Auckland University
Professor Wharehuia Milroy. Department of Maori Studies. Waikato University
Robert Mahuta. Director. Centre for Maori Studies and Research. Waikato University
Professor Mason Durie. Department of Maori Studies. Massey University
Peter Adds. Department of Maori Studies. Victoria University
Roger Maaka. Department of Maori Studies. Canterbury University
Maurice Grey. Department of Maori Studies. Lincoln University
·Godfrey Pohatu. Department of Maori Studies. Otago University
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

Journal Production
Shane Cotton. Eljon Fitzgerald. Annemarie Gillies. Huia Jahnke. Nadell Karatea. Te Kani Kingi. Peter Morrison. Pare Richardson.
Ian Christensen.

Cover Design
Robert Jahnke

Design
Robert Jahnke

Layout
Kim Boyce

Printing
Massey University Printery.
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Subscriptions:
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Acknowledgement
This journal was assisted with funding from Massey University Publication Committee and the Maori Purposes Fund.

Contributors to this Issue

Taiarahia Black is Tiihoe. He is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Maori Studies. Massey University.
Dr Ranginui Walker is Whakatohea. He is Professor and Head of the Department of Maori Studies. Auckland University.
Chief Judge Edward Durie is Rangitane. Ngati Kauwhata and Ngati Raukav.·a. He is Chairman of the
Waitangi Tribunal and Chief Judge of the Maori Land Court.
Sir Hugh Kawharu is Ngati Whatua. He is a Emeritus Professor and former Head of the Department of Maori Studies
at Auckland University and is a member of the Waitangi Tribunal.
Dr Mason Durie is Rangitane. Ngati Kauwhata and Ngati Raukawa. He is Professor and Head
of the Department of Maori Studies , Massey University.
Associate Professor Dorothy Urlich Cloher is Ngapuhi. She is the Director of the James Henare Maori Research Centre. University of Auckland.
Margie Hohepa is Ngapuhi. She is a lecturer in the Department of Education. Auckland University.
Ian Christensen is a lecturer in the Department of Maori Studies. Massey University.
Rapata Wiri is Tiihoe, Ngati Ruapani and Te Arawa. He is a lecturer in the Department of Maori Studies. Auckland University.
Pare Richardson is Tc Whanau a Apanui. She is a lecturer in the Department of Maori Studies. Massey University.

He Pukenga Korero is published by the Department of Maori Studies, Massey University

Articles in this Journal are entitled to the full protection given by the Copyright Act 1962 to holders of copy. Reproduction of any substantial
passage from the works except for purposes of promotion or review is a breach of the copyright of the authors and/or the publisher. This copyright
extends to all forms of photocopying and any storing of material in any· kind of information transmission or information retrieval system.
 He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I, Number 2, 1996

HE POROPOROAKI MO NGA AITUA

OTEMOTU
Na Taiarahia Black

Ina Kopu, 1 whakakau ana mai i te pae

Nga mata kaha 2 koia kua makere atu nei ki Takirau 3
Kua kauruku 4 nei te marama
He puhi koutou katoa i te ngao 5 o koutou takatiitanga
E tuku e te uru ki te tirohanga kanohi
Te haka a Tane-rore6 atea raumati hihi: mai ana
Ko wai rawa hei apakura, hei poroaki koutou,
Koutou nga haetara7 o te papa whenua!
Koruruku 8 nei te rangi
E mau o koutou kororoa9 ki te kakau o te hoe
He rakau tawhaowhao 10 e poteretere e whatia mai ana e nga ngaru
Whakapukepuke o te Moana-nui-a-Kiwa
E ara te kura o te kupu taupuhipuhi 11 nei ki te reo ataata ki rung a!
I te wa takatii koutou katoa hera Hoata, 12 hera Tamateaio, 13 he aukumete 14
He kotuku noho akau, paenga kite toka, he tumu herenga waka herenga tangata! taukuri e!
Tenei te takoto, tenei te miha 15 e whiti mai ana a Meremere-tii-ahiahi 16 i te pae o maumahara ka tau,
motukina iho te tumu, e puka noa nei.
Ai! koanga tangata tahi, ngahuru puta noa. 17

1
Ko te whetii nei tenei a Venus he whetCi whakanakana i te ata. Ko tona wahanga puta ko te hauwha tuatahi o te marama hou
2
Ko o tatou aitua maha huri i te motu
3
Ko Tikirau Maheahea tona ake in goa. He whakatau o te marama i roto i te Maramataka Maori ina te ra tekau rna whitu
4
Kua ngaro haere te marama
5
Ko nga piimanawa o te tan e. wahine ranei
6
Ko te ake mai o te hihi o te wera o te ra i te raumati. Ko te mihi hoki ki nga kapa haka katoa i tii ki te papa whenua o Te Arawa
7
Tane, wahine e tino manakohia ana e te iwi
'He rangi taupokia e te kapua, pouri tonu te ahua o te rangi
9
He rite ki te koroa. ara konui. koroa. manawa, mapere, toiti
111
He rakau mau i te ia o te wai. Kua haukii. maku a roto, he taumaha hoki
11
Rite kite kupu whakawhirinaki tetahi ki tetahi hei whakakaha
12
Ko te hauwha o te marama te toru o nga ra o te Maramataka Maori. He ra tino pai
13
Kei tua mai i te hauwha o te marama te ra tuawhitu o te Maramataka Maori
14
Hei pup uri kaha i te tangata
15
Ko te whakamiharo
16
Ko Venus ano tenei. E kitea ana i te hauwha tuarua o te marama. He whetii e kitea ana i mua tonu i te to o te ra. Ina te korero.
Ara! e, meremere mai ra a Meremere-tii-ahiahi.
17
He whakatauki tenei. I te Koanga ka puta nga tangata ki te ono i te mara. i te ngahuru ka hauhaketia. Ina te whakatau rno He
Pukenga Korero. No te koanga o tera tau I 995 i onohia ai. no te ngahuru o tenei tau 1996 kua puta ano.
 He PUKenga K6rero
CONTESTATION OF POWER AND
KNOWLEDGE IN THE POLffiCS OF CULTURE
HEWHAKAARO
Ranginui J Walker
Department of Maori Studies, University of Auckland
Introduction
Late in the fourteenth century the great ocean voy-
ages of discovery and settlement of Polynesia came
to an end with the colonisation of New Zealand. There,
tribal polities were established as the landholdincrb units
(Walker 1990: 64 ). Tribes, like micro-states fought
each other in defense of territory. Eventually, warfare
impelled related tribes to form confederations under
the leadership of ariki (paramount chiefs). The
genealogies of ariki linked them through canoe fore-
bears, to ancestors in the Hawaiki homeland, and be-
yond that to celestial beings connecting them to the
gods. These celestial ancestors validated mana ariki
(sovereign power) in the manner of the divine right of
kings.
Although ariki were petty monarchs of confeder-
ated tribes, they were analagous to Foucault's con-
ception of monarchy as a referee, a power capable of
putting an end to war and private feuds (Foucault 1980:
121). The emergence of paramount chiefs signalled
the evolution of a more sophisticated political system
that in time might have culminated in a unified mon-
archy had this evolutionary process not been inter-
rupted by European contact.
In the meantime. on the other side of the world
Europe had been transformed by the Enlightenment:
the industrial revolution, and the emergence of the
modem nation state. This new era of history was con-
ceptualised as "a process of increasing secularisation
and innovation which posed the 'new acre' 1::' '
'modem
times', against tradition and a static past''" (Kellner
1989: 3).
The industrial success of modem nations resulted
in the growth of commerce, navigation, communica-
tion, and the invasion of every quarter of the globe by
the bourgeoisie's restless search for resources and new
markets (Wright Mills 1967: 48-50). This expansion
beyond national borders led to what Beatson charac-
terised as the "colonisation of the rest by the West''
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
(1990: 131).
Colonisation
The colonisation of New Zealand by the British in the
nineteenth century transformed Maori society from the
isolated time-warp of tradition to modernity. The ad-
vance guard of modernity were the missionaries. They
had a low opinion of natives whom they characterised
as 'infidel New Zealanders', 'governed by the prince
of darkness'. Their cultural practices were -regarded
with 'disgust' and 'abhorrence' and their songs con-
demned as 'filthy and debasing' (Elsmore 1985: 15-
16). This same missionary dynamic was also evident
in Hawai'i where the natives were characterised as
'naked savages', little better than 'half-man and half-
beast' (Kame'eleihiwa 1992:131). This un-Christian
denial of native humanity by pseudo-speciation served
to anaesthetise Christian conscience to the necrotic
effects of the European project of cultural invasion.
In New Zealand, missionaries played a crucial role
in persuading chiefs to sign the Treaty ofWaitangi in
1840 for the benefits of British citizenship under the
benevolent rule of Queen Victoria. What the chiefs
did not understand in the nineteenth century, was the
nature of the crown as a legal fiction, one of the great
inventions of the bourgeois. Foucault argues that:
The theory of sovereignty, and the organisation of the
legal code centred upon it, have allowed the system
of right to be superimposed upon the mechanisms of
discipline in such a way as to conceal its procedures,
the element of domination inherent in its techniques,
and to guarantee to everyone, the exercise ofhis proper
sovereign rights by virtue of the sovereignty of the
state (Foucault Op.cit: 104-1 05).
The fiction fostered by missionary purveyors of
the treaty, was the ideology of the crown as a benevo-
lent all-powerful monarch, when real power resided
with parliament, an institution not bound by a treaty
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
entered into by the crown. Consequently, when the
Governor, and parliament, waged war in 1860 to as-
sert the dominion of the crown over independent
chiefs, the missionary voice was dumbed by state
power.
Similarly, the threat of force was used in Hawai' i
to foist the Bayonet Constitution of 1887 on King
Kalakaua and transfer power from the Mo'i to capi-
talist interests. Two years later the threat of violence
was again used to overthrow Queen Lili 'uokalani when
she attempted to abrogate the Bayonet Constitution.
The author of that constitution was Thurston, a grand-
son of a Calvinist missionary (Kame'eleihiwa Op.cit:
102). In Tahiti, Queen Pomare was forced to sign a
treaty with the French under threat of bombardment
from a sixty gun frigate (De Decker 1983: 45-54). The
Queen's opposition to the landing of Catholic priests
in Tahiti was the pretext for French violation of T::J.hi-
ti 's sovereignty.
Interrogation Of Power And Knowledge
Clearly, New Zealand. Hawai'i. and Tahiti have much
in common in the way their sovereign leaders were
overthrown by military force. But, for the rest of this
paper I will confine the interrogation of power and
knowledge to New Zealand. Those with local knowl-
edge can draw their own inferences from the dynam-
ics of that contest.
Despite subjugation by military force, alienation
of land by confiscation and legal artifice, a popula-
tion decline to a low of 45,464 in 1900, and subjec-
tion to a policy of assimilation, Maori were not su-
pine victims of British imperialism. The tribes engaged
in a continuous counter-hegemonic struggle of eman-
cipation. That struggle and interrogation of power,
centered on the politics of culture, stands outside the
Marxist interpretation of economic determinism. For
this reason, the European project of assimilation re-
mains incomplete.
Foucault (Op.cit: 102) warns against the limitations
of the leviathan model in the study of power. So do
the critical theorists, who argue that politics is no
longer just a phenomenon of the superstructure. The
expansion of the state in advanced capitalist societies
incorporates technicians, administrators, and symbolic
workers in the exercise of power and ideological jus-
tification of the social ()rder (Held 1980: 251 ). Foucault
suggests that analysis should be directed toward these
material operators of power. There, it is possible that
the major mechanisms of power have been accompa-
nied by ideological productions such as an ideology
of education, an ideology of monarchy, an ideology
of parliamentary democracy and so on.
Accordingly, the theoretical approach suggested by
Foucault will be used to interrogate how dispersed
centres of power serve to confirm the authority of the
ruling class, and the state, over a subjugated indig-
enous population. Four disparate institutions of school-
ing, the fourth estate, a government bureaucracy, and
Maori leadership structures will be examined in the
rest of this paper.
Colonisation Of The Mind
While the authority of the nation state in New Zea-
land was established by military force, more subtle
techniques were used to establish its moral position.
One of the most potent of these was the use of school-
ing to 'saturate' the consciousness of the colonised
with the economic and social world of the new order,
so that for them it becomes the 'only world' (Apple
1982:5).
At its inception in New Zealand, schooling became
one of the sites of domination, resistance and strug-
gle, despite its attractive ideology of equal access to
the world of the metropolis. The contradiction is in-
herent in Gramsci 's identification of the role of school-
ing in the production of intellectuals as functionaries
and subalterns of the state (Gramsci 1982:10-12).
Larrain concurs with Gramsci that the ideological pres-
entation of education legitimates the contradiction of
structural relations of inequality reproduced by school-
ing, enabling the ruling class to carry out their repro-
ductive practices without interruption ( 1979:47).
At the centre of the reproductive practice of school-
ing is the curriculum. Its construction by educational
authorities has always been deeply implicated in the
politics culture, of determining what constitutes
knowledge, and whose knowledge is validated for in-
clusion. At the outset, the authorities invalidated Maori
language and cultural practices by excluding them
from the curriculum. Thus was Maori epistemology
displaced by the !extual authority of the grand narra-
tive emanating from Europe.
The hidden curriculum of the grand narrative
served to legitimate the ideological hegemony of the
coloniser over the colonised by depicting white men
·from Plato, to Shakespeare, Newton, Darwin, Cap-
tain Cook, Governor Grey, and Lord Rutherford, as
the noble, movers and shakers of history. Maori on
 He PUKenga Korero
the other hand were marginalised as subalterns, by-
standers, or merely bit players. They became in the
words of Lady Martin 'our Maoris' (Lady Martin
1884: 1) mere objects of possession.
Objectification, and subordination of Maori
through textual authority was reinforced by the con-
struction of artistic images. To this end, even the epic
traditions of oceanic voyages of discovery and settle-
ment were expropriated and reconstructed to fit Euro-
pean conceptions of time, and conventions of
historiography. In time, Maori, including such emi-
nent scholars as Sir Peter Buck, accepted the myth
constructed by Percy S. Smith of a fleet of canoes sail-
ing out of Tahiti in line astern to colonise New Zea-
land (Smith 1910:109) Smith's compression of ca-
noe genealogies, ranging in depth from 13 to 26 gen-
erations, to an average of 22 generations to date the
so-called fleet at 1350 AD, served to validate his two
strata theory of settlement, and ultimately the third
wave of European settlement. Although debunked in
scholarly writing (Simmons 1976:315-321 ), the myth
is still invoked in contemporary discourse. Maori who
challenge the legitimacy of the state are told they have
no right to rail against European colonisation, after
all they did it to the so-called Moriori, an inferior black
race who were supposed to have preceeded them. This
racist myth, arising out of Darwinian social theory,
dies hard. As recently as three months ago, I had an
inquiry from a German scholar seeking information
on the first black inhabitants of New Zealand.
At first, Maori were eager consumers of education,
thereby unwittingly participating in the subversion of
their own culture. Chiefs willingly sent their children
to mission schools to access knowledge that had made
European culture so successful in the production of
material wealth. But the missionaries kept their cli-
ents away from secular knowledge by confining the
curriculum to the scriptures (Elsemore Op.cit: 25).
Clearly, those who control the curriculum control the
outcome of schooling.
When the Native Schools were established by Gov-
ernor Grey in 1867 to promote his policy of assimila-
tion, the chiefs again unwittingly complied with this
hidden agenda by providing land for schools in their
districts. After the turn of the century, when it was
clear that little progress had been made, the Educa-
tion Department resorted to banning the use of Maori
language in school precincts. Thereafter, schools be-
came sites of struggle and resistive acculturation as
generations of Maori were punished for speaking their
Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2, 1996
language. Gradually the percentage of new entrants
to primary school speaking Maori shrank from 90%
in 1900 to 26% in 1960 (Schwimmer 1968:74-75).
By 1979, the onset of Maori language death was pre-
dicted (Benton 1979: 1-23).
Even more sinister than the suppression of lan-
guage, was the diversion of the curriculum in Native
Schools to emphasise agriculture, handiwork, and
manual and technical instruction (Simon 1990:11 0).
In 1931, the Director of Education made explicit the
role of education in reproducing Maori as the
underclass by asserting that education should turn out
boys to be good farmers and girls to be good farmers
wives. Consequently, it is not surprising that the Hunn
Report 1960 identified a Maori under-achievement
gap in education which it characterised as a 'statisti-
cal blackout' (Hunn 1960:25). A Freudian slip per-
haps, given the reproductive purpose of Native Schools
in the previous six decades.
Maori leaders responded to the deficit theory un-
derlying the Hunn Report by establishing education
advancement committees, raising money for the Maori
Education Foundation, building play-centres for pre-
school children, and establishing homework centres
for older children. This co-operation implied accept-
ance of the ideology of education providing equal
opportunity for personal advancement. Consequently,
the pedagogy of the teaching profession, and the so-
cial reproductive practice of schooling, were not chal-
lenged.
A decade passed before the the cultural depriva-
tion theory was queried and a counter proposal ad-
vanced that Maori children were 'culturally differ-
ent'. They were also 'bicultural', and therefore
monocultural Pakeha teachers were not capable of
unlocking the cultural capital the Maori child brought
to the school (Bray & Hill1973:110-122). But because
the formulation of this theoretical position was in its
infancy, Maori leaders continued to co-operate with
the education system by offering palliative solutions
to make schools more user-friendly to Maori.
In the meantime, the onset of Maori language death
persuaded Maori leaders that existing education pro-
vision would not save it. In 1981 they took control
over their own pre-shoo! education by establishing
language nests known as kohanga reo. This radical
breakout from the reproductive practice of the educa-
tion system was a portent of political awakening
By the 1980s it was evident after more than two
decades of co-operating with the education system,
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn ). Volume I. Number 2. 1996
Maori underachievement had hardly changed. Over
70% of children were still leaving school with no quali-
fications . Maori intellectuals concluded the problem
was structural and inherent in the system. The turning
point in their understanding of the school 's reproduc-
tive practice in maintaining Maori as the underclass,
came at the Maori Educational Development Confer-
ence 1984. There the covert strategies of domination
and social reproduction were exposed by the revela-
tion of the School Certificate subject- hierarchy pass
rate (Hughes 1983:30). In an examination where the
convention is a 50% pass-rate, the statistical modera-
tion of raw examination marks to give pass rates of
80% or so to students in academic streams, and pass
rates of around 40% to those in non-academic streams,
can only be construed as a contradiction of the ideol-
ogy of equal educational opportunity. The revelation
that the education system was a morally flawed in-
strument of domination, led to the secessionist kura
kaupapa (Maori language school) movement modelled
after kohanga reo (Walker 1990:258). Within a dec-
ade, the Maori initiative of taking control over the
education of their own children resulted in the estab-
lishment of 700 kohanga reo, 29 kura kaupapa and 3
tribal waananga (universities). The only reasons why
there are not more kura and waananga are ministerial
and fiscal constraints.
The Fourth Estate
One of the de-centred institutions of power, where
relations of domir;ation and subordination are played
out, is the Fourth Estate. As one of the pillars of the
establishment, the press buttresses the moral leader-
ship of the ruling class . That hegemonic function of
the Fourth Estate visa vis a colonised and subordinate
group such as the Maori, also needs to be interrogated.
Traditionally the press presents itself as an objec-
tive and politically neutral enterprise. The fundamen-
tal tenet of its ideology is to publish the news without
fear or political favour. But the news is in fact a con-
struction based on a clearly defined process of sub-
jective selection, sub-editing, and editing, of what is
deemed to be newsworthy within the cultural frame-
work of the dominant group. In New Zealand, the
media of radio, press and television are mainly con-
trolled by Pakeha. Consequently, their construction of
Maori news tends to reinforce power relations of
Pakeha dominance and Maori subordination by high-
lighting anomie and social dysfunction among urban
Maori. The consistency of this hegemonic role of the
media can be traced over three decades.
Throughout the seventies, the press sensationalised
urban gangs, reinforcing the stereotype of Maori as
school dropouts , street-kids, violent rapists, and prison
inmates. The gang rampage at Auckland University,
and the Storm troopers ' riotous confrontation with
police at Moerewa in 1979 were the low points. The
end product a decade later is the book Once Were
Warriors , which enjoyed record internal sales out of
all proportion to its literary merit. The book was the
author 's own moment of truth, an expression of self-
hate arising out of a background of family dysfunc -
tion, cultural alienation, and the underclass status of
being Maori. Its reinforcement of the stereotype in-
stalled the author as the great white hope of the Pakeha
against the vociferous, multiple, counter-hegemonic
discourses of Maori leaders that characterise the post-
modem era.
The even more successful movie is the counterfoil
to the book because of its incorporation of cultural
integrity, mana and redemption, qualities that were
implied in the title but singularly lacking in the book.
The book was an expression of hegemonic discourse,
while the movie was its antithesis, the counter-narra-
tive ofpostmodemism. The contradiction between the
movie and the book arises out of the cultural position-
ing of the scriptwriter and director, who were more in
touch with the reality of their cultural roots than the
alienated author.
One of the basic tenets of the emancipatory prac-
tice of mode:-n Maori leaders is establishment of an
economic base. To this end the Secretary of Maori
Affairs met with Hawai'ian middlemen in 1986 to
negotiate an off-shore loan of $600 million . When the
matter broke in parliament, the media indulged itself
in"· frenzy of Maori-bashing over the so-called' Maori
Loans Affair·. Maori were shell-shocked by the po-
lemics that raged in the press as headline followed
headline, speculating on the source of the loan as Arab
oil money or 'Marcos millions'. The press even
dredged up an 'earlier scandal' that 'blotted ' theca-
reer of Sir Apirana Ngata 1 • The unstated reason for
linking two events separated in time by half a century,
was the threat that both posed to the structural rela-
tionship Pakeha dominance and Maori subordination.
In 1993 the hegemonic function of the press was
again manifested in the celebrated case of a nurse
trainee named Anna Penn who claimed she had not
passed the cultural safety component of the nursing
course because she had been 'failed a hui' (a Maori
 He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
assembly) by a Maori tutor. In a tendentious construc-
tion of the event, the press, television, and talk-back
radio, conducted a one sided war on behalf of Penn.
In Penn's hometown, the Christchurch Press con-
structed the issue as capitulation to 'cultural tyranny'
and 'political correctness', the last resort of mindless
opposition to social change and empowerment of
disempowered classes.
Of the 3,000 hours in nurse training only 3.5% of
the time is devoted to cultural safety. 1% of that time
is devoted to studying the dominant Pakeha culture,
1% to Maori culture and 1.5% to a critical analysis of
colonial history. So the issue crystallises down to op-
position to Maori inclusion in the curriculum and the
emancipatory power of that 1%.
The Department Of Conservation
In the last decade, the dynamism of Maori emancipa-
tory practice around treaty claims, impelled the state
to replace its ideology of integration with
biculturalism. The Department of Conservation
(DOC), one of the dispersed centres of power, will
now be interrogated on its performance in implement-
ing that ideology. DOC's responsibility to
biculturalism is embedded in Section 4 of the Conser-
vation Act, which gives effect to the principles of the
Treaty of Waitangi. Maori interpret this to mean the
right to incorporate their values and conservation prac-
tices in the operations of DOC.
The problem facing DOC, like all monocultural,
decentred power structures of the state, is giving sub-
stance to its treaty obligations. DOC, as other depart-
ments have done, covers itself by recruiting Maori
subalterns, appointing one to each conservancy area,
and designating them Kaupapa Atawhai Managers
(nurturers of the natural world). These managers, at
both regional and head offices, find their advice on
Maori custom ignored or ridiculed by senior DOC
management. The end result is comprehensive policy
DOCuments on such matters as signage, walkways,
endangered species, and control of wild horses, but
nothing for the management of Maori values in con-
servation practice (Walker 1990:258). This is a pity,
since Maori, unlike wild horses, are capable of speak-
ing for themselves, and cannot be disposed of by shoot-
ing if they become a nuisance.
While it is relatively easy for DOC to suppress
advice from Maori subalterns within its own power
structure, it exposes itself to being outflanked in other
fora such as the New Zealand Conservation Author-
ity. The Conservation Authority encountered wide-
spread tribal criticism of DOC's position on such mat-
ters as customary harvest of native species, custom-
ary use of native plants, protection of waahi tapu (sa-
cred precincts), aerial drops of 1080 poison over for-
ests to eradicate opossums, and the eradication ofkiore
(rattus exulans). In response to the criticism and are-
quest from the Minister, the Conservation Authority
prepared a paper on Maori customary use of native
flora and fauna. The paper argued on the basis of sub-
missions from tribes, and advice from Maori mem-
bers of the authority, that the mana of the tangata
whenua (people of the land), in respect of their taonga,
(treasured possessions) had to be recognised if native
species were to be properly conserved. DOC re-
sponded by prohibiting its Maori Managers from com-
menting, while the Protected Species Division was
allowed to issue a paper attacking the document (Mutu
1995:1-10).
DOC's ignorance on the power of the treaty to af-
fect its work, indicates how deep is the chasm between
its monocultural world view and the bicultural ideol-
ogy now supposedly espoused by the state. As a
decentred power structure, DOC has not yet adapted
to the multiple discourses of postmodemism.
Mandates Of Modem Leaders
With the disempowerment of chiefs at the tum of the
century, the leadership initiative passed to leaders char-
acterised by Gramsci as organic intellectuals (Mutu
Op.cit.). These are the thinking, organising elements
of a fundamental class such as Maori, committed to
the emancipatory struggle against the state. Some are
intellectuals by profession, while others have to earn
their living by other means. Both are open to co-op-
tion and manipulation by deriving leadership man-
dates from statutory institutions established by the state
to replace tribal structures. The key institutions include
Maori representation, Maori councils, the Women's
Welfare league and tribal trust boards. They have lim-
ited functions related to economic management, so-
cial control and political government. The history of
these state defined structures is one of counterveiling
tension, of leaders pushing the envelope to emancipa-
tory tasks of self-determination.
When the first wave of Maori intellectuals appeared
at the tum of the century, three of them, were elected
by the tribes into parliament. They were readily ac-
cepted by the ruling class as deputies to exercise what
Gramsci characterised as subaltern functions of so-
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Vo lume I. Number 2. 1996
cia! hegemony and political government (Gramsci
Op.cit:3). As long as they performed that function, they
were indulged by parliament. All three were made
knights of the realm for their work in improving Maori
health, raising living standards , and fostering cultural
revival. But when Sir Apirana Ngata went beyond that
subaltern function by empowering his people through
Maori land development schemes, the public service
turned on him. Maori farming was pilloried in the press
as a ' ghastly sink ' for Pakeha money (Butterworth
1968:26-27). The attack precipitated a Commission
of Inquiry in 1934 which impelled Ngata to resign.
The event would be seen today by critical theorists as
a crude solution of the colonial era to the elimination
of a risk to the system (Gramsci Op.cit: 12).
Today, the techniques of power for eliminating risks
from leaders who push too far, are more refined. Since
1987 the success of the Maori land and fisheries claims
in the High Court and the Waitangi Tribunal threat-
ened the stability ofthe political economy. The Maori
Fisheries Claim 1987 , in which the High Court ad-
vised the Crown to negotiate with its iwi (tribal) treaty
partners for the use of their resources. threatened to
destabilise a billion dollar fishing industry. The Crown
responded by co-opting four high profile leaders rep-
resenting the Maori Council , two trust boards and a
runanga, (multi-tribal council) and appointing them
as negotiators. This government conferred status of
Maori negotiators, elevated them to the level of a
brown cabinet. Their negotiations culminated in the
Maori Fisheries Act 1989 which established the Maori
Fisheries Commission and its commercial arm
Aotearoa Fisheries . The issue of 10% of fishing quota
to the Commission, as an interim solution, pre-empted
any further action by tribes.
Eventually a global solution was reached for the
rest of the claim when the crown struck a deal with
the negotiators. The Government agreed to put up $150
million to finance Maori into a joint venture with
Brierley Investments to purchase Sealords from Carter
Holt. When an agreement was reached in principle,
the negotiators went round the tribes seeking a man-
date for what was in effect a fait accompli. To gain
approval, one negotiator characterised it as 'the only
deal in town' . Despite opposition from thirteen tribes ,
the Deed of Settlement was signed in September 1992.
The job of the negotiators was to negotiate a set-
tlement of the fisheries claim that was global , prag-
matic and politically feasible. In doing so they unwit-
tingly fulfilled a subaltern role of maintaining social
control and political hegemony. The crown regained
the initiative by laying down the parameters of the
Maori Fisheries Act and purchasing a stake in a com-
pany that locked Maori into the capitalist extractive
mode in relation to their fisheries.
The alternative to co-option as subalterns of the
state can be discerned in Foucault's formulation of a
' return to knowledge ' through local criticism whereby
there is an insurrection of subjugated knowledge from
" ...an autonomous non-centralised kind of theoretical
production, one whose validity is not dependent on
the approval of the established regimes of thoughf'
(Held, Loc.cit.)
In this category are leaders of ad hoc tribal and
pan-tribal groups whose emancipatory project is rec-
ognition of ' tino rangatiratanga ' (Maori sovereignty) .
These groups reject the meta-narrative of the Empire,
and its parochial , historical construction of ceded sov-
ereignty. Their rationale for Maori sovereignty, by
which they claim the moral high ground, is the 1835
Declaration of Independence, and the guarantee of
chiefly sovereignty in article two of the Treaty of
Waitangi. Since leaders of activist groups distance
themselves from state power. they are not averse to
asserting their sovereign rights by occupation of land
under claim, pending a hearing by the Waitangi Tri-
bunal. Their engagement in civil disobedience is likely
to escalate in the future with the admission by the
Minister of Justice Doug Graham , that the sovereignty
of the crown was achieved by revolutionary over-
throw of traditional leaders and not by treaty.
Conclusion
In the contestation of power and knowledge by subor-
dinate classes within the nation state, the conclusion
is drawn that power is multi-layered, and must be in-
terrogated at each level. This interrogation must also
include the leadership roles of the colonised them-
selves who are vulnerable to manipulation and co-
option by the state. On that note, I will conclude with
Foucault 's contention that " only those who distance
themselves from power, and stand aloof from tyranny,
can discover the truth" (Foucault Op.cit: 81) .
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He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
VIEW POINT: TAKU TITIRO
WAITANGI DAY ADDRESS. WELLINGTON. 6 FEBRUARY 1996.
Chief Judge E. T. Durie
Chairman, Waitangi Tribunal
Wellingtonians are said to be cautious of anything from
north of the Bombay Hills. If that is so then His Wor-
ship the Mayor deserves a special commendation for
acknowledging the events at Waitangi. I appreciate
too the way he has gone about it.
Some see Waitangi Day as a chance to extol local
development. For me, before all else Waitangi Day
acknowledges the Crown, the Treaty, Maori and
Pakeha and the foundations of the State; and each de-
serves a special tribute.
I feel honoured, as we must all do, that Sir Maurice
and Lady Casey share the occasion with us. Since I
have descent from the first founder of this district, from
Tarataraika for whom Wellington harbor was named,
and as I have links with the tangata whenua as well, I
have some claim here as of right; but Sir Maurice and
Lady Casey are special guests. I was touched by the
thought that Sir Maurice retired from the Court of
Appeal in the year of President Mandela's visit. With
all respect to Chief Justice Corbett of South Africa,
whom I hold in high regard, I felt that Sir Maurice
contributed more than most judges to the President's
eventual release from Robben Island.
For my part, on an occasion like this, I would avoid
anything too contentious. I propose mentioning only
two matters - Wellington Tenths, and Maori sover-
eignty.
The first is raised since Wellington's caution about
northern events began 156 years ago, and because, as
a Wellingtonian, I would like to stand in the city' s
defence. It began when Edward Wakefield made some
unkind remarks about Waitangi. He held out for his
own transaction, which was a deed of cession for
Wellington. He may have had a good case. Lt. Gover-
nor Hobson as he then was, and Edward Wakefield,
both hoped that Maori would benefit from European
settlement, but their approaches were not the same.
Hobson sought to reserve to Maori the Queen's royal
protection. Wakefield sought to reserve to Maori 10%
of the land. While personally I am attracted more to
principle then to price, I would not presume to say
who was offering the better deal. More particularly I
would not predict the outcome were the choice put
today, of a royal protection, or 10% of all that one
could see.
Having attempted that small defence of Welling-
ton's historical position I should now mention Maori
sovereignty; and having a moment ago referred to
President Mandela I should add that just before the
President arrived last year, a prominent promoter of
Maori sovereignty was sentenced to 21 days. I heard
at least one Maori opinion that the latter was
shortchanged. It was thought that it had assisted the
President, in achieving that high office, that his term
was 23 years.
Personally, I support most of what I understand of
Maori sovereignty, but not the language used nor the
tactics employed. For example, I do not think 'sover-
eignty' is a helpful word, in this context, today. State
responsibility, not the absolute power that sovereignty
implies, is more appropriate for the modern world.
Indeed if it is true that Maori ceded sovereignty, then
I think they did the best thing to give it away. It has
simply been the cause of too much strife and war.
Aboriginal autonomy is the better term, in my view,
and is used in Canada, Australia and USA. It enables
us to talk of the problem without playing power games.
Aboriginal autonomy, as I understand it, means
approximately that indigenous people should be rec-
ognised as having status as the first inhabitants, and
should be enabled and assisted, if need be, to deter-
mine their own policy, manage their own resources,
develop their own structures of representation, and if
need be, to negotiate policy affecting them with the
state.
This arrangement appears to have won acceptance
in Canada, Australia and United States and it appears
to have worked well in improving indigenous and na-
tional performance, and in effecting conciliation and
peace. I would like to think the same could happen
here. I suggest violent protest has significantly dimin-
ished in Australia as a result of this change. It seems
to be the growing international view that autonomy is
the inherent or god given right of all peoples in their
native countries. To deny the right is to cause pain. To
acknowledge it is to bring relief- and to everyone. I
 He PUKenga KOrero
think of it not as a threat, but an opportunity.
For some years the Waitangi Tribunal has had the
task of examining historical records. I would say the
single thread that most illuminates the historical fab-
ric of Maori and Pakeha contact over 200 years, has
been the Maori determination to maintain their own
autonomy, and official attempts to constrain it.
The effective proclamation of autonomy begins
with the missionaries, even before the Treaty was
signed. It permeated the Treaty discussions. No Maori
would have signed the Treaty had any been Jed to be-
lieve that their authority or autonomy would be di-
minished in any way. The same opinion was apparent
in the Maori Parliaments that Governor Browne ar-
ranged. It was the main issue in the New Zealand wars.
It is central to an understanding of Ki:ngitanga,
Paimarire, Te Whititanga, Ringatii, Ratana,
Kotahitanga, Repudiation Movement, and much later
it was central to the operation of Maori Trust Boards,
Maori Councils, New Zealand Maori Council, Black
Power, National Maori Congress, the Maori Economic
Development Summit Conference 1994, the Rilnanga
I wi Act and the like. Through 200 years of history the
Maori presumption of autonomy has not changed. Nor
can it, for it is that which all peoples in their native
territories naturally possess. They have ceased to be a
people if it is no longer there.
It is a further feature of this history, that until the
1980s, Maori autonomy, being seen as natural, was
presented naturally and not as a threat or demand.
Though it was perceived as a threat it was not pre-
sented that way. The consistent Maori position was
that there was a place for both Maori and Pakeha, pro-
vided Maori autonomy was respected and maintained.
On the eve of the New Zealand wars of the 1860s,
as government was preparing to attack him, the Te
Atiawa leader Wi:remu Ki:ngi wrote simply to the Gov-
ernor: " ... You should remember that the Maoris and
Pakehas are living quietly upon their pieces of land,
and therefore do not you disturb them". When the
military commander responded with an ultimatum, a
virtual declaration of war alleging Ki:ngi was in rebel-
lion, Kingi replied; " ... Friend, Colonel, salutations to
you in the love of our Lord Jesus Christ. You say that
we have been guilty of rebellion against the Queen
but we consider we have not" (and he then went on to
explain his position). He concluded;
This is my word to you. I have no desire for evil,
but, in the contrast have greatlove for the Europeans
and Maoris. Listen, my Jove is this, put a stop to your
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
proceedings, that your Jove of the Europeans and
Maoris may be true. I have heard that you are coming
to Waitara with soldiers, and therefore I know that you
are angry with me. Is this your love for me, to bring
soldiers to Waitara? This is not love; it is anger. I do
not wish for anger; all that I want is the land.
The Taranaki wars, that lasted over nine years,
opened with that correspondence. It is difficult to see,
that the Maori right of autonomy, which was the issue
in that war, was presented as a threat, or was seen by
Maori as other than the necessary foundation for peace.
The Klngitanga was established to promote Maori
autonomy and it too was attacked. Yet the imagery
the Klngitanga used, as the Governor knew full well,
was that of
" ... the Queen on one side, the Maori King on the
other, God over both and love uniting them together''.
What was the threat in this? The symbols were barely
different from that now deployed on the New Zealand
Coat of Arms.
After the war Maori adhered to the same position.
Te Whiti maintained an autonomous village at
Parihaka where 1,500 Maori lived. It was a magnifi-
cent and wealthy place described by one media re-
porter as" ... vastly superior to any European commu-
nity of a similar size and existing under similar condi-
tions". In 1881 it was invaded by 1,589 troops and
destroyed. Yet before the invasion Te Whiti urged no
counter action and addressed his people in these terms;
Though the lions rage I am for peace ... though I
be killed I yet shall live; though dead I am alive in the
peace which shall be the accomplishment of my aim.
The future is mine and little children when asked here-
after as to the author of peace shall say - Te Whiti -
and I shall bless them.
I have difficulty comprehending why Maori au-
tonomy was seen as threatening 100 years ago. Were
it not for the more strident manner of its presentation
now, I would have difficulty in understanding why it
is still seen as a threat. Australia introduced proposals
for Aboriginal autonomy or self-government about 10
years ago. Since then, from my own assessment from
visits there, Aboriginals have stepped forward at least
20 years. Economic activity and the absence of pro-
test there is now profound.
I was intrigued when Cathy Freeman gave expres-
sions to the new deal a few years ago when she won
the 500 metres at the games. You will recall she car-
ried the Aboriginal flag on one side, the Australian
flag on the other and that both were united in pride.
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (A utumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
Prime Minister Keating actually rescued Cathy from
her manager's criticism The Prime Minister implied
she had properly presented the Australian position.
Aboriginal autonomy is about conciliation by em-
powerment. It assumes that peace between peoples
depends not upon the aggregation of power but its just
distribution. It assumes that diversity is not divisive
when there is common purpose. It is a subject that has
re-entered the international stage and not only because
this is the International Decade of Indigenous People.
As state tensions have eased conflict between peoples
remain, as Bosnia and Rwanda well show, and the next
millennium may need to talk not only of United Na-
tions but of the need for United Peoples. Aboriginal
autonomy was put down in New Zealand, and the
gradual development of a representational structure
was destroyed. Some help will now be needed to re-
build it.
It is helpful to conclude these comments with some
observations about Maori and the Crown. During the
history described, Maori maintained that the Crown
was on their side, by which they presumed to claim
that they were in the right. To understand this position
we have also to understand what I believe to be the
case, that for Pakeha and Maori the meaning of 'The
Crown ' has not been the same.
Some years ago I was stopped in my tracks when
certain older Maori complained that the Waitangi Tri-
bunal required claims to be brought against the Crown.
They complained that their claims were against the
Government, not the Crown , and they said it was
wrong that the Crown should be blamed. It was clearly
important to them that in their view, the Crown had
done no wrong.
I was reminded of this again later when talking to
a member of the Maori Battalion. We were at his home
where photographs on the wall of Michael Savage and
Peter Fraser told of the family leaning. I was trying to
recall with him whether it was Fraser who was Prime
Minister at the time of the war. He sternly told me that
while he had enormous respect for Peter Fraser, he
wanted me to understand that he had gone to war not
for the Government but for the Crown.
Since then I have done my best to explain the legal
view. I did so over lunch to some elders during a Tri-
bunal sitting. I mentioned first, certain legal maxims ,
that the Crown's honour is to be preferred to its profit,
and again, that the Crown can do no wrong. I then
went on to explain that in legal terms the Crown in-
cluded Parliament, the Ministers and their Departments
and the Courts. There was a stony, silent response.
About a month later on the next Tribunal's visit, the
same were waiting for me at lunch time. I discovered
there was certainly no difficulty with the thought that
the Crown could do no wrong. There was agreement
on that. I was then asked to explain however, did I
really mean that the Crown included government. I
knew the argument was lost before it had begun and
no account of explanation would change their views.
I later came to appreciate that the matter had some
history. Even before the Treaty was signed the mis-
sionaries were talking of the Crown as some sort of
millennia! prophecy by which a perfect law would
come to be and everything would be put right.
I then began to note how often, and without any
disrespect, Maori put the Crown as something beyond
local affairs. Taurua ofNga Rauru and Pakakohi put it
this way when later describing his experience follow-
ing his surrender during the New Zealand wars;
On the 13 June 1869 I was taken prisoner and re-
moved to Wellington, where I remained three months
before being tried. When my trial came on I waited to
see what would be done about the land .... I was told
'Taurua, you and your people have done wrong in re-
belling against the Queen ' . I answered 'I have not done
wrong, I have not carried arms against the Queen but
against you, and now you say it 's done against the
Queen.
Somehow this view of the Crown has survived, at
least amongst an older generation. I donot think the
younger group care much at all. But if we are not to
talk past each other I do think we have to understand
this old Maori view of the meaning of the Crown. I
am still not sure precisely what it is but I know what it
is not. It is not the government. It is not even the mon-
arch but has to do with that which the monarch bears.
The Privy Council could be getting warm I suspect,
though nobody has said so, but for many older Maori
it meant simply - the perfect law - the one that would
come and put everything right.
Your worship when I opened I contended that
Waitangi Day was to acknowledge the Crown, the
Treaty, Maori and then I mentioned others. I want to
finish by saying that out of respect for the old people,
that order was intended.
 He PUKenga K6rero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2. 1996

RANGATIRATANGAAND SOVEREIGNTY BY
2040
Sir Hugh Kawharu'
Professor Emeritus. Auckland University

Whakarapopoto Korero aries. In exercising those responsibilities, and despite

Ko te tina take. o te Tiriti o Waitanui ko te hononaa changes which have substantially altered Maori soci-
C' C
ety, the focus remains on tribes, iwi and hapil, as the
ahurei i whakatiihia i waenganui i te Maori me te
continuing manifestations ofrangatiratanga. There is
Karauna, ara, ko te nohotahi a tenei mea te
a revived trend towards whakapapa as a marker of
rangatiratanga me te mana Kuini. Ko te kaitiakitanga
identity and the consolidation of land interests as a
tetahi wahanga nui, ara, e whakaae ana te Karauna ki
counter to individualism and weakening ofkinship ties.
ana here i raro i te Tiriti, mete whakatinana i aua here.
Consultation between Treaty partners is a key is-
Ka pa hoki tenei mea te kaitiakitanga ki nga iwi, ara,
sue but has not always been handled well, either by
me puta he hua ki 6 ratou tangata. Ahakoa nga
the Crown or even by Maori bodies whose influence
whakanekeneke i rota i nga tau, kei te tau tonu te
is at a national rather than tribal level. Ngati Whatua
rangatiratanga ki ngfi iwi me nga hapil. I rota i nga tau
interest in surplus Crown properties is an example of
tata kua pahure nei, kua ara ake ano tenei mea te
confused and inadequate consultation. But the rela-
whakapapa hei waitohu i te tuakiri, me te
tionship between rangatiratanga and the Crown is also
whaiwahitanga atu ki nga panga whenua, hei kaupare
susceptible to market forces, democratic processes,
atu i te takitahitanga me te kahakore haere o te
local government and the force of Jaw. Despite that,
whanaungatanga.
both the Waitangi Tribunal and the Courts have dem-
Ko te ata whakawhiti korero i waenganui i nga taha
onstrated an ability to enforce the principle of part-
e rua tetahi take nui, engari i rota i nga tau kua hori
nership and hence to actively intervene in the
nei, klhai i tutuki pai i te Karauna, i nga ropil Maori
rangatiratanga sovereignty equation.
ranei e kawe ana i nga kaupapa tiimatanui. Ko te whai
panga atu o Ngati Whatua ki nga whenua tuwhene, he
An Equation
tauira hei whakaa!u i te whakawhiti korero poraru.
takarepa hoki. Otira, ka whakapa atu hoki nga This paper begins by discussing a relationship that
ahuatanga hokohoko, te tiikanga poti, nga Kaunihera- holds significance for the Maori people today, and
a-rohe, me te ture, ki te hononga i waenganui i te considers the scope for development in that relation-
rangatiratanga me te Karauna. Ahakoa tera, kua taea ship beyond the year 2000. The relationship is that
e te Ropil Whakamana i te Tiriti o Waitanai between Maori and the Crown as defined by the Treaty
c me naa c
Koti Ture te whakaii i nga ahuatanga o te nohotahi, of Waitangi and, since 197 5, recognized by statute.
mete haere tahi o te rangatiratanga mete mana Kuini. Of necessity I set to one side all the historical ' leaal
I::' '
philosophical and semantic discourse that has envel-
Abstract oped the Treaty, and take as given the New Zealand
Maori Council's assertion made more than ten years
The signficance of the Treaty of Waitangi lies in the
ago that the essence of the Treaty lies in a 'quid pro
unique relationship which it established between
quo' : viz : the ceding of sovereignty or kawanatanga
Maori and the Crown, a relationship represented by
(Article I) for the Crown's protection of rancratiratanaa
~he rangatiratanga sovereignty equation. Trusteeship • 1::' 1::'
(Article II). Let me quote from the Council's 1983
IS a key component of the equation and implies a will-
paper on the subject,
ingness by the Crown to honour Treaty obligations
and a capacity to do so. As well it has implications for Each of the two parties to the Treaty invested it with
tribes undertaking to act on behalf of Maori benefici- expectations about the exercise of power. The Maori
He PUKenga KOrero Ng.ahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. 1996
expected his 'Rangatiratanga' to be protected; the
Crown expected to gain sovereignty over New Zea-
land. The purpose of the Treaty, therefore, was to se-
cure an exchange of sovereignty for protection of
rangatiratanga. (NZMC1983:4)
So the reciprocal relationship between Crown and
Maori is similar to that between trustee and benefici-
ary. Moreover, within the Maori domain itself there is
a further trusteeship under rangatiratanga. The Maori
Council again;
In the Treaty the Maori people's 'full', 'exclusive' and
'undisturbed possession' (of 'lands', 'estates', 'for-
ests', 'fisheries' and 'other properties') is rendered by
'te tina rangatiratanga '.However, while rangatiratanga
may indeed mean possession, it also means much more
than that, today, as in 1840. In its essence working
out of a moral contract between a leader, his people,
and his god. It is a dynamic not static concept, em-
phasising the reciprocity between the human, mate-
rial and non-material worlds. In pragmatic terms, it
means the wise administration of all the assets pos-
sessed by a group for that group's benefit: in a word,
trusteeship. And it was this trusteeship that was to be
given protection, a trusteeship in whatever form the
Maori deemed relevant. (NZMC 1983:5)
Trusteeship
Before returning to the basic equation between
rangatiratanga and sovereignty let me pursue for an-
other moment the trusteeship inherent in
rangatiratanga. Such a relationship between the lead-
ers and the led, between trustee and beneficiary has
become diversified and particularised in proportion
to the breaking down of tribal communities and kin
relations, the specifying of individual rights and obli-
gations over tribal property, and the limiting of the
role of chief and elder to that of figurehead, shorn of
authority, if not of influence.
It is also something that has been going on for a
long time. For example, the assault on the tribal po-
litical system did not have to await the advent of the
Maori Land Court in 1865. The most critical aspects
of 'individualisation' that is, individuals exercising
rights of sale over tribal land without authority, began
no later than with Governor Fitzroy's waiver of the
Crown's right of pre-emption in 1844 and the result-
ing open market in tribal land. Of course the Maori
Land Court did in the end make its own contribution
to the dismantling of the tribal political system (and
thus of rangatiratanga) first, by its investigation and
award of tribal title, and later by its procedures of suc-
cession and partition. Paradoxically the Court has in
more recent times sponsored the setting up of trusts
and committees of management with clear rules of
accountability between managers and owners. So
while we now have effective legislative provision for
trusteeship we no longer have much land over which
it can be exercised.
Nonetheless, thanks to the official resurrection of
the Treaty in the last decade or so we at least have the
concept of rangatiratanga defined in terms of a trus-
teeship. Nowadays it is a concept which may require
interpreting in contractual terms and so demands fairly
precise answers to the questions :who are the trustees
and who the beneficiaries? Generally, both trustee and
beneficiary belong to the same kin group. In some
cases those who elect and those elected have their
rights determined both by genealogy and by shares in
land - the second being derived from the first, as in
incorporations. In others again, for example reserves
and compensation monies held by trust boards, rights
and interests are defined only by genealogy.
Sometimes, as with rights over a geothermal re-
source, an entire local group, both Court defined trus-
tees as well as beneficiaries, may be regarded collec-
tively as trustees or kaitiaki for a wider tribal group-
ing in purely customary terms. At all events this kind
of thinking appears to be gaining wide acceptance
among the Maori people and thus consolidating per-
ceptions of group identity. And if there is any point to
such a conclusion it is to be seen in contrast to the
integrationist/assimilationist ethic of the 1950s and
1960s. In those days the rights and duties of the indi-
vidual were held to be paramount over and against
the kin group to which the individual belonged, and
tribalism was at best an anachronism.
But rangatiratanga is also a bargaining chip in re-
lations with the Crown. If we have at least a Maori
recognition and understanding of the scope of
rangatiratanga in today's world what, one might ask,
lies on the other side of the equation, the sovereignty
side? To begin with we can separate out the legisla-
tive, judicial, and executive functions of sovereignty.
Pre-eminently in 1975, with the Treaty of Waitangi
Act, parliament gave statutory recognition to the Treaty
and to the right of Maori people to bring grievance
claims against the Crown before a bicultural tribunal,
the Waitangi Tribunal. Numerous subsequent acts have
also recognized the Treaty- either literally or the spirit
 He PUKenga K6rero
of it. Thus one thinks of local government, resource
management, and of course fisheries, legislation.
Secondly, for their part courts administer the law
and have thus found themselves interpreting the Treaty
and defining the parameters of a 'partnership'. While
thirdly in the executive arm of kawanatanga, the big-
gest growth industry is said to turn on Treaty issues.
So we have for example The Treaty ofWaitangi Policy
Unit of the Justice Department, (now named the Of-
fice of Treaty Settlements) well funded and pivotal in
its influence.
Tribal Group Identity
In all of this, however, one characteristic of the 1840
Treaty remains unchanged; 'rangatiratanga' still con-
fronts 'sovereignty'. Where governments generally
persist in referring to 'Maori' (converting an adjec-
tive into a noun), the Maori people present themselves
to courts and tribunals, negotiate with departments of
state. regional councils and the like in the name of the
rangatiratanga of their particular tribal group rather
than simply as 'Maori.' Issues may very well be glo-
bal like surplus Crown assets, the Maori language, or
fish quota, but decisions about them and mandates to
express them are still firmly held at tribal, or subtribal
(hapu) level.
In any relationship, there are bound to be 'pluses'
and 'minuses', costs and benefits. And in the process
of testing rangatiratanga against sovereignty and an
ideology of equity, partnership and the honour of the
Crown, there has been a marked growth of self knowl-
edge for tribe and subtribe. In some cases too where
the Crown has accepted the findings of the Waitangi
Tribunal in favour of a claimant group, there has been
an actual gaining of a sounder economic base for that
group. Or perhaps there is only the prospect of gain
incentive enough, however not to let go of opportu-
nity. Maybe real benefits, real pluses, real justice are
there after all. In brief I think there is no other way to
interpret the more than 300 claims that have been
lodged with the Waitangi Tribunal since it came into
existence.
But then again there can also be a 'down side'.
The mere likelihood of a successful claim in terms of
material gain sometimes generates the less endearing
human traits of envy, greed and so forth which rise up
to confound rational debate, the selection of trustees,
and the allocation of the seats of power. And of course
there is a bit more to life for Maori people than just
the question of 'rangatiratanga versus sovereignty'.
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. 1996
For instance, there are the competing interests to sur-
vive in a pakeha world and to maintain a lifestyle not
readily distinguishable as a separate Maori subculture.
For example, obtaining housing, that is meeting fam-
ily housing needs away from a papakainga; obtaining
employment, that is employment gained other than
through a tribal Maccess or Mana scheme; obtaining
education, that is training at whatever level away from
the stimulation of a Maori cultural environment, and
so on.
Factors of Change:
Nevertheless the equation remains: viz the granting
of sovereignty in exchange for the protection of
rangatiratanga. The question therefore is what factors
may be added to or subtracted from the equation; what
multiplier effects may alter the present balance in the
days that-lie ahead?
Let me begin with the notion of partnership, a no-
tion made memorable by the Court of Appeal in a 1987
judgement in which it depicted the Treaty as express-
ing a partnership between Crown and Maori. Frankly,
I have a slight problem with the equivocality of this
term, but it does serve to focus on the idea of a work-
ing relationship. And this of course is no bad thing.
First of all, on the Maori side it gives credence to
rangatiratanga, and as the New Zealand Maori Coun-
cil says, this is all about maintaining the spiritual and
material integrity of the kin group. So questions like
'who is a Maori' and 'how many Maori are there re-
ally' while leading to perfectly legitimate demographic
exercises, are irrelevant to a Maori identity conceived
in the context of rangatiratanga.
Secondly, though a partnership may be shored up
by legal sanctions it does not of necessity cease with
the reconciling of a grievance claim between the par-
ties. I should have thought on the contrary that that
would be no more, but no less, than an essential pre-
liminary to an ongoing joint venture between Crown
and Maori.
Looking back over this last decade, then, what
seems to be emerging is an increasing emphasis on
the tribal group, of whatever scale. It follows that there
is also an increasing emphasis on the significance of
whakapapa or genealogy and a re-awakening of this
revived basis of Maori identity. I see no reason why it
should not continue into the foreseeable future, but it
will do so in anything but traditional contexts and ac-
cording to traditional criteria.
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. 1996

Problems of Scale: away from a process of individualisation that began

with the very first land sales. Despite the depleted re-
At the signing of the Treaty the Maori population was
sources it also encourages an interest in group, rather
estimated at 100-150,000 and occupied, on a tribally
than individual, development. The New Zealand Maori
organized basis, the whole of the country. Today, while
Council again: "Where Maori owners keep their in-
the population is more than treble what it was, it con-
terests together they gain economic strength and hence
trols a mere five percent of New Zealand that is in
the ability to compete effectively in today's world,"
Maori title. While traditionally tribes, and more par-
(ibid: 11 ). And this too has been recognized by both
ticularly subtribes, waxed and waned through con-
National and Labour governments. Might it continue?
quest and absorption such groupings have, for the most
Given no further loss of land, the Council thinks it
part, remained static by Maori Land Court decree in
will:
name and allotted territory since 1840. Thus in any
one area with actually diminishing land holdings and It (land) is proof of our link with the ancestors of our
increasing numbers, two things have happened that I past, and with the generations yet to come. It is an
believe will continue for several decades yet. First is assurance that we shall forever exist as a people, for
emigration. The second is the ongoing fractionation as long as the land shall last (ibid: 10)
and fragmentation of interests in ancestral land, and
When Maori people speak of ancestors and of fu-
their consequences.
ture generations they express a fundamental charac-
Where the market value for at least the owners of
teristic of their culture, the characteristic of continu-
the largest interests was substantial, such owners natu-
ity : time past, time present, time to come. There are,
rally regarded their rights as legally inviolate - and
as the Council infers, two axes : land and ancestors.
protected from the claims of kin. When, on the other
With one but not the other, Maori cultural identity
hand, such interests later devolved on to an increas-
cannot be defined and so will wither and die. How-
ing number of beneficiaries, the value to each declined
ever, given the proliferation of marae and ancestral
in proportion. The net result, then, has been for own-
symbolism, the decline in the rate of depletion of the
ers of ancestral interests to sell for the want of a better
land stock as well as the determined effort to replen-
alternative. This ~as endemic in the first half of this
ish it, the continued vitality of the Maori language and
century. Now, however, the return for any one benefi-
a literature redolent with genealogical metaphor and
ciary from a sale is so slight as to be scarcely worth
allusion, it is inconceivable to me that any of this un-
the trouble of trying to sell a situation only occasion-
derpinning of rangatiratanga will have disappeared in
ally mitigated by owners carrying out a consolidation
fifty years' time.
of their interests for the benefit of their descendants.
Maori Congress:
Ti1rangawaewae
That is not to say that there will be no change, but
The general trend then, appears to be for Maori peo-
rather that change will be more organizational than
ple to refrain from selling in favour of responding to
structural. For example, the factors I have just referred
ideas of merging their minor interests with others to
to have developed a momentum of their own to pro-
form a trust. What this may also be saying is that title
duce less than six years ago a pan tribal Maori organi-
to an interest, is title to tlirangawaewae and to an iden-
sation the Maori Congress. While there are also the
tity that money cannot buy. And this would be never
New Zealand Maori Council and Maori Womens Wel-
more true than for those living away from their ances-
fare League, the Congress, made up of some forty
tral roots. The Maori Council puts it this way :
tribes seems to be a logical response to the trust phi-
It (land) provides us with a sense of identity, belong- losophy I referred to, a response which neither of the
ing and continuity. It is proof of our continued exist- others could provide. Historically, the New Zealand
ence not only as a people, but as the tangatawhenua Maori Council grew out of the Maori War Effort Or-
of this country. It is proof of our tribal and kin group ganization of 1939-45 and was indeed tribal at that
ties. Maori land represents Tilrangawaewae (NZMC time. But with the onset of urbanization and accom-
1983:10). panying policies of assimilation, tribal group identity
and trustee-beneficiary relations disappeared from
This re-focussing on the group and on a trust phi-
view. The Welfare League for its part has never been
losophy is like the swing of a pendulum, swinging
 He PUKenga Korero
avowedly tribal in its structure and functioning, limit-
ing its focus rather to health, education and family
welfare. So what have the decades in store for a trib-
ally structured Congress? And what of 'rangatiratanga'
and 'partnership'?
Starting with partnership, the Congress adopted a
very determined 'stand apart' attitude towards the
Crown. As far as it was concerned partnership was
not to be taken for granted, neither was it to be com-
promised by a dependency relationship with the
Crown. If there was to be partnership it would be on
the basis of a contract. As a matter of record, one of
the first of these was a contract joining the Crown with
Congress in a joint working party relationship designed
to secure tribal agreement to the sale of surplus
Railcorp property. While the contract and intent was
impressive enough it is an open question as to whether
it made much impact on Cabinet agendas. It seems to
me that the present government is not one that is dif-
ferent from previous governments in the extent to
which the Maori people at large can be permitted to
determine the shape of policies supposedly designed
for their benefit.
As one recent prime minister has said with disarm-
ing candour concerning a Maori educational policy :
"What would be acceptable to the Maori people would
be unlikely to be acceptable to cabinet, and, I dare
say, vice versa".
It is thus apparent that partnership in the sense of a
sharing of risks and profits, and a common policy may
be no closer to reality than when Captain Hobson said
of the Maori people in 1840, "We must try to do the
best we can for them". Perhaps with the advent of
MMP an era of consensus politics might begin to
emerge by the tum of the century. If it does who knows
what recognition of rangatiratanga might have been
achieved in Parliament by 2040?
In other words while rangatiratanga is strong and
may well be getting stronger than at any time over the
past 100 years, partnership in the literal and Treaty
defined sense is floundering for the want of effective
consultation. An example can be found in one phase
of the relationship between Ngati Whatua and the
Crown.
Consulting Partners:
In January of 1992 the Crown Congress Joint Work-
ing Party (CCJWP) negotiated an agreement between
the Orakei hapii of Ngati Whatua and Railcorp. By
this agreement the hapii would receive 15% of the
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. 1996
proceeds of the sale of Railcorp lands that Jay within
the hapii manawhenua or jurisdiction. This was to be
in return for their release of the memorials which in-
dicated that the lands in question might otherwise be-
come the subject of a Treaty claim. Initially the amount
in prospect for the hapii was alleged to have been of
the order of $15M.
By December 1992, the Government announced
that it would pay $4M. to the entire Ngati Whatua tribe
as an 'on account' settlement of its land claims. The
money would be held in trust until the tribe could sat-
isfy the Government that it had a responsible body to
administer it. The announcement was regarded as a
generous and epoch making development by both the
Crown and Congress.
For their part, Ngati Whatua were more than a lit-
tle perplexed. First of all there was no indication as to
what, precisely, the money was for. Secondly, unlike
the Orakei hapii the tribe, through its trust board (Te
Runanga o Ngati Whatua) had not negotiated a simi-
lar agreement with Railcorp for the remainder of the
tribal territory. On the other hand the bulk of the land
being sought by Railcorp for release lay within the
Orakei hapii, mana whenua. Third, the offer of $4M
was not preceded by any consultation, either with the
intermediary CCJWP, or with the Crown. I might add
that if there had been dialogue the Crown would have
been told in no uncertain terms that the Orakei hapii
at least were seeking land for land - having regard for
the way the Crown had got it in the first place.
In the face of these shortcomings, the spectacle of
a four million dollar 'jackpot' excited some and dis-
tracted others those who saw not the partial return of
their patrimony, but simply the offer of 'pieces of sil-
ver'. If partnership in the 21st Century is to achieve its
stated goal, if it is to strike some sensible balance be-
tween reparative justice and distributive justice, and
if, above all, Maori confidence in the Crown, then the
Crown must not only 'act reasonably', but also it must
not squander opportunity by imposing undue haste. I
realise 'undue' is a loaded word. In the realities of the
political and commercial world there may never be
quite enough time. Nevertheless to know what is not
enough in a given set of circumstances is the price of
partnership for the Crown. And the price of partner-
ship for the Maori? Resolution of the problems of mana
Maori motuhake at the interface with the Crown.
In the case I have quoted the lack of consultation
and the lack of detail about what the $4M was meant
to achieve attracted intense speculation, suspicion,
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
covert rivalry and divisiveness throughtout Ngati
Whatua. It could hardly have been otherwise.
In 1991, by contrast, nothing remotely like this
followed the return of land to the Orakei hapii as had
been recommended by the Waitangi Tribunal. And that
land comprised more than 100 acres of some of the
most valuable-harbourside real estate in New Zealand.
In that instance there was no question of divisiveness,
of an attempt to define rights by pakeha notions of
ownership, or of ignoring the obligations inherent in
the privilege of 'belonging to the-land.' All the land
is owned in common and is inalienable. Here, then,
rangatiratanga is still intact. And ready for the next
round.
Before turning to another topic let me go back to
the Congress, the Crown, and rangatiratanga. Congress
had the potential to become a very significant Maori
organization in Maori history. It offered the people
the age old challenge of tribal emulation and, within
the law, nothing but good might emerge as indeed it
did in the face of the challenges of two world wars.
But on Treaty claims Congress, should it become in-
volved, must not derogate the right of hapii to deal
with the Crown on hapii defined issues or allow the
Crown to deal only with the tribe. As the Treaty itself
affirms, rangatiratanga resides in the hapii not in the
tribe.
Meanwhile, Congress appeared to have its own
agendas and its own intention to retain an initiative
over such policies and programmes as it can devise
for its constituencies. For example, promoting poli-
cies and strategies for Maori employment, securing
and maintaining an effective mandate from the tribes
the better to engage the Crown on questions of na-
tional importance, and bringing about constitutional
change to cement the promise enshrined in the Treaty.
These are, as the saying goes, 'heavy matters'. Fur-
thermore so long as there remains a spiritual and ma-
terial basis for a Maori identity they will still be heavy
matters in fifty years' time.
Problems with Democracy:
Mobilising forty tribes into a Congress is one facet of
organizational change. Another facet is the internal
mobilising of each one to produce a unity having po-
litico-economic, as well as symbolic, value. Easy to
propose, not so easy to ensure. For example, accept-
ance of the principles of democracy, that is a set of
institutions lacking the underpinnings of the Maori
cultural heritage, may continue for some time yet to
tax tribal ingenuity and stamina. But if there are prob-
lems in democracy for the Maori in the wider politi-
cal arenas, with majority rule for example, there are
also problems inherent in democratic procedures
within the tribal domain. To begin with, there is the
formality and regularity of elections. Should rangatira,
with all the supposed built in checks and balances of
the kinship system, have to subject themselves to the
indignity of being elected every three by secret ballot,
and by electors largely dispersed throughout the wider
community? And what more of an anathema could
there be than to have to campaign for the opportunity
to serve one's people? Then there is the extent of con-
trol by an executive as well as questions of fiscal ac-
countability.
The Market Place:
Kinship and the rangatiratanga which expresses it
adapts to other more volatile forces than those pre-
scribed by the Legislature. These come from the mar-
ket place, but of course the experience sooner or later
gives an edge to any tribal group's capacity to negoti-
ate with the Crown. One example that comes to mind
was the unsuccessful casino proposal for Auckland
based on the Central Railway Station. There Congress,
on behalf of all constituent tribes, joined forces with a
major international conglomerate to bid for the one
casino licence allocated to the North Island, both as a
financial investment and one with job creation pros-
pects. In the long term it also promised the return of
the land to the Orakei hapii of Ngati Whatua whose
shell fish beds have long since been obliterated by the
railway reclamation.
Early in 1993, the company's media release referred
to ... "A $300 million Casino development incorpo-
rating an international scale leisure, business, hotel,
retail and residential complex (is) planned for Auck-
land railway site.... ," and "A feature of the cultural
centre and parks area will be a New Zealand exhibi-
tion featuring Maori and Pacific Island Performing
Arts and crafts ... "
If the scale was large by local standards - the li-
cence application alone was in excess of $1.5 M - so
also was the time frame, both-for the Congress ben-
eficiaries of the development, and for the ultimate re-
turn of the land to the tangata whenua in ninety-nine
years' time.
On the other hand, the numerous incorporations
which by definition are tribal groupings at one level
or another are also explicity commercial. And none
 He PUKenga K6rero
are failures today. Some, indeed, are to be found among
the largest farming organizations in the country - and
have been so for decades. It follows from all this that
there is a growing accumulation of business experi-
ence to which may be added a developing cadre of
Maori managers, planners and executives. The exam-
ples cited are importantly about people as weii as prof-
its - people, moreover, who will have to make judge-
ments about the balance needed between the pursuit
of profit and the pursuit of goals that enhance a con-
tinuing Maori identity and rangatiratanga.
Local Government and Rangatiratanga
So far I have been considering aspects of partnership
between the Crown and the Maori people. By the
Crown I have assumed central government. However
local government under whatever guise - city coun-
cil, regional council and so on, is fast providing Maori
communities with another focus for their concerns. In
this scenario, the 'chiefs', both Maori and pakeha, may
well be neighbours - if not exactly neighbourly - and
known to each other at a personal level perhaps for
many years. Whatever obligations the Treaty imposes
on central government should not be divested when
power is delegated to local authorities by statute. An
example can be found in the experience ofTai Tokerau.
An ad hoc committee of Maori people set up fol-
lowing a major hui in Tai Tokerau found, in an inves-
tigation of rating of Maori land, that
a) all iwi regard the Treaty of Waitangi as a binding
agreement between the Crown and iwi and one
which must be honoured by both these parties
and
b) the Far North District Council, whose powers are
delegated to it by the Crown, has made a commit-
ment to Honour the Treaty of Waitangi (sic)
(Taitokerau Rating Committee n.a.)
This is all very well, but if Maori people disagree
with a council's assessment of the principles of the
Treaty and their relevance for an application for a
papakainga housing development, or protection of a
wahi tapu, for example, their only recourse is to ap-
peal to the Planning Tribunal. This, however, simply
shifts the problem sideways. That is, it is left up to
those administering the legislation to determine Treaty
principles and more importantly how and when they
should be applied in particular cases. In the matter of
rating itself this Tai Tokerau committee was explicit:
... the work of Valuation New Zealand further exac-
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
erbates the situation as it is conducted in a manner
which does not recognise Maori cultural values with
respect to land ... current legislation covering both rat-
ing and valuation of land does allow both local gov-
ernment and Valuation New Zealand to administer
rating and valuation in a manner which does not vio-
late the Treaty of Waitangi, but the current adminis-
trations choose not to exercise their powers in this di-
rection (ibid).
If we now shift to an urban context we find echoes
of much of this. The Auckland City Council, for ex-
ample, some time ago appointed a Maori Representa-
tives Committee (Auckland Maori District Council,
Maori Womens Welfare League plus three tangata
whenua group representatives - NgiHi Paoa, Tainui,
Ngati Whatua) to act in an advisory capacity on
biculturual issues. In August 1992 the Committee re-
ported on the Auckland Isthmus District Plan. At the
head of matters requiring attention, in the Commit-
tee's view, was the foilowing:
The (Resource Management) act imposes a positive
duty on Council to demonstrate how it has taken ac-
count of the Treaty within its management policies,
planning, delivery and implementation. There is little
or no indication in the documentation produced to date
as to how this has been achieved beyond periodic and
hopeful incantations of the word 'consultation' tied
to the glaring absence of a mechanism to achieve it...
And later, ..it is hard to resist the conclusion ... that
despite new statutory framework it is stW pretty much
business as usual in Local Government planning.
(Maori Representative Committee 1992:2,4)
While 'consultation' is frequently emphasised, the
Committee insists that it should not be seen as some
magic mantra which can be chanted to make all prob-
lems of bicultural communication disappear. Indeed,
the first item of reform ought to be the provision of
bicultural and Treaty training for all City Council staff.
And to balance input on this front there is also need
for a Maori secretariat on the grounds that the Repre-
sentatives Committee has been ".... castrated to the
point of near impotence by its inability to generate
reports or advice.and thus make effective proactive
input into other Committees (of Council)." (ibid :6)
As I can affirm as a former Committee member
myself, continued failure to fill this gap will render
the Committee's role as Treaty partner in civic gov-
ernment little better than cosmetic .
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
Understanding Ethnicity:
Perhaps this brings us to the nub of the matter- public
education. If there is a liberal democratic tradition in
this country then the underlying purpose in the con-
sultation so widely sought by Maori people is to
achieve 'better understanding' by all parties - claim-
ant, Crown, and the electorate at large. The difficulty
with this is that it requires interpretation from one set
of cultural values into another. As the New Zealand
Maori Council put it :
... the Maori people recognize the existence and the
validity of the Treaty of Waitangi insofar as it is the
source of constitutional government in New Zealand
and insofar as the Crown guarantees to protect their
rights and assets. They believe, however, that over the
years since 1840 the Crown has not always fulfilled
its undertaking to them and indeed, that justice will
remain in jeopardy so long as Maori values are not
included in that range of values by which the Jaws of
this. country are framed and upheld. (NZMC 1983:8)
It would seem to me that framing laws that take
account of the Maori cultural heritage is the 'easy bit'.
What is not so easy to achieve is acceptance by the
Crown of those Maori values that are relevant to Treaty
claims and negot~ations. It may be assumed, I think,
that the Crown will indeed ignore these values if they
are also ignored or rejected by the power brokers of
our society. Hence whatever the level of acceptance
today, optimism about raising the level over the next
decade or two might well be tempered by recalling
the fact that recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi,-
even as the basis of constitutional government in New
Zealand, was withheld by the Crown for two third's
of our nation's history. And to say that is also of course
to say that all the values that define the scope and con-
text of rangatiratanga were likewise dismissed from
the sight and comprehension of the non Maori world.
Waitangi Tribunal as Arbiter
It was on to such a barren landscape that the Waitangi
Tribunal first made its appearance in 1975. However
following the 1985 amendment which extended the
Tribunal's jurisdiction back to 1840, there has emerged
a type of consultation between Crown and Maori more
rigorous and open than this country has ever known.
By consultation I mean the exchange between them,
of each other's version of history, a history stretching
literally from 1840 to the present. In addition, the Tri-
bunal, as arbiter of tribal claim and Crown defence,
also finds itself arbiter of ad hoc schools of history -
and publishes its conclusions accordingly.
Any one tribunal will be drawn from a panel of 18
lay and legally qualified personnel, themselves divided
between those of Maori, and those of a non Maori
background. In an overall existence as brief as 21
years, with no precedent at home or abroad to guide
it, and with wide experience being brought to bear on
complex issues, it is perhaps inevitable that the Tribu-
nal has revealed differing emphasis in its perception
of Treaty principles as it goes from case to case. Nev-
ertheless there is a substantial consensus, which I
would like to think has been unforced other than by
the facts. And to the extent that I may be correct, it is
a consensus, inter alia, about the significance of three
key Maori concepts in the Treaty, viz : rangatiratanga,
taonga, and hapil. It is also an agreement that these
concepts can, and should be seen in different contexts
- almost as many contexts in fact as there are claims.
One might say that the Tribunal is serving a catalytic
function with respect to these terms and their use; while
at the same time trying to avoid an overly legalistic
interpretation of the Treaty's parameters.
Contracts and Procedures
But the Tribunal's brief is not pinned down in history.
It also recognizes that the Crown and rangatiratanga
were linked in 1840 to a developing social contract;
and that this at least might continue into the forseeable
future. Thus today there are new dimensions of fidu-
ciary concern for Crown and Maori unimagined in
1840, like claims on air waves, licences to fish, ex-
ploitation of geothermal and mineral resources, and
so on. And if the Treaty reopened 'raupatu' claims
yesterday will it not also reopen 'surplus lands' claims
tomorrow?
The Tribunal has indeed found itself from time to
time as much preoccupied with the future as with the
past. For example, where ever the Colonial Office
policy of leaving sufficient land to the tribes for their
existing and future needs was clearly not carried out
by the Crown's agents, there is now a question of com-
pensation. But reparative justice taken literally may
be neither politically possible nor desirable. Accord-
ingly the Tribunal has sometimes preferred to address
the question by recommending the setting aside of
reserves -so providing the basis for moving from what
has been described as a 'grievance mode' to a 'devel-
opment mode'.
As I have indicated the Tribunal is not a court of
 He PUKenga K6rero
law and thus, with one or two exceptions, cannot make
orders or even recommendations that are binding on
the Crown. If it finds that the Crown has acted in some
way that is inconsistent with Treaty principles it will
say so. It may propose remedies; although increas-
ingly it is holding back from such a step, preferring
its findings to be seen as a contribution to an agenda
on the basis of which claimant and Crown can negoti-
ate a settlement.
Although its powers are essentially investigative
those powers are not free ranging. On the other hand
its procedures do cover two cultural modes of enquiry,
that of the marae and that of jurisprudence. Hence
evidence may be given freely in Maori as well as in
English - but without it having to be given on oath. It
may also include evidence from Maori authorities that
is not readily susceptible to tests by non Maori crite-
ria; though by the same token much care is given to
elucidating and interpreting basic Maori concepts as I
have already indicated.
All of this has not passed unnoticed by the courts.
For example, it was said that;
... The Court of Appeal noted in February 1990 that in
the light of the Maori Fisheries Act 1989. litigation
concerning Maori fishing rights may not be necessary.
However if litigation was to continue it believed that
the Ngai Tahu fisheries report of the Tribunal could
be of significance in recording tribal sea-fishing his-
tory and practices. (Justice Department)
And earlier in 1987, the Court of Appeal's findings in
the land mark SOE case turned on such phrases as
·active protection· (i.e. by the Crown of Maori Treaty
rights). 'good faith·, 'honour of the Crown' and of
course the central idea of 'partnership'. (cf NZMC vs
Attorney-General 1987)
This seems to me to be a very significant develop-
ment. The 'demonstration effect' as it were of the high-
est court in the land making such pronouncements
encourages the view that Treaty principles may well
come to be reflected in the way we see ourselves. To
the extent that this is so already, Treaty principles may
be appealed to as a matter of justice, whether or not
they are written in to a given piece of legislation. And
should that happen the Maori Council's hope of 1983
will not have been in vain.
Conclusion
Let me return now to the title of this paper: 'Rangatira-
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
tanga and Sovereignty', and that from which it is de-
rived, the Treaty of Waitangi. If there is one factor
from the last quarter of 20th Century life in New Zea-
land that can be said to have galvanized relations be-
tween Crown and Maori it is, in my opinion, this
Treaty. And it appears to me that the Treaty ofWaitangi
will continue to be the touchstone for Crown and Maori
at least up to the year 2040.
Whether or not Maori representation in Parliament
will increase or decrease, whether or not this will in-
clude a senate, whether or not the country becomes a
republic, the Treaty so long buried will not be reburied.
Putting constitutional niceties to one side for a mo-
ment, rangatiratanga and sovereignty is less about the
role of Her Majesty The Queen, than about the place
in the scheme of things of the Maori people and their
special role as New Zealand's indigenous minority. It
is about debtor- creditor relations, about the meaning
of this country's cultural identity in the South Pacific,
and about progress - all the eternal verities.
There are two independent variables : the Treaty
and rangatiratanga. The Treaty is sui generis. Yet on
the other hand while rangatiratanga has never needed
the Treaty to give it meaning, the Treaty would be
meaningless without rangatiratanga.
Earlier I alluded to the kinship basis of
rangatiratanga, for rangatiratanga is only as strong as
a kin group's incentive to maintain its kinship ethic.
A number of factors have come together to provide
that incentive. There is the Treaty ofWaitangiAct 1975
itself, a Maori cultural renaissance, and a growing
appreciation of Tiirangawaewae, not least for those
who have had to leave their tribal district. These in
tum have brought an added stimulus to existing or-
ganizations like trusts, and to mobilising others for
the purpose of making Treaty claims and for consult-
ing with authorities as Treaty partner. It seems to me
that at the local level the momentum in such direc-
tions is increasing. It is not of course consistent even
in any one place, but I believe the trend over the past
ten years is unmistakeable and will continue well be-
yond the year 2000.
Accumulating experience and tribal emulation will
sharpen the capacity of trustees and advocates to amel-
iorate the lot of those to whom they are accountable.
Some will find success quicker than others. There will
be confusion and resentments at perceived failures and
hidden agendas. Dislocated urban unemployed may
look for substitute identities to alleviate the pain of
anonymity and frustration. Mandates will be ques-
He PUKenga K6rero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

tioned. But even here pan Maori groupings- Congress,

Council, League, churches - may provide supportive
networks, especially for monitoring and sponsoring
relations with government. The three national bodies
with their religous counterparts have too often won
credibility for their gains to be deliberately squandered.
Regrouping may well follow sooner or later; but mana
Maori motuhake will continue to assert itself.
Finally, if the Waitangi Tribunal and the courts have
at last served the cause of justice for the aggrieved,
they have also required of the aggrieved - and of the
Crown - disciplined presentation of the facts. It will
be a black day for New Zealand if such opportunity to
come to terms with ourselves is ever abandoned. I hope
therefore that we will continue thus for as long as it
takes.

References
Auckland Maori Representatives Committee 1992 Report from
the Planning Working Party on the Isthmus District Plan Review
Justice Department 1992 Press Release
Ngai Tahu Fisheries Report (WAI 27) of the Waitangi Tribunal
NZ Maori Council vs Attorney-General ( 1987) 1 NZLR 641. 664

NZ Maori Council 1983 Kaupapa (mimeo)

Report on the Rating of Maori Land in Te Taitokerau
Te lwi o Taitokerau Rating Committee (n.d.)

Based on an address given during the Ngahuru lecture

series at Massey University in 1993.
 He PUKenga Korero
THE DEVELOPMENT OF MAORI STUDIES IN
NEW ZEALAND UNIVERSITIES
M. H. Durie
Department of Maori Studies, Massey University
Whakarapopoto Korero
NaTa Apirana Ngata te kupu i whakatakoto nga momo
matauranga Maori i waenaanui i naa
c c whare wananaa c
Pakeha. I te timatanga ka apiti atu ki nga take mo te
reo me nga tikanga tangata. Ahakoa e porori ana te
haere, ka taka mai i te tau 1994 e til ana he Tari Maori
i nga whare wananga katoa o te motu, a, e akotia ana
nga take Maori i rota i etahi atu tari.
He wa whakanekeneke tenei. Kei te pilmau tonu te
reo Maori hei piltake mo te matauranga Maori, atira
kua whakaroa atu nga whainga kia rarawhitia nga tini
take e pa ana ki te whakapakari Maori. No te mea e
kore i whakaaetia etahi o nga kaupapa whakaaro a te
Pakeha, e kimihia ana e nga pilkenga Maori he anga
· whakamana mo te matauranga Maori, kia marama ai
te whakangungu i nga tauira i te ha o ta te iwi titiro.
Kei te tipu ake nga kaupapa whakatau whakaaro mo
ta te Maori rangahau.
Ko nga kaupapa Maori i nga whare wananga o
Aotearoa te take o tenei tuhinga whakapae, ara ko nga
mahi whakaakoranga, nga mahi rangahau me nga mahi
hapai akoako. He rereketanga nga Tari Maori i nga
kaupapa Maori o nga tari whanui o nga whare
wananga; a. he rereke hoki mai i nga whare wananaa
. . c nary environment within which Maori studies can
a !WI. I reira ko te matauranga a koro ma a kui rna. a.
ka noho nga tauira i waenganui i nga tikanga-a-iwi.
Otira ko te tina take o nga whare wananga Pakeha, he
whakawhitiwhiti kaupapa, kei kana ka puta nga
kaupapa Maori hei kaupapa ana. Ka tirohia nga aria o
nga kaupapa Maori i runga i nga whare wananga a, ka
tau ai tena pepa, ki runga i ta te Maori tirohanga hei
whakawhanui i nga pae o nga matauranga a Aotearoa.
Abstract
Largely at the instigation of the late Sir Apirana Ngata,
Maori studies emerged in New Zealand universities
based initially on the twin disciplines of linguistics
and social anthropology. Although developments were
slow, by 1994 all seven universities had established
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume!, Number 2. 1996
departments of Maori Studies and offered Maori per-
spectives in a range of other programmes.
A new climate is now apparent. While retaining
Maori language as a core component of Maori Stud-
ies, the focus is more clearly centered on Maori cul-
tural, social and economic development. Compari-
sons with western models and interests are Jess evi-
dent as Maori academics search for models which
make sense to Maori learners and capture a Maori
idiom. As a result Maori studies programmes are rap-
idly expanding within Maori theoretical paradigms and
research activities have shown correspondina ccarowth
and innovation.
This paper describes the development of a ranae
of teaching, research and consultative activities rel:t-
ing to Maori studies in New Zealand universities. It
distinguishes between Departments of Maori Studies.
and Maori studies as areas of inquiry across a rang~
of disciplines and recognises that Maori studies in
universities is not the same as studies in tribal whare
wananga.
.
There, access to tribal knowledaec
is more
likely and students may be taught within Maori
understandings oflearning and teaching. On the other
hand, universities are able to offer a multi-discipli-
claim to be a distinct focus for academic inquiry. The
impact. of Maori studies on university activities caen-
erally IS also analysed and it is concluded that a Maori-
centred approach will extend the nature of New Zea-
land's academic endeavours.
Introduction
The publication of He Pukenga Korero a Journal of
Maori Studies in 1995 was further evidence that Maori
Studies had emerged as a distinguishing feature of New
Zealand universities. As far back as 1908 Sir Apirana
Ngata had urged that Maori should be introduced into
university as an academic subject, maintaining that it
was a legitimate field of study and that universities
He PUKenga Korero Ng:ahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
had some obligation to teach aspects of language and
culture thereby contributing to their retention and sur-
vival (Sorrenson, 1986). Largely because of his ef-
forts Maori became a university subject in 1923, al-
though Ngata's other request for the establishment of
a Chair was not realised until well after his death.
Ngata recognised within the university system an op-
portunity for Maori people to gain in stature, not only
by mastering knowledge from their own culture and
tradition but also by accessing wisdom and knowl-
edge from other disciplines and professions.
His prescription for Maori personal development
was neatly summarised in an inscription written for a
young Maori girl in 1949 (Ngata, 1949).
E tipu e rea, mo nga ra o tau ao
Ko tau ringaringa ki nga rakau a te pakeha, hei
oranga ma tau tinana
Ko tau ngakau ki nga taonga a au tlpuna, hei
tiketike rria tau mahunga
Ko tau wairua ki te Atua, nana nei nga mea katoa.
Grow up, 0 tender plant, for the days of your
world.
Your hand to the tools of the Pakeha for your
material advancement
Your heart to 'the treasured possessions of your
ancestors as a crown for your head,
Your spirit to God, the creator of all things.
Although Ngata's prescription was concerned with
adaptation, if not survival, and in that respect had an
inherent logic and sensibility, it continues to present
challenges. Not the least it placed a dual demand on
Maori people by presuming that multiple pathways
(material advancement, spiritual and cultural integ-
rity) were compatible. Was it realistic to suppose that
Maori could live, harmoniously, in a tripartite fash-
ion, with a clear division between temporal, cultural
and spiritual learning? Or was the statement more of
a prophetic forecast that Maori might need to cope
with a future world characterised by contrasting val-
ues, conflicting objectives and fragmented identities?
Ngata was a strong advocate of University learning
and the acquisition of Western skills and
understandings. At the same time he believed it was
possible to retain the best of Maori culture and phi-
losophy though not necessarily through the same chan-
nels.
22
Defining Maori Studies
No single people or civilisation has a monopoly on
scholarship; on the contrary, scholarship itself is ex-
tended by the values, sty Jes and contributions of many
cultures. Nonetheless University study is heavily bi-
ased towards eurocentric views and philosophies and
favours learning styles which are similarly attuned to
western modes of thinking and learning. Where other
cultural views are admitted they tend to be grafted on
as perspectives within the frameworks of the major
disciplinary inquiry. Moreover, contemporary univer-
sity study has progressively become focused on disci-
plines, all too often at the expense of linkages and
holistic understanding.
Maori studies rests somewhat uncomfortably be-
tween being an area of study in its own right, an aca-
demic discipline, and a potential component of every
other area of study. Thus while there are courses of
study which are Maori specific in so far as they focus
principally on an aspect of Maori society, culture,
knowledge or economy, there are many more which
include, as an integral part of study, a Maori perspec-
tive. Even though the sheer diversity detracts from a
clear appreciation of the core business of Maori stud-
ies, in the broadest sense they are all 'Maori studies'.
There is some further confusion whether Maori Stud-
ies mean the study ofMaori, study by Maori or study
in Maori, or all three. And is there a distinction to be
made between Maori Studies as distinctive university
departments and Maori studies as multiple areas of
inquiry across the range of faculties and schools?
Departments of Maori Studies
Historically, academic departments of Maori Studies
in New Zealand universities emerged from the twin
disciplines of linguistics and social anthropology ..
Maori language studies had been available through
the University of New Zealand since 1923 but in 1952
Auckland University introduced Maori Studies as dis-
tinct from Maori language; Victoria University of
Wellington followed in 1966. History departments
had for some time found Maori historiography a rich
source of material for investigation and documenta-
tion, often, though not exclusively, within a race rela-
tions framework. Further, by the 1970s other univer-
sity departments, such as education, social work, busi-
ness studies and the behavioral science programmes
in medical schools, had introduced courses with a spe-
cific Maori focus. More often than not, however,
Maori studies tended to take the form of an externally
 He PUKenga Korero
driven inquiry, Maori themselves being the passive
subjects of study and observation.
It was not until 1981, at Victoria University, that a
Maori Studies Department with its own chair emerged
as a separate entity. Although no longer bound by the
theoretical and methodological parameters of anthro-
pology, in the absence of clear alternatives, it was pre-
sumed that they would continue to provide shape and
form. Additionally there was both debate and some
regret that Maori studies should take up what appeared
to be an independent stance. Even as late as 1992
several submissions to the review of the Department
of Maori Studies at Victoria University contested the
validity of Maori Studies as a creditable area of aca-
demic inquiry. The argument appeared to be that be-
cause the Department was born out of 'political con-
siderations' and did not arise from an 'open, distinc-
tive discipline' its activities should be dispersed
throughout the University and located within the es-
tablished disciplines. From those multiple bases it
would then be possible to major in a discipline and
co-major in a 'study' area such as Maori. Further if
Maori Studies were not a discipline its justification as
an academic department or significant academic en-
deavour was on thin ice. The Review Committee did
not agree with those views and drew attention to the
relatively recent emergence of such disciplines as so-
ciology and political science, and Womens Studies,
as parallel processes, not divorced from either politi-
cal pressure or an extension of academic boundaries.
Regardless, within a decade, and despite the con-
servative warnings about political intrusion into aca-
demic halls of learning, the move towards separate
Maori Studies departments continued. The union with
anthropology was at an end allowing other liaisons to
form and, importantly, a more authentic Maori schol-
arship to emerge. All seven New Zealand universi-
ties now have departments of Maori Studies, most
contributing to B.A. or B.Soc.Sc. programmes.
Though not offering identical courses or following the
same research interests, in each department Maori lan-
guage and culture remain the core academic subjects.
But to them has been added a range of other courses-
political analysis, Maori science, Maori visual and
performing arts, oral history. While retaining Maori
language as a core component, the focus for depart-
ments of Maori Studies is now more clearly centered
on Maori cultural, social and economic development.
As a result, comparisons between Maori and western
beliefs and lifestyles, a major focus in anthropologi-
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
cal investigations, hold less attraction for contempo-
rary Maori academics. Instead their search has been
for a Maori centered approach which make sense to
Maori learners, captures a Maori idiom and best ex-
presses a Maori sense of voyage.
The Maori Centred Approach
Three developments accelerated the move towards a
Maori centred approach towards Maori studies. First,
as part of a world-wide move by indigenous peoples
towards self determination, and greater autonomy,
Maori were increasingly intolerant of any suggestion
of assimilation. A reinterpretation of Maori ideas,
concepts and philosophies to fit in with eurocentric
views was largely rejected and countered by a restate-
ment of Maori philosophies and methods. In the proc-
ess, Maori intellectual pursuits were seen (by Maori)
as fundamentally different from the disciplines of an-
thropology or sociology or even science. Locating
Maori studies within the confines of established dis-
ciplinary boundaries was both ideologically and po-
litically unsound, and academically untenable.
The second development which favoured Maori
studies as a separate area of academic inquiry, was
New Zealand's reaffirmed commitment to the Treaty
of Waitangi in the 1980's and the subsequent inclu-
sion of the Treaty in the charters of tertiary educa-
tional institutes after the reform of the education sec-
tor in 1988. The expectation that university policies
and programmes would reflect the principles of the
Treaty of Waitangi and appropriately acknowledge
Maori as the indigenous people of New Zealand, cre-
ated an environment which favoured fresh approaches
to all Maori issues (Bishop, 1992). Moreover, a fail-
ure to make explicit provisions for Maori would be
inconsistent with Treaty clauses in the charters.
Third, by 1984 it was clearer than it had been, that
Maori world views and Maori understandings of
knowledge were themselves distinctive. The holistic
approach, while not exclusive to Maori, was certainly
favoured by Maori and a Maori perspective of health,
characterised by four interacting dimensions, epito-
mised the approach. According to Durie (1994) the
whare tapa wha model enabled health to be compared
to a four sided house, its walls representing spiritual-
ity (taha wairua), emotional and intellectual health
(taha hinengaro ), physical health (taha tinana) and fam-
ily health (taha whanau). All four were necessary for
good health. Underlying the whare tapa wha model is
the consistent theme of integration with reduced im-
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
portance being attached to traditional western intel-
lectual divisions (mind, body, individual, family).
Thus while many New Zealanders were beginning
to argue that Maori aspirations for greater independ-
ence would lead to isolation and insular thinking,
Maori scholars such as Mead (1983) were equally
concerned that disciplines such as history, political
science, sociology, geography and anthropology were
building limiting fences to protect (and isolate) their
own endeavours. On the other hand, a department of
Maori Studies, along with relatively few other areas
of scholarship, could bring disciplines together. Far
from disqualifying it as a legitimate academic pursuit,
its search for Maori theoretical paradigms and its
multidisciplinary origins strengthened the capacity to
transcend narrow (and often recent) disciplinary con-
straints. Even though the elusive nature of
interdisciplinarity is acknowledged, a point made by
Wesley-Smith (1995) in respect of Pacific Islands
Studies, Maori Studies nonetheless is enriched by the
several disciplines of law, science, linguistics, anthro-
pology, philosophy, history, education and sociology.
Yet it is more than the sum total of those component
parts. Its distinctive strength lies in the richness and
uniqueness of Maori modes of expression: styles of
thinking, speaking, relating, recalling, researching,
recording and within a developing intellectual frame-
work that rests on Maori philosophies.
Exploring the Territory
Maori Studies and studies about Maori
Importantly, Maori Studies departments have acted as
a focus for Maori interests and the promotion of Maori
academic advancement. However, they have never
represented the sum total of Maori educational and
research activities within universities. Many disci-
plines and professional academic courses have focused
on Maori people or issues as part of a wider course of
study to the extent that at least two options for ad-
vancement merit serious consideration. Are Maori
studies, broadly defined, best advanced by focusing
courses relating to Maori in a central position (such
as a Department of Maori Studies) or does it make
more sense to incorporate Maori studies into all rel-
evant departments? The two approaches have each
been tried and for the most part both continue to be
practiced in parallel. Thus all universities have Maori
Studies departments as well as a Maori presence in
significant other faculties and departments such as
education, business studies, law, history, medicine and
the helping professions.
Generally Maori Studies departments have pro-
vided a necessary focus and a critical nucleus, espe-
cially for language and culture, but have not neces-
sarily facilitated the development of relevant courses
in other departments. Conversely, Maori Studies de-
partments are often expected to take on roles which
are normally not expected of other academic depart-
ments. Frequently, and often without additional re-
sources, this has included providing cultural and learn-
ing support services for Maori students, whether or
not they are studying within the department.
Rapid expansion of courses offered in departments
of Maori Studies to include, for example health stud-
ies, policy development and contemporary social ad-
vancement, has not been without some inter-discipli-
nary tension and has sometimes led to confusion in
terms of responsibi lities for Maori content pro-
grammes outside Maori Studies departments. For
Maori academics employed in those other areas, and
quite apart from the difficulties of working in relative
isolation, the situation has often been compounded by
a sense of alienation from the 'Maori mainstream.' In
addition, keen to move beyond an 'add on' Maori
perpsective, they have encountered structural and
sectoral difficulties in promoting a Maori centred ap-
proach within departments that are bounded by con-
ventional disciplinary practices.
There is of course no single approach to studies
which relate to Maori, and any argument about whether
a subject is best taught from Maori Studies or from
another disciplinary base sheds little light if it does
not take into account the realities of expertise, re-
sources and credibility in a particular field. A more
fundamental question is how Maori studies and key
disciplines should relate to each other. Thus, assum-
ing that Maori Studies can be justified as an area of
study, if not a discrete academic discipline, it does not
follow that other disciplines should avoid any inquiry
into Maori issues. But it is imperative that there should
be a co-operative approach with a readiness to dis-
cover how students might best benefit from the com-
bined contributions. The territory is after all a large
one, enriched enormously by multiple observations.
Increasingly co-operative arrangements with multi-
disciplinary teaching and research have reduced fric-
tion and competitiveness. Double majors (in for ex-
ample environmental planning and Maori studies, so-
cial policy and Maori Studies) and increasing flex-
ibility with optional papers (for science, agriculture
 He PUKenga KOrero
and horticulture) have enabled Maori students and
others to include subjects such as Maori language in
their degrees. At a post-graduate level, joint inter-
departmental supervision has had a comparable broad-
ening of educational goals. Nonetheless independent
pockets of Maori studies across the campus run the
risk of creating a fragmented sense of scholarship un-
less there is some opportunity for all Maori content
courses to grow together, using methods and resources
which are relevant across disciplines. Mead (1983)
proposed a University of Aotearoa, a national Maori
university, to strengthen Maori Studies and to pool
the scarce supply of Maori academics.
More recently at a regional level and to bring to-
gether the range of Maori content courses offered
across all faculties in a more systematic way, Waikato
University has moved to establish a School of Maori
and Pacific Island Development, Te Pua Wananga ki
te Ao. The vision of the School is "to pursue knowl-
edge by and for Maori." In the first instance it will
combine existing Maori teaching and research inter-
ests, including the Centre for Maori Studies and Re-
search, the Department of Maori and the Timatanga
Hou programme (a bridging programme for students
leacking formal university entrance qualifications).
While the relationship between the School and other
university sectors is not yet clear, later, and by nego-
tiation, it will embrace Maori specific programmes in
other departments and schools and will take a leader-
ship role in giving effect to the University's aims in
respect of Maori. The mission of the School will be
to promote "a Maori sense and content of know ledge
of all kinds", and the dean will be expected to negoti-
ate the relationships and, on a collaborative basis,in
order to establish the parameters of the School vis a
vis the university as well as the community. Victoria
University has also established a School of Maori Stud-
ies, Te Kawa a Maui, within the Arts Faculty and con-
sisting of an academic unit, the marae (Te Herenga
Waka), a Research Unit, Cook Island Maori Studies,
Samoan Studies, a Liaison and Outreach unit, a house
of residence for students, an Early Maori Childcare
Centre and a Kohanga Reo.
Maori methodologies and attitudes to
knowledge
Maori studies in universities face challenges on two
fronts. First, because there are real differences be-
.( 1995) as an organic theory of social change and re-
tween Maori and western schools of thought regard-
ing the acquisition and dissemination of knowledge,
distinctions between universities and tribal schools of
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
learning need to be made if only to safeguard intellec-
tual property and tribal prerogatives. While in 1990
there was discussion about universities developing a
Maori campus within a campus (Bishop), the more
significant trend has been towards the establishment
of independent centres of Maori learning. Most tribes
have both formal and informal schools of learning -
wananga - where tribal history, culture and art are
taught. Some have retained a distinctive methodol-
ogy and style which is significantly different from the
philosophies underlying western universities. Knowl-
edge, they might argue, is too valuable to be shared
with all comers; and some knowledge- or the mana
attaching to knowledge - is diminished as soon as it
becomes written for all to read.
Traditional and contemporary wananga are more
likely than universities to have tribal support for in-
vestigating and transferring tribal knowledge. In other
words, universities, including departments of Maori
Studies cannot presume to have unconditional access
to Maori knowledge and history in the same way as
wananga. Unlike the wananga, the primary role of
Maori studies within a university cannot therefore be
to teach students how to be Maori but to encourage an
appreciation of the Maori situation. Operating essen-
tially from a western institutional base, Maori studies
are to some extent caught between being neither 'tra-
ditional' nor exclusively western in theoretical orien-
tation. The important point is that university depart-
ments of Maori Studies, or for that matter other Maori
studies programmes within a university, are not sub-
stitutes for the body of Maori know ledge and research
which is more properly controlled and managed by
tribes in their own way.
A second related point is the utilisation of Maori
methodologies as an integral part of Maori studies.
While not performing the same role and tasks as
wananga, a feature of university based Maori studies
has been the ability to make use of methodologies
which are appropriate to Maori students and to Maori
communities. A greater emphasis on whanau (fam-
ily) models, group learning, and peer support as well
as the observation of some customary practices (such
as spiritual rituals before and after lectures), tend to
distinguish Maori studies. And distinctive Maori theo-
retical positions are emerging. A unique theory of
change, kaupapa Maori, has been described by Smith
sistance, based on Maori language, knowledge and
culture and centred on the traditional concept of
He PUKenga K6rero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
whanau. Black (1993), is using another theoretical
model which builds on the distinctions between kauae
runga and kauae raro (higher and lower orders of
knowledge) in the construction of a framework for
classifying and analysing waiata (tribal chants and
songs).
Maori research methodologies have also emerged
with distinctive features. They emphasise collabora-
tive approaches, holistic (rather than narrow discipli-
nary or sectoral) lines of inquiry, cultural safety and
active community participation. Maori researchers are
required to go beyond cultural sensitivity to the dem-
onstration of competence in terms of language skills,
community acceptability and the ability to move com-
fortably within Maori society. The development of
specific research programmes, alongside academic
departments has boosted Maori research activity.
Waikato University established a Centre for Maori
Studies and Research over a decade ago and the Uni-
versity of Auckland foUowed suit by opening the Sir
James Henare Research Centre in 1994. Both focus
on tribal research. The Department of Maori Studies
at Victoria University has a research section, and at
Massey University there are four distinct research pro-
grammes, externally funded, and operating within the
Department of Maori Studies. Three are supported
by the Public Good Science Fund. Te Hoe Nuku Roa
is a longitudinal study of Maori households; Te
Hokowhitu-a-Tu is a World War II oral history pro-
gramme conducted in association with the Maori Bat-
talion Association; Toi te Kupu is a Maori language
resource quality project. The other is a Maori health
research unit (Te Pumanawa Hauora) funded by the
Health Research Council.
The need to grow more Maori researchers has been
recognised by research funding agencies. Though not
necessarily endorsing a distinctly Maori science, the
Foundation for Science Research and Technology for
example has given high funding priority to Maori re-
search and is particularly interested in promoting
Maori research which is capable of bringing new ho-
rizons and methodologies to strategic research. Simi-
larly the Health Research Council has taken a proactive
approach to Maori involvement in research by fund-
ing, in 1993, two Maori Health Research Units, Nga
Pumanawa Hauora, within Universities, one (already
mentioned) in the Department of Maori Studies at
Massey University, the other in the Wellington Clini-
cal School of the Otago University Medical School.
Unique Maori qualifications
The majority of Maori studies departments contribute
to B.A. or B.Soc.Sc. programmes but across universi-
ties there are now also a variety of certificates, diplo-
mas, and degrees which focus primarily on Maori stud-
ies. A decade ago Victoria and Waikato Universities
established undergraduate certificate courses, Te Tohu
Matauranga and the Certificate in Maori Studies re-
spectively, both focusing on Maori language and cul-
ture. In 1990 Massey University offered a Diploma
in Maori Development at a post-graduate level and in
1993 the University ofWaikato launched a degree, Te
Tohu Paetahi, equivalent to a B.A. and taught entirely
in Maori. While retaining a major focus on Maori
language learning, the new degree includes a number
of papers from other disciplines (sociology, anthro-
pology) which are offered in Maori (for students en-
rolled in the Tohu Paetahi) and in English (for other
degree students). Endorsements or majors in Maori
Development have also been introduced into the
School of Social Science at Waikato University and
the Faculty of Commerce at Auckland.
Two quite different degrees were offered for the
first time in 1995. At Lincoln University a Bachelor
of Maori Studies (B.Ma.St.) was introduced. It has a
compulsory core made up of language, culture and
Maori policy, but also allows (indeed encourages) stu-
dents to have a second major in environmental stud-
ies or a related set of papers. Because Lincoln Uni-
versity did not have a BA programme, the B.Ma.St.
was necessary to provide an opportunity for a degree
substantially (but not entirely) in Maori Studies. In
the same year at Massey University a Bachelor of
Maori Visual Arts degree (B.M.V.A.) was introduced.
The B.M.V.A. is a four year programme which con-
tains both theoretical and practical courses in Maori
visual arts and compulsory courses in Maori language
and other Maori studies. While it has some similari-
ties with degrees in Fine Arts, the emphasis on Maori
language and traditional and contemporary art forms
make it substantially different from both the B.F.A.
and a Maori studies major in a B.A. degree.
Key players: the teachers
The development of teaching and research in Maori
studies inevitably hinges on workforce development
and recruitment. There is an increasing Maori expec-
tation that Maori specific courses should be taught by
Maori and that research which impacts directly on
Maori should be conducted by Maori researchers.
 He PUKenga Korero
An appreciation and knowledge of Maori philoso-
phy and society is more likely to be accurately com-
municated to students by Maori lecturers or research-
ers who are able to convey an insiders (rather than an
outsiders) view. 'For Maori by Maori' has become a
catch cry; not only in relationship to academia but
across the range of social and economic programmes.
Tino rangatiratanga, self determination, gives voice
to a widely held Maori view that socio-economic ad-
vancement, as well as full cultural expression, can only
be achieved by increased autonomy with less depend-
ence on others. While it is to some extent a reflection
of increased political muscle and a greater determina-
tion to regain territory lost to successive generations
of colonisers, it also stems from a realistic conclusion
that unless Maori assume a greater measure of control
over their own development, then the chances of any
distinctiveness remaining will be severely diminished.
A course with significant Maori content which is
not taught by a Maori therefore becomes liable to in-
sinuations of patronisation or even cultural unsafety.
Academics in a number of disciplines complain, pri-
vately rather than openly, that the curriculum has been
subverted to political correctness and that scholarship
has been the looser. On the other hand, supporters of
the 'for Maori by Maori' approach point to the failure
of conservative academics to demonstrate anything
other than an observer's appreciation of Maori philo-
sophical understandings and priorities and, largely
because of limiting theoretical frameworks have been
unable to accommodate holistic views and Maori val-
ues. And while there have been obvious exceptions, a
lack of contemporary perspective and first hand fa-
miliarity has marginalised non-Maori excursions into
Maori studies. A Maori academic, suitably qualified
both academically and culturally, is therefore more
acceptable to the Maori community than a non-Maori
and, in terms of introducing a distinctive Maori ap-
proach is likely to be better able to do the job. At
Massey University the policy adopted by the Depart-
ment of Maori Studies in making academic and re-
search appointments gives priority to applicants who
have an academic qualification, competence in Maori
language and culture, and credibility within Maori
communities.
Practical limitations, even apart from political and
policy issues, mean of course that progress is slower
than many would wish. The size and nature of the
pool from which Maori academics can be drawn and
the size of the existing student body are the two main
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
constraints. Neither are large. A decade ago there
were fewer than five Maori academics with doctor-
ates and they were eagerly sought by a range of insti-
tutions including Government departments. There has
been a marked improvement since then and second
and third degrees are now the rule rather than the ex-
ception in University Maori appointments. Relatively
few appointees, however, would be comfortable teach-
ing their courses in Maori language; nor does being
Maori necessarily mean a capacity to address Maori
issues or incorporate Maori perspectives in conven-
tional academic courses. In effect, apart from being
Maori, a Maori academic does not always carry other
credentials that can guarantee a distinctly Maori ap-
proach to academia despite performing valuable func-
tions as a role model and focus for fresh initiatives in
theory, research and teaching.
To assist in developing a larger pool of Maori aca-
demics, some universities have introduced affirmative
action programmes. At the assistant lecturer level,
Massey University, for example, allows for supernu-
merary appointments of promising Maori academics
who have a first degree only. There is an expectation
that a higher degree will be completed improving the
chances of obtaining a regular position when one be-
comes available. So far the scheme has been used in
the departments of social work, management systems,
psychology, education and agricultural management
systems. In order to promote higher study by Maori
academics, Massey University also provides research
awards for Maori staff members who need time away
from teaching commitments to make progress in writ-
ing a thesis.
Another strategy, more common a decade ago than
in recent years, recognises accomplishments based on
authentic and traditional forms of Maori scholarship,
rather than on university qualifications. At Victoria
University, the late Wiremu Parker and Ruka
Broughton were recruited primarily because of their
vast knowledge of Maori history, language and phi-
losophy, while at Auckland University Paki Harrison
was recognised within academic circles because of his
exceptional skills in Maori wood carving and the as-
sociated visual arts. Some universities, including
Otago, have appointed Ahorangi (elders with excep-
tional knowledge of Maori language, culture and his-
tory) who do not have formal academic qualifications
but contribute as leaders in cultural and procedural
matters. More frequently, Maori elders who are able
to communicate Maori philosophy and knowledge are
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
invited to participate on a sessional basis in order to
convey the essence of a Maori view.
While bringing undoubted benefits to students and
the university as a whole, there are, nonetheless, some
potential difficulties with this approach. Exponents
of Maori culture who are asked to assist with academic
courses may well find that because the university is
so far removed from the marae or the wananga. their
teachings are diminished by the context and the op-
erative frameworks. In addition, concern about intel-
lectual property rights and the dubious readiness of
students to adequately appreciate Maori knowledge
delivered in traditional manner, has led to some cau-
tion about introducing Maori scholarship without first
examining the wider implications. Universities, as
already noted, do not have the same goals as wananga
nor do they accept that the distribution of knowledge
should be limited to a selected group of students or
that teachers should have unquestionable authority. In
short there are significant differences between Maori
and academia in the acquisition of know ledge and the
role of experts. Counterproductive cultural conflict
and serious misunderstanding can be the unforeseen
outcome of well intentioned initiatives which have not
adequately considered fundamental attitudes and ex-
pectations.
Key players: the students
Unlike programmes in overseas universities, such as
the Native Indian Teacher Education Programme at
the University of British Columbia or the Aboriginal
Teacher Training Programme at Queens University,
Canada, Maori studies have never been designed for
Maori learners exclusively. In fact for at least three
reasons there are many more non-Maori students en-
rolled in the broad range of Maori studies courses in-
cluding the introductory and level one language
courses. First, the ratio of Maori to non-Maori stu-
dents is disproportionately low. Only in the past five
years has the percentage of Maori students at univer-
sity risen above)%, to around 8%. Second, for an
increasing number of degree programmes, a Maori
course is compulsory. In their second year all social
work students at Massey University for example are
required to take a paper on the contemporary applica-
tion of the Treaty ofWaitangi, taught from Maori stud-
ies and are encouraged to study either Maori language
or culture as well. Third, although one aim of intro-
ducing Maori studies into universities has been to in-
crease the number of Maori students, that has not been
the sole rationale. The advancement of Maori knowl-
edge and understanding within an academic frame-
work has been an important corollary.
At the same time, there can be no doubt that the
progressive development of Maori studies within uni-
versities has encouraged higher Maori participation
rates and greater opportunity for Maori students to
include Maori studies within their degrees. Maori
Studies departments have long since accepted that
apart from students wishing to major in Maori Stud-
ies (mainly Maori students), they have a major role
contributing to other programmes which will enable
students to make their courses of study more compre-
hensive and, particularly in the case of Maori students,
more relevant to future involvement within the many
communities of Aotearoa.
Key players: the Maori community
Maori studies cannot divorce itself from the Maori
world. Indeed, while academic recognition is impor-
tant, credibility also comes from endorsement by
Maori communities, either by encouraging student
enrollment or by formally registering support, perhaps
at a political level. Waikato University in particular
has developed strong links with the Tainui tribe to the
point that an endowed college is soon to be established
for Maori students. The relationship can have mutual
benefits. Many tribes are keen to have their own peo-
ple succeed within university and welcome contact
with Maori Studies or Maori academics from other
departments, as a way of gaining entry into the uni-
versity system and as a source of information. At the
same time, in order to advance their own development
plans, Maori communities are increasingly request-
ing help from universities to undertake research and
not infrequently to provide expertise in planning and
management.
For these reasons it is important that academics
who are teaching Maori content courses spend qual-
ity time with Maori groups, not only to conduct re-
search but to maintain first-hand awareness of Maori
expectations, priorities and opportunities, and, in re-
turn, to make a contribution which will benefit the
group. This inevitably creates extra demands on time
and energy and the dual accountability (to work place
and to a Maori community) is not without its costs
(Durie, 1995). Sometimes they pose difficulties for
academics who have had little direct experience of
Maori communities. Where there is a personal tribal
· link, however, the relationship between university and
tribe is enhanced. Conversely, if among the staff there
is an absence of tangata whenua (Maori who are from
 He PUKenga K6rero
the tribe which has traditional rights in the university
area), relationships can be more strained and less pro-
ductive, at least in the short term. Some universities
have sought to formalise their relationship with tangata
whenua by including tribally nominated representa-
tives on the Council. At a policy level those links are
important though do not remove the more direct obli-
gations for academics whose credibility depends on
first hand involvement within Maori society. Some
tribes have sought a more consistent relationship with
the university. The Te Arawa Federation of tribes, for
example, has signed an Agreement with Massey Uni-
versity to increase Maori access into agricultural and
horticultural programmes and to collaborate on re-
search projects relating to physical resources.
Changing the Culture of the University
The marae
Apart from personal benefits for students, the intro-
duction of Maori studies has also brought significant
changes to the overall culture of New Zealand univer-
sities. The establishment of campus marae at Victo-
ria, Waikato and Auckland Universities for example,
has in each case made a unique contribution to the
face of the institution. Most importantly a marae ex-
presses a strong statement about the university's ethos
and provides students with a sense of "home." Though
different from tribal marae, it nonetheless serves as
an anchor for students wishing to retain and strengthen
a Maori identity, often otherwise difficult in a univer-
sity setting. For the university itself the marae sym-
bolises a commitment to the development of an insti-
tution which reflects New Zealand's dual heritage and
a readiness to embrace other perspectives and mean-
ings of scholarship. Kawharu ( 1992) described the
marae at Auckland University as the embodiment of
kotahitanga - unity - between Maori and Pakeha and
emphasised the support and guidance which Ngati
Whatua, as tangata whenua, had offered.
Notwithstanding positive experience, however, the
nature and function of a university marae has not been
without debate and conflict. Maori critics sometimes
maintain that it is inappropriate to have a marae at a
university since ultimately ownership is vested in the
university not in a tribe or other Maori organisation.
They argue that Maori are the losers in so far as one
of the last remaining bastions of Maori culture and
identity, the marae, has become a symbol of Pakeha
domination, Maori staff upholding the traditions of
the marae for the university's benefit while the uni-
versity retains fuii power and control. Some non-
Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I, Number2. 1996
Maori critics object to the campus marae but for other
reasons. Because they are unable to fully participate
in its activities, they see in the marae a symbol of di-
vision and exclusion, for themselves and perhaps for
Maori students who have similar discomfort on a
marae. Nor is the relationship between a campus
marae and the surrounding Maori community always
clear. Expectations that tangata whenua will have a
significant role to play have not always been met so
that the university marae, unlike other community
marae, has sometimes been regarded negatively when
it is isolated from surrounding Maori communities.
In order to avoid those ambiguities other options
have been advocated including the establishment of
centres which reflect a strong Maori dimension but
do not carry the full meaning of a marae either in terms
of community ownership or function. More than sim-
ply a convenient play on words, these Maori academic
cultural centres recognise that there are significant
distinctions to be made and that the university is not
necessarily the best place to establish a marae par-
ticularly if it does not have the support of the wider
Maori community.
Maori language
Maori studies have also changed the face of New Zea-
land universities by bringing Maori language into aca-
demic circles. To a greater or lesser degree, all uni-
versities now accept that there is some obligation to
promote Maori, as Ngata had urged in 1923, even
though there is no agreement about the level of obli-
gation. While the language innovations are sometimes
dismissed as inadequate and too late, changes over
the past decade have substantially advanced the place
of Maori language within academia and opportunities
for further growth are likely to arise. Though no uni-
versity is bilingual to the same extent as for example
the University of Ottawa, Maori language policies do
exist and even apart from formal language teaching
programmes there is evidence of Maori usage in other
domains: the name of the university or a faculty, non-
language courses in Maori and the incorporation of
Maori into formal university occasions.
Maori language policies are not uniform in all uni-
versities but there is a growing acceptance that uni-
versities have some responsibility for actively promot-
ing Maori language and providing choice wherever
possible. It is now commonly accepted that students
who wish may write assignments and final examina-
tions in Maori, even in faculties far removed from
Maori Studies.
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. 1996
In most New Zealand universities Maori is still used
only in the teaching of Maori. But at the University
of Waikato, (in the Tohu Paetahi degree programme,
already mentioned) subjects other than language are
taught in Maori and it is possible to complete an un-
dergraduate degree entirely in the Maori language.
While at this stage all courses in Maori are taught
within the School of Maori Studies, there are moves
to use Maori to teach courses in other departments
and faculties. Maori studies would therefore be as
much a reflection of the language of communication
as the subject under study.
Demands for a greater range of courses taught in
Maori will predictably increase as more and more stu-
dents who have a background in schooling in Maori
language, enter tertiary education. As children from
Kohanga Reo (immersion Maori language early child-
hood centres) have moved on to primary school and
then to secondary schools, campaigns for opportuni-
ties for tuition in Maori have been frequent. Sooner,
rather than later, this wave will be felt at the tertiary
level and universities will find increasing markets for
Maori language as the language of instruction, in a
range of courses apart from actual language classes.
University protocol
Increasingly, university protocol is being shaped by
Maori cultural norms, especially where there is a uni-
versity marae. The marae has been recognised as an
appropriate venue for ceremonial occasions, includ-
ing welcoming visitors. When the Auckland Univer-
sity Medical School for example welcomed members
of the Australian Medical Council Accreditation team
in 1995, they chose the university marae as the most
appropriate venue even though the visit was not di-
rectly related to Maori studies. The same marae has
similarly been used when university staff have died
and for the opening ceremonies of numerous semi-
nars and conferences, even those which have no di-
rect link to Maori studies.
At all universities graduation ceremonies have also
increasingly come to reflect a Maori dimension. Stu-
dents at Waikato and Victoria Universities are able to
graduate in ceremonies conducted on a marae and
observing Maori protocol, alongside university tradi-
tion. Auckland and Massey Universities on the other
hand have ceremonies to honour (rather than gradu-
ate) Maori students. In these cases graduands are able
to join the regular graduation formalities as well as
the Maori ceremony with its wide whanau and com-
munity participation. A third approach is to incorpo-
rate some Maori ritual into the general ceremonies so
that both traditional university and Maori protocols
are blended together, not always harmoniously but in
a manner which reflects the university 's location and
student population. Maori students may wear tradi-
tional kakahu, feather cloaks, as well as gown, hood
and trencher. While the combination does not neces-
sarily serve sartorial needs, it emphasises the strong
Maori presence which is emerging and the accompa-
nying cultural changes which are coming to distin-
guish New Zealand universities.
University Governance
Generally, university councils have welcomed the in-
troduction of Maori studies and the increased num-
bers of Maori students who wish to retain a Maori
identity during and after study, even though additional
resources have not always been adequate to meet de-
mands. But there have been the inevitable cries of
separatism, political correctness and cultural incon-
sistency. Because the many other cultures that make
up the university student population have not been
recognised to the same extent as Maori, a focus on
Maori has been seen as biased and inappropriate. That
view does not (apparently) distinguish between cul-
ture on the one hand and obligations arising from both
the Treaty of Waitangi and the rights of Indigenous
Peoples on the other. Maori studies and expressions
of a Maori identity on campus are not synonymous
with the celebration of cultural diversity even though
they share some of the same aspirations. Essentially
there are two paramount considerations: the recogni-
tion by the universities of a specific role in the active
promotion of Maori language and its accompanying
culture because there is no other university commu-
nity elsewhere in the world which will do so; and, on
behalf of the Crown, the acceptance of obligations
undertaken when the Treaty of Waitangi was signed
in 1840.
Not only must university charters give voice to a
Treaty commitment but there is a need to have objec-
tives which include measurable indicators of that com-
mitment. University funding is therefore linked, how-
ever minimally, to Treaty of Waitangi objectives and
the demonstration of favorable outputs for Maori.
Further, additional funding may be dependent on spe-
cific Maori courses or innovations. In 1995, for ex-
ample, extra funding was linked to new courses which
were to be conducted in the immersion (Maori lan-
guage) mode. And when a new Vice-chancellor was
appointed to Massey University in 1995, the selec-
 He PUKenga K5rero
tion panei took into account each candidate's views
about the implementation of a Treaty of Waitangi
policy for the university. In that sense New Zealand
universities have been required to address Maori is-
sues in a way which goes well beyond the affirma-
tion of culture and the introduction of Maori-related
courses, to the development of strategies which will
lead to the full participation of Maori people in all
aspects of university life, including the composition
of the total workforce. For that purpose a variety of
administrative vehicles have been established, includ-
ing at Massy University a Maori Objectives Commit-
tee to advise the Council on progress in meeting Treaty
of Waitangi objectives. Despite some claim to the
contrary, the Government use of universities as instru-
ments of social policy are not necessarily incompat-
ible with academic autonomy (Bishop). Indeed, many
courses and programmes are linked directly to politi-
cal imperatives and strategic goals in agriculture, sci-
ence and the environment.
A commitment to the Treaty of Waitangi has also
been reflected in institutions other than universities.
At the tertiary level polytechnics have introduced a
wide range of programmes in Maori studies, includ-
ing, in the case of the Auckland Institute of Technol-
ogy, a degree course, the Bachelor of Maori Studies.
Other polytechnics have established links with uni-
versities so that part of a degree can be taken at the
Polytechnic. Maori Studies at Massey University for
example has conjoint programmes with the Whitireia,
Hawkes Bay and Tairawhiti Polytechnics. Three first
year papers are taught according to extramural mate-
rial by Polytechnic tutors, and students who pass the
exam receive a university credit towards a degree.
Conclusions
While there is no single definition of Maori studies,
essentially its primary focus is on Maori people, Maori
society, economy, culture, language, politics and his-
tory. However, more than simply a study about Maori,
Maori studies are equally concerned with the reflec-
tion of Maori experience, philosophies, methodolo-
gies, theories and communication styles, including
Maori language. Typically, Maori studies emphasise
holistic interdisciplinary approaches and gain credibil-
ity and meaning not only from academic colleagues
but also from the Maori world.
Current approaches to University Maori studies are
not, however, always endorsed, either in academic
circles or Maori communities. Within some sections
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
of the university there is concern about a perceived
Maori-centric approach which to them seems to dis-
count non-Maori and erect ethnic barriers to learning
and understanding, thereby adding a political dimen-
sion to a supposedly apolitical institution. In con-
trast sections of the Maori community are critical of
Maori studies in universities because they are insuffi-
ciently Maori-centric: neither the teachers or students
are always Maori; Maori language is not the sole lan-
guage of communication; and there is a failure to in-
corporate Maori protocols on a consistent basis. By
attempting to institutionalise Maori studies within a
university there is concern about the safety and qual-
ity of Maori language and culture and the possibility
that they might be appropriated by the Pakeha aca-
demic world. There is some basis for these concerns.
None, however, gives adequate consideration to the
purpose and evolution of Maori studies, the longer
term goals, or the realities of contemporary Aotearoa
New Zealand.
The aim is not to isolate Maori students or aca-
demic staff, or to develop narrow approaches to schol-
arship. Rather it is to bring Maori studies and depart-
ments of Maori Studies alongside the range of aca-
demic inquiries as vital areas of study and coherent
centres for research and teaching in order to better
understand the Maori past, present and future. It also
needs to be reiterated that Maori studies within uni-
versity settings are distinguishable from study in tribal
wananga. Though both are committed to the advance-
ment of knowledge and understanding, unlike the
wananga, universities are not primarily concerned with
transmitting tribal lore, preserving tribal tradition,
guarding the rituals of the marae or protecting the sa-
cred. Instead, in attempting to adequately recognise
the Maori world, greater importance is placed on pro-
moting a holistic approach to learning, using Maori
language, maintaining relevance to contemporary
Maori life, and exploring a range of methodologies
and theoretical positions. Critical to the process is
encouragement for the growth and development of
Maori students, as well as those who teach and under-
take research.
Benefits from Maori studies in a university will
not be confined to Maori people. Certainly Maori stud-
ies will make it easier for Maori people to access the
range of facilities and resources within the university,
the Maori situation will be better understood, and
Maori development at cultural, social and economic
levels will be facilitated. But, more generally, know!-
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

edge and understanding will also stand to benefit. Lincoln University. (1994). 1995 Calendar, Lincoln University,
Maori studies have the potential to contribute to the Lincoln ·
advancement of scholarship within New Zealand and Massey University. (1994). Calendar 1995, Massey University.
abroad, and to extend academic boundaries, especially Palmerston North
those which are restrained by eurocentricity and pre-
Mead. S. M. (1983). Te Toi Matauranga Maori Mo Nga Ra Kei
conceived ideas about knowledge and its acquisition.
Mua: Maori Studies Tomorrow. Journal of the Polynesian Soci-
While there has been substantial growth in Maori ety. 333-352
studies, the key to further development will be the full
participation of Maori people, as Maori, within the Smith, G. H. (1995). Whakaoho Whanau New formations of
university in a collaborative manner and at all levels. whanau as an innovative intervention into Maori cultural and
education crises. He Pukenga Korero A Journal of Maori Stud-
In the short term, a lack of suitably qualified person-
ies. L L 18-36
nel will require positive measures which deliberately
foster Maori academics; but later the issues will Sorrenson K. (1986). Na Tau Hoa Aroha, Vol. 1, Auckland Uni-
change. The essential nature of Maori studies for ex- versity Press, Auckland
ample, matauranga Maori as Meads (1983) describes Wesley-Smith. T. ( 1995). Rethinking Pacific Islands Studies. Pa-
it, will need to be defined more rigorously though not cific Studies, 115-137
necessarily in terms of subjects and themes as in its
underlying theoretical propositions, the way it is
taught, researched and published. Even more chal-
lenging, however, will be the development of systems
which favour holistic approaches to scholarship and
reduce the emphasis on academic disciplines as the
prime basis for research and teaching. When that oc-
curs, the university will have established a more ap-
propriate climate within which Maori studies might
mature. Meanwhile, and perhaps well into the future,
a distinct Maori academic base which is able to ad-
vance a Maori centred approach - a department, school,
institute or centre - will be important on campus so
that consolidation of Maori scholarship can proceed
without being overwhelmed or otherwise diminished
by the stronger and better established disciplines.

References
Bishop, John (1992). The Treaty and the Universities. inkd. Oddie
G .. Perrett R., Justice Ethics and New Zealand Society, Oxford
University Press, Auckland.
Black. T. E. (1993). Nga Waiata o Tuhoe, Department of Maori
Studies, Massey University, (unpublished manuscript)
Durie, A. E. ( 1995). Kia Hiwa Ra Challenges for Maori academ-
ics in changing times, He Pukenga Korero A Journal of Maori
Studies, 1, 1, 1-9
Durie, M. H. (1994). Whaiora Maori health development, Ox-
ford University Press, Auckland
Durie, M. H., Delamere M., Young H., Pomare M., Black T., Mutu
M., Vasil R. (1992). Review of the Department of Maori Studies,
Victoria University of Wellington
Kawharu ,I. H. (1992). Kotahitanga: Visions of Unity, Journal of
the Polynesian Society, 101, 3. 221-240
 He PUKenga KOrero
TE TU ATE KOHANGA REO I WAENGA I TE
WHANAU METE TIKANGA POIPOI
TAMARIKI
MAORI FAMILIES. CHILD SOCIALISATION AND THE ROLE OF THE KOHANGA REO
Dorothy Urlich Cloher and Margie Hohepa
Whakarapopoto Korero
Na te tautoko a Te Kaupapa Matua o nga mahi
Rangahau.
Ka taea nga mahi rangahau a Te Tari Hahu Take
Maori, ara, te Tari o Ta Himi Henare, i te wa 1994/95.
Ko nga whanau i Otara, i Tamaki-makau-rau te take.
E rua ki te toru nga whakatapuranga te taro haere a
nga whawha whakawa timo taimaha. Ko te tina take
whanui ko te tikanga poipoi tamariki a nga whanau
noho taone me era i ahu mai i nga wa kainga i rota o
Te Tai Tokerau. Nanga kuia me nga, kaumatua tenei
wahanga mai i to ratou ao tamariki. Tata ki te 50% te
maha o nga whanau kei rota i tenei whakahaere i
whaipanga ki Te Kohanga Reo me te Kaupapa Kura
Maori, 50% horekau he panga. Ko nga tina mea a
tenei mahi rangahau he titiro pehea te til a nga ropu
nei - Te Kohanga Reo me to Kaupapa Kura Maori - i
te taha o nga tikanga poipoi tamariki, he aha te take
taturu i kaha ai nga whanau Maori kite aru i te reo me
nga take kura kaupapa Maori mo a ratou tamariki. He
aha hoki nga matua kihai i whai atu, i tiltaha mai ai i
nga kura ako i te reo. I puta, i kitea hoki nga mea
whai take ke te manaaki ki te patu ranei i nga tikanga
poipoi, til awhina i nga ri5pu.
Abstract
In a Foundation for Research, Science and Technol-
ogy funded study undertaken by the James Henare
Maori Research Centre in 1994/95, two and often three
generations of Tai Tokerau whanau living in Otara,
Auckland, participated in intensive interviews to es-
tablish the factors relevant to Maori child socialisation
in urban settings, and through interviews with the
grandparent generation, in earlier rural contexts. Ap-
proximately one half of the whanau were involved in
ki5hanga reo/kura kaupapa schools. One half were not.
The specific focus of the paper is to explore the part
that kohanga reo and kura kaupapa has to play in the
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
socialisation process, the motivations of families in
seeking Maori language and kaupapa Maori educa-
tion for their children, and the reasons parents opted
for or against Maori language schools. The factors with
the potential to enhance or undermine the socialising
and supporting roles of ki5hanga were also identified.
Introduction
Maori Families as Contexts for Child
Socialisation
'Maori families' have been the focus of psychologi-
cal (e.g. Ritchie 1964, Ritchie & Ritchie 1989), and
anthropological (e.g. Hohepa 1970, Kawharu 1975,
Metge 1964) research, and the topic of many academic,
political and social debates.
They have been variously approached as the arte-
fact, the cause, the results of, explanations for, and
examples of such things as Maori underachievement,
the evils of child neglect, deficient childrearing and
socialisation practices (Stewart-Harawira 1995), and
the justifications for assimilationist and integrationist
policies and approaches to Maori.
Discussion of contemporary Maori, and features
of contemporary Maori life, almost invariably high-
light and describe how these have been affected and
changed by a myriad of economic, social and politi-
cal pressures, to name but a few. Again these discus-
sions often reflect the view that Maori are but seeds
on the wind, buffeted this way and that, with little
power to control the sorts of change or the direction
of change. Though there is mention of the dynamic
nature, (compared with the passive nature of Maori
society reflected) in the face of change, the general
impression given is that change for Maori is in re-
sponse to outside forces, not focussed, purposeful
change on the part of Maori themselves.
Earlier research on Maori families identified Maori
practices of childrearing as explaining Maori 'prob-
He PUKenga K6rero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2, 1996
lems', the solution being the adaptation of Maori to a
new society by learning to rear their children differ-
ently. Research findings such as those of the Rakau
studies (Beaglehole & Ritchie 1958) were seen as evi-
dence supporting the argument that assimilation was
the path forward for Maori.
They [Maori] are able successfully to enjoy the urban
environment and generally to withstand its strains
without leaning on Maori traditions and ties. How-
ever, the Maori families do not deny that they are
Maori ...
They are Maori, but in most cases only in a nominal
way...
This has allowed an easy transition of the second gen-
eration particularly, to pak.eha values ofa correspond-
ing class (Ritchie, 1964: 170).
These kinds ofstudies have drawn criticism from many
quarters over the years (Campbelll958; Metge 1958;
Tahana 1978). Despite the initial criticisms, the views
put forward in these studies gained attention and popu-
larity which has led to observations that far from con-
tributing to the enhancement of Maori community or
psychological well-being the 'Rakau' studies were
responsible for the perpetuation of a cycle of victim-
blaming and cultural initiatives over which Maori had
minimal control (Stewart 1994).
While some of the authors have themselves added
to the discussion and critiques of these earlier studies
(Ritchie & Ritchie 1989), for at least one generation
of Maori families the damage was done, and they
raised their children amidst the notions and attitudes,
and policies and educational programmes that were
propagated.
Maori Families and Urbanisation
During the fifties and sixties, in order to accommo-
date the large numbers of Maori migrating out of iwi
rural areas and into urban areas such as Auckland, the
then State Advances Corporation and Ministry of
Works planned and built new housing estates in Te
Atatu, Mangere and Otara. These housing estates re-
sulted in a concentration of Maori people in particu-
lar areas such as Otara. This was in direct contradic-
tion to the official 'pepper-potting' policy of Maori
Affairs. In Otara, as in other such new suburbs, the
Maori population went as high as 40 percent. Walker
(1990: 198) observed that Maori densities above 10
percent facilitated Maori recruitment and mobilisation
into groups to deal with urban life adjustment.
Walker proposed developmental stages Maori mov-
ing into urban areas could be seen as going through.
He described these as developmental tasks. The first
being 1. The learning of necessary survival skills for
urban society such as adapting to regular employment,
all cash economy, nuclear living.
For Maori families moving to Otara and other ur-
ban settlements, urbanisation meant at least living
biculturally, at most surrendering "to the Pakeha im-
perative of assimilation.". Walker ( 1990) cited a study
in Otara in the late sixties showing how pervious this
imperative could be. It was found that the nuclear fam-
ily had become the household unit for the hundred
Maori homes surveyed.
This urban movement posed a threat to other Maori
cultural ways of living, the most noticeable being the
threatened loss of Maori language. Many Maori fami-
lies did not bring their children up speaking Maori
(Clay 1982). Those that did, found it extremely diffi-
cult if not impossible, to maintain their children's
Maori language competencies once they went to
school.
For Maori families, to reject the assimilationist
agenda involved a commitment to cultural continuity.
This resulted in a second developmental task; 2. The
heightening of consciousness of Maori identity and
perceiving the need to ensure its continuity, expressed
through the formation of kapa haka groups, Maori
sports clubs, iwi associations, urban iwi-specific and
multi-iwi marae.
A third developmental task became evident in the
early eighties. The development of cultural assertive-
ness and confidence in Maori identity evidenced in
the emergence ofKohanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa Maori,
growing demands for a fair share of economic, media
and other national resources.
Part of this developmental task can be seen in ef-
forts to reaffirm and revitalise Maori child socialisation
practices and Maori conceptualisation of whanau.
Kohanga Reo, as well as an intervention aimed at re-
vitalising Maori language, emerged as a mechanism
towards achieving this.
Te Kohanga Reo
In the early 1980's Maori were focusing on the sur-
vival of te reo Maori in a way which united a wide
range of Maori interest groups (Smith 1989). Out of
this unity of purpose came the notion of 'Te Kohanga
Reo', the language nest. Appeals from the people to
preserve and revitalise the Maori language culminated
in the idea for Maori language preschool centres.
 He PUKenga KOrero
Whanau education programmes which emphasised
Maoritanga and kinship values at the pre-school level
were identified at the Tii Tangata Wananga
Whakatauira held in 1980 as a vital strategy in arrest-
ing the loss of Maori language.
At the 1981 Wananga Whakatauira a resolution was
passed regarding the necessity of bilingual pre-school
programmes. The Department of Maori Affairs then
began negotiations for a Maori pre-school project.
However, rather than lobbying for a bilingual project,
it proposed a pre-school education programme involv-
ing total immersion in Maori language, incorporating
Maori whanau values (Fleras 1983).
The first 'Te Kohanga Reo' was opened at the
Pukeatua Kokiri Centre, Wainuiomata, in April1982,
following a pilot project tested the previous year at
the same location. During the first half of the eighties,
Te Kohanga Reo accounted for two thirds of the
growth recorded in New Zealand childcare numbers.
By 1991 about 44 percent of Maori children in pre-
school education and care were in kohanga reo (Davies
& Nicholl 1993).
The rapid development and growth of Te Kohanga
Reo occurred for a number of interrelated reasons.
Firstly, it became a focus for Maori deeply concerned
with the impending Joss of spoken Maori. It provided
a setting where infants, pre-schoolers, parents and
kaumatua could hear and speak the language con-
stantly. Maori parents perceived the potential of Te
Kohanga Reo for validating Maori language within a
structure which recognises and affirms Maori beliefs
and practices (Smith 1989).
Further, Te Kohanga Reo is structured so that par-
ents, as part of the whanau who are collectively re-
sponsible for the operation of the kohanga, could be
involved positively in the educational planning and
development for their children on practical and politi-
cal levels. As Te Kohanga Reo was Maori-initiated,
instigated and operated, whanau did not have to put
themselves in the position of trying to influence state
educational structures to meet their needs and desires
for their children's pre-school education.
Young Maori parents are able to draw upon traditional
whanau or extended family practices of child care,
where kaumatua and others take on part of the nurtur-
ing and socialising roles for their children during the
working day. As previously argued, urbanisation had
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
undermined the power of the whanau and endangered
the authority structure ofour elders (Ka' ai 1990; Smith
1989).
In drawing on traditional and contemporary Maori
values and practices to provide a childcare programme,
for which the decisions for the setting up and man-
agement are made by Maori, in centres staffed mainly
by Maori, Maori people are demonstrating the desire
and ability to decide what is wanted with regards to
the socialisation and education of their children. Maori
are exercising the right to control the context and con-
tent of that education in other such Maori initiatives
as Kura Kaupapa Maori (immersion schooling based
on Maori philosophy).
This has been achieved despite the grudging ac-
knowledgment that a "kohanga reo may have the po-
tential to assume the functions of Maori families" but
at the expense of "inadequate attention given to the
quality of care given, to educational objectives, and
to the transition into bilingual education when chil-
dren go to school" (Ritchie and Ritchie, 1989:124).
Besides, Benton (1993:2) clearly shows in a Ministe-
rial report that kohanga reo is not primarily about
childcare, about education, or about preparation for
school," ... the primary goal of the kohanga movement,
the revitalization of the community through the revi-
talization of the language."
Kohanga is about enabling Maori families to draw on
cultural socialisation patterns which have been se-
verely undermined for most of this century whilst try-
ing to ensure that Maori language continues to exist
(Hohepa, Smith, Smith & McNaughton 1992).
Family Socialisation
Family socialisation is defined here as the many fami-
lies bring up their children to become members of a
particular culture, learning how to act and think and
feel in culturally acceptable and appropriate ways. Jane
and James Ritchie have defined socialisation as "a
method for attaining culturally defined behavioural,
cognitive, and affective goals" (1989 102).
Culture itself at any given point of time, is not the
fixed product or outcome of a 'unidirectional trans-
mission process' (Rogoff 1990; Valsiner 1988). It is a
dynamic 'mesh' of cultural identity which is both co-
herent and unifying at a community level and is ex-
pressed in varying ways at the level of individuals
(Valsiner 1988). The process of socialisation involves
the transmission and transformation of culture within
and across generations.
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
Socialisation includes both education in the fam-
ily, and so-called formal education (Greenfield and
Cocking 1994) which in this modern Aotearoa occurs
for the most part outside the family. Where formal
education culture reflects family culture, socialisation
can be expected to be relatively unproblematic. How-
ever, continuity of socialisation of the home into
schooling settings has hardly been the case for Maori.
This is strikingly so at the level of language, where
for various generations of Maori there has been a stark,
and in some cases brutal, discontinuity in the language
of socialisation from home to school. Some
socialisation theorists advocate a bicultural adjustment
for 'minorities' such as Maori.
Successful biculturalism implies that ancestral values
are retained, often embodied in new practices, as new
values and practices are learned and incorporated into
life in general and socialisation in particular
(Greenfield, 1994:29). .
This represents a shift from the assimilationist per-
spectives, particularly of the sixties (see e.g. Huon
Report 1961) where 'successful' socialisation equalled
the degree to which minorities such as Maori had
moved away from 'traditional' childrearing practices
to dominant childrearing practices. But how much of
a shift? Success is still considered in terms of how
acculturated a minority group becomes, albeit
shrouded in a benevolent attitude towards its culture.
To Kohanga or not to Kohanga
Background to Study
The study this paper draws from addressed a range of
research questions related to the continuity and change
in the socialisation of Maori across generations and
across rural and urban settings. The following ques-
tions were also posed. As an adaptation can kohanga
reo be seen as an agent of socialisation? What has
motivated whanau to seek or not to seek Maori lan-
guage education for their children? What do whanau
see as the benefits of kohanga and kura for their chil-
dren?
This paper also looks at how 'kohanga whanau'
and 'non-kohanga' whanau compare and contrast in
terms of what they identify as problems they face, how
they perceive their ability to cope and their knowl-
edge of Maori support systems available to them.
Twenty four South Auckland Maori whanau who
had iwi affiliations to Tai Tokerau (Northland) took
part in structured interviews. Family members across
two to three generations participated; twenty five from
the first or grandparent generation, thirty seven from
the second or parents generation and ten in the third
or parents' children's generation. A questionnaire was
prepared for each generation in English and in Maori.
Many questions in the grandparent questionnaire were
repeated in the parent interviews. This enabled com-
parisons of responses to be made. There was also some
replication of questions in the third generation's ques-
tionnaire.
Interviews were carried out in the language of the
participants' choosing. These were taped and tran-
scribed so that actual conversations were captured.
Analysis was carried out using quantitative and quali-
tative methods. (Percentages have been used in an at-
tempt to gauge commonalities of experiences. They
carry no statistical significance and make no state-
ments about the representativeness of the sample.)
In the community agencies survey component of
the study (Kainamu 1995), representatives of staff
working in community agencies (social welfare,
churches, police, schools), kura and kohanga located
in Otara were interviewed. In total38 interviews were
completed, involving 17 individual community agen-
cies, a senior police representative, and representa-
tives of 4 preschools, 1 high school, 9 kohanga reo
and 1 kura. Interviews were analysed to identify what
factors were perceived as having major significance
in either aiding or impeding child socialisation and
family development of Maori families and whanau in
this urban setting.
Kohanga Reo and Kura Kaupapa Maori
Whanau
Grandparents
Fourteen of the grandparents interviewed had grand-
children attending kohanga reo or kura kaupapa Maori.
Of these 87 percent felt that they had influenced the
decision whether the children went or not. Some
played very active roles in their grandchildren's
kohanga attendance.
At that time my daughter was working and I had my
grandchild. We [grandchild and grandmother]
stayed at home. I was bored so went in search of a
place to go so we can get out of the house. I found
a kohanga reo.
I guess in a way probably because the kohanga is
on my property and because the parents chose to
 He PUKenga KOrero
and they wanted the kohanga here. Even the ones
who don't live in the area come to this kohanga.
Almost all the grandparents felt that kura and
kohanga were good things, mainly because there was
a need to know Maori things. A few thought it strength-
ened the family. Some also saw kohanga as a way to
return to some of the socialisation values and prac-
tices of their childhoods.
[Kohanga and kura] are a good thing. Closest thing
to the way I was brought up, whanaungatanga, shar-
ing and caring for others.
The teaching methods were fine. When I went there
they had one thing in mind, a whanau as family.
For one grandfather, kohanga was a way for his
family to reclaim knowledge that was theirs as a Maori
family but which he had not had the opportunity to
learn.
Good learning our Maori kaupapa, they carry it on
in the schools. Maori is our first language. I never
had the chance but my mokopuna have got that
chance now.
One grandmother said kohanga had been the mak-
ing of her. A Maori speaker, she had learned to use
her reo confidently at kohanga. She also said she had
learned values from kohanga reo and learned to un-
derstand things Maori.
One grandmother who plays an active role in
kohanga thought it was hard to judge whether kohanga
was a good or bad thing at this time as it had only
been in existence for a relatively short time.
I'm on the fence on that one. Only time is going to
prove whether it is a good thing and twelve years
down the track it might not have worked. The im-
portant thing is to instil in the children the desire to
leam. If they want to Jearn, that's half the battle
won.
Another grandparent felt kohanga reo were bad
because the children who went may not be able to keep
up with 'the Pak.eha area'.
One grandparent who had had grandchildren at-
tending kohanga before the time of this study said it
was the mother's decision to send the children. She
had a more cynical view about why kohanga was cho-
sen by some parents.
Had another daughter with her kids at kohanga. I
think mothers today take their kids to kohanga to
get them out of the way.
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2, 1996
Parents
Sixteen of the parent generation had children who had
attended kohanga reo or kura. Parents had multiple
and interrelated reasons for wanting their children to
attend kohanga reo. These related to their own per-
ceived lack of knowledge and skills in things Maori,
their own and their children's identity as Maori, their
feelings of separation from whanau, the beliefs and
behaviours they valued and saw kohanga reo as being
able to provide. The reason given most often by par-
ents for wanting their children to attend kohanga or
kura kaupapa was so they would learn to speak Maori.
The next most popular reason was to help their chil-
dren develop Maori identity and have Maoritanga as
an integral part of their upbringing. That kohanga
taught children to share was also an often given re-
sponse. Other responses were for their child to mix
with Maori children, and to learn that people are equal.
I put my baby there because she looked lonely ..... to
be there with kids her own age. She enjoyed it and
I put my boy in it and he loved it... .. The kohanga is
taking over the parent role not as a babysitting serv-
ice, taking over and doing what I can't do myself
and teaching them the Maori language that I wasn't
taught myself.... My boy at 3 and 4 is singing songs
in Maori. I could never do that as a little boy.
... there was noone around here, no whanau close
by. ... I wanted them to go to a place where they'd
teach him to be able to go to different places and
mix in with different people. I wanted them to Jeam
the Maori side of life, to be able to speak the lan-
guage.
First its the language, with the values [they] teach
my baby. She shows it in her attitude, in her way of
speaking. She's quite ahead of all the other, my all,
other nephews. She's far far more advanced than
all the other ones who don't go to Kohanga.
Kohanga 's done pretty well with Maori.
I wanted them to leam their reo Maori just like we
weren't brought up, I wasn't. But I wanted them to
speak Maori and that.
Most parents indicated that kohanga provided op-
portunities for their children to be socialised as Maori
children in ways and in a language that they had been
denied. On the other hand, two parents said they
.wanted their children to go to kohanga and kura be-
cause it provided the closest thing to the way they had
been brought up.
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. I996
One mother admitted that sending her children to
kohanga had not been her choice. However, she now
saw that it had turned out to be a positive learning
experience for herself, as well as her child.
For the first time it wasn't really me, it was just what
my dad wanted, so I did it. .... It was good because
my son he loves going there, learns heaps of Maori,
teaching me a lot.
Strengths and Problems
As shown above, parents said that the good things
about kohanga were to do with children learning to
speak Maori and Maori values. Also the teachers were
good and so was learning in general. Forty four per-
cent of parents in kohanga said that everything about
kohanga was good. Children learning about protocol
for marae and home were also perceived as good as-
pects. Preparing children for school and mixing with
other children were other positive things said about
kohanga.
The greatest problems with kohanga for these par-
ents whose children attended were lack of funding and
resources. Lack of parental help was seen as another
problem for the teachers. Another parent-related prob-
lem identified by two parents echoed that of a grand-
parent mentioned above, that some families used
kohanga as babysitting services.
Some whanau use kohanga as a babysitting service.
dump their kids and go. Kohanga whanau accept
this happens because they would rather see children
attend kohanga ...
One parent said that lack of outings was a problem
in their kohanga.
For those who had children currently in kura the
best things about it were seen to be the sharing and
caring aspects and the whanaungatanga. The major
problems included lack of funding and resources, lack
of parental help and concern about what happened
when their child finished primary years of kura.
Non Kohanga Reo I Kura Kaupapa Maori
Parents
Of the twenty one parents whose children had not at-
tended kohanga, 86 percent said their children had
gone to other early childhood educational centres of
some sort, with wide ranges in length and regularity
of attendance. The main reasons given for sending their
children there were accessibility, the presence of good
teachers, or for the opportunity of mixing with other
children. One parent said it was because she had at-
tended a particular centre herself as a child. Other re-
sponses referred to the positive aspects of these cen-
tres; they were cheap and there were good resources.
Thirty eight percent of these parents had consid-
ered kohanga reo but had not sent their children there
for the following reasons - they did not like the pro-
gramme, they disagreed with total immersion, or the
schools were not readily accessible. One parent ob-
jected to smacking. Some said they would have sent
their children to kohanga if it had existed when their
children were young.
Kohanga reo wasn 't around at the time. Planning to
send youngest to kohanga when the time comes.
For two families, one of the parents not being Maori
had been a major consideration in not sending chil-
dren to kohanga.
Children 's father is Rarotongan. But, um yeah, we
did consider kohanga for one son, to learn a bit
about his other side, being half Raro. We had con-
sidered sending him to kohanga reo and looked at
two kohanga for this. The first kohanga used smack-
ing as a form ofdiscipline. Didn 't agree with it. New
parents weren 't encouraged to stay with the child
and I didn 't like the atmosphere. The other kohanga
was total immersion Maori which meant we would
have difficulty communicating with children while
at kohanga cos I don 't have the reo. So chose Te
Reo Rarotonga.
I wanted to put them into a kohanga reo but the fa-
ther doesn 't want to . ... Not sending them because
of their father who is a Cook Islander.
Of the ten parents whose children attended non-
Maori primary schools, conventional public schools
had been selected by seven. Three parents sent their
children to bilingual units. Only one parent had con-
sidered attendance at a kura kaupapa Maori school.
They did not send their children there because the
conventional school offered 'excellent cultural pro-
grammes' and was therefore regarded to be a good
substitute.
The parents reasons for sending their children to
conventional public primary schools were mainly re-
lated to the accessibility of such schools, and for
slightly fewer parents their approval of the teachers.
A smaller number cited " low cost" as a reason. These
reasons outweighed what the parents saw as problems
with these schools such as poor parent-school com-
munication and lack of parent participation.
 He PUKenga K6rero
Kohanga Reo and Kura Teachers'
Perceptions
A parallel survey conducted with community organi-
sations supplied providers perceptions of service in
Otara. There was a considerable amount of overlap in
what people in the whanau survey and kohanga reo
and kura kaupapa administrators and teachers had to
say about reasons for attending, the strengths and prob-
lems of kohanga and kura.
Kohanga reo and kura thought families and whanau
invariably joined because they wanted their children
to have te reo Maori and tikanga Maori. Other
motivations were seen to be in parents' own experi-
ences with conventional and state schools, their own
desires to learn te reo and tikanga, and political rea-
sons such as wanting 'tino rangatiratanga'.
Kohanga reo and kura expressed the expectation
that families and whanau should contribute to all ar-
eas of their operations. Inability to participate was at-
tributed to such things as lack of confidence and low
self esteem, and the socio-economic circumstances of
whanau. However families and whanau were seen as
generally helping out where they could.
Lack of resources which in turn hindered the de-
livery of services were identified as a source of stress
and frustration. It was believed that there was inad-
equate funding to train and replace staff and to pur-
chase equipment, especially Maori resources (which
were in scarce supply anyway). It was felt that this in
turn left whanau to provide resources which they were
often ill-equipped to do.
There was a general recognition that many parents
needed to improve their own level of education. Be-
cause of positive interaction existing between fami-
lies and the centres and kura, there was a belief that
similar Maori institutions would be best at providing
for this. Those interviewed believed that indeed many
of the parents were involved in self improvement.
Examples given included parents attending courses
and returning to training and education.
Kohano-a
I:'
and kura described their strengths in terms
of the strong and positive influences they felt they had
on: the use of te reo and tikanga Maori in the chil-
dren's homes; the way the parents cared for their chil-
dren and taught their children at home; and the goals
the parents had for their children and their family. It
was also thought that parents networked with other
community agencies through their participation with
kohanga reo and kura. The belief that the economic,
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2, 1996
spiritual and political nature of the family was influ-
enced by kohanga reo and kura involvement was also
expressed.
Discussions and Conclusions
Following the Waitangi Tribunal recommendation of
1986. Maori was declared to be an official language
of N~w Zealand (Maori Language Act 1987). It can
be argued that legislating Maori as an official language
not only highlights the right Maori have to maintain
te reo, but Maori culture as well (Nicholson & Gar-
land 1991). For Maori to realise the revitalisation and
maintenance of Maori language and culture, it stands
to reason that Maori also require the right to socialise
their children in ways that express, reflect and thus
ensure the continuation of Maori language, beliefs,
values and practices.
The major reasons parents involved in this study
gave for wanting their children to attend kohanga and
kura were the strong desire for, and value placed on
Maori skills and knowledge, especially in te reo Maori,
and Maori whanau practices. These reasons were also
expressed by kohanga reo themselves. The desired
Maori skills and knowledge which provide the impe-
tus for whanau to send their children to kohanga were
also identified as key positive aspects of kohanga.
Kohanga reo was reported as providing opportunities
to access and acquire these not only for the children,
but also for their parents and, in some instances, grand-
parents. In this respect, kohanga can be seen as an
agent of socialisation not only for the children who
attend, but for other members of their whanau.
The influence ofkohanga reo on family and whanau
socialisation may also be inferred by correlating other
findings of the study. If we make the assumption that
the more successfully socialised families and whanau
have less problems, it can be argued that any relation-
ships found between belonging to kohanga reo and
the degree of problems parents believe they experi-
ence with their children are significant ones in terms
of our initial questions. Certainly, fewer parents whose
children went to kohanga reo said they had problems
with their children (32 percent) compared with par-
ents of non-kohanga reo families (55 percent).
Likewise, a fairly safe assumption is that appro-
priate support is a condition of families and whanau
operating successfully. But knowledge of support is a
necessary precondition of access and utilisation. Cer-
tainly in this study, more kohanga reo parents were
aware of and named services that they identified as
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
providing support to Maori families in their commu-
nity (58 percent) compared with non kohanga parents
(18 percent). Figures for actual utilisation however are
not available. However, the belief that parents often
networked with other community agencies through
their participation with kohanga reo and kura was ex-
pressed by their representatives.
Kohanga is perceived by kohanga whanau involved
in this study as meeting their needs and providing a
context to help them realise goals and aspirations they
have for their children. However, these whanau iden-
tified areas that have the potential to undermine the
socialising and supporting roles that kohanga reo play
for their whanau. The resourcing and funding of
kohanga is clearly seen as problematic, both by
whanau and kohanga reo and kura. Other problems
identified related to administrative aspects and to the
form and degree of parent participation in kohanga.
Kohanga reo believed that the personal and economic
characteristics of parents played a role in parents' abili-
ties to participate. This highlights another area in need
of exploring: how whanau and parents can be helped
to develop and maintain an active participatory role
in kohanga that in turn provides a strong supporting
base for kohanga and kura, as well as enabling the
agendas of language and cultural learning and con-
tinuation, to be achieved.
A major reason given by non-kohanga parents who
had considered kohanga as an option for children not
attending was inaccessibility, due to cost, location, or
because it had not existed when their children were
preschoolers. The enthusiasm and drive that marked
the early development of kohanga must be sustained
in order for all Maori parents to have real and afford-
able opportunity to choose kohanga reo as a site for
early education and cultural socialisation of their chil-
dren.
Another reason given for not sending children to
kohanga was that one of the parents not being Maori.
This raises critical questions relating to the roles and
responsibilities of non-Maori in ensuring the survival
and revitalisation of Maori language and culture
(Nicholson & Garland 1991), especially in instance
of intermarriage.
For the whanau who participated in this study on
Maori whanau and child socialisation, urbanisation has
presented varying challenges for each generation. Per-
haps one of the most noticeable challenges has been
to remain Maori and continue to function as Maori
whanau, drawing on Maori preferred values, beliefs
and practices to bring up children. The complete re-
port shows that each generation who took part in this
study placed a great deal of importance on Maori
knowledge and beliefs. This was clearly expressed in
family members' responses. However, each genera-
tion tended to highlight different aspects of these, very
much reflecting the realities, and the perceived threats
to Maori ways, facing each generation. For example,
among the grandparent generation many of whom
became separated from their elders in the move to the
city, one emphasis seemed to be on the roles of and
respect to be accorded to elders. For the parent gen-
eration, language and whanaungatanga tended to be
focussed on. Maori developments of each day also
reflect particular concerns. The present day develop-
ments such as kohanga reo and kura can be contrasted
with such developments as the building of urban
marae, which amongst other things accorded roles to
urban kaumatua. The forming of various Maori com-
mittees and cultural groups in the sixties again pro-
vided opportunities to be Maori in the new urban set-
ting.
One of the things we do not know from the wider
study is whether or not the shifts in socialisation prac-
tices and experiences reflected in the participants'
accounts also took place in rural, hapii and iwi com-
munities. Or were they peculiar to the social changes
that have taken place in urban areas such as Otara?
Questions could be asked relating to whether kohanga
and kura in rural, still largely hapii based, communi-
ties face the same challenges, meet the same needs
and provide the same sorts of support that they do in
urban areas? Similarly, questions regarding the wider
socialisation goals of, and issues facing, these kinds
of communities also come to mind.
As previously stated, kohanga reo is perceived by
kohanga whanau involved in this study as meeting their
needs and providing a context to help them realise
goals and aspirations they have for their children.
Those whanau that had children continue onto kura
kaupapa Maori also expressed satisfaction. However
we are not able to elaborate greatly on the factors that
influence the decisions of whanau to either send their
children from kohanga to kura kaupapa Maori, or con-
tinue Maori language medium schooling at a conven-
tional school unit or classroom, or to opt for conven-
tional schooling. This is another obvious area for fur-
ther research by Maori researchers and others com-
mitted to the continuation of Maori culture and lan-
guage into the twenty first century.
 He PUKenga KOrerO Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2, 1996

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He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
MAORI MATHEMATICS
Ian Christensen
Department of Maori Studies, Massey University
Whakarapopoto Korero
Nate iinga rawa maio te piinaha matauranga o tauiwi,
ka ahua naaro
c
atu te matauranga pangarau 0 nga matua.
tipuna, me nga ahuatanga whakaako motuhake 1
tukuna iho ai taua matauranga ki nga whakatipuranga.
Otira, i rota i te ngahuru tau kua pahure nei, kua tfmata
te whakatii haere i nga Kura Kaupapa Maori me nga
whakaakoranga riimaki, a, kua hoki ana te Maori ki te
ata kimi atu i nga ahuatanga motuhake o te pangarau
Maori, e angitii ai nga tauira o enei tiimomo kura. K~
tika. me matau enei tauira ki nga ahuatanga e wha1
wahi atu ai ratou ki nga tiiranga ngaiotanga o te ao
hou, engari, me mau ·tonu te ha Maori, kaua e
whakamaori noa ita te Pakeha whakaako i te pangarau.
I tenei tuhinga ka tirohia te whanaketanga o te
pangarau Maori, me etahi o ana ahuatanga motuhake
e tangatanga ai te eke a nga tauira i nga taumata.
Abstract
Imposition of cojonial education has interrupted the
inter-generational development and passing down of
Maori mathematical understanding, knowledge and
skill. Maori have also not achieved well in the math-
ematics of the imposed education system. The ad-
vent of Kura Kaupapa Maori and other forms of im-
mersion schooling, and the publication by the Minis-
try of Education of a mathematics curriculum docu-
ment for those schools provides an opportunity tore-
claim Maori mathematics. It is important that Maori
children are equipped with the mathematical skills and
understanding necessary for entry into a wide range
of contemporary professions, at the same time as en-
suring that the Maori pedagogy of the schools is not
compromised. Simply translating existing school
mathematics practice and resource material (which has
not served Maori weJJ in the past) into Maori may be
inappropriate. This paper reviews the development
of contemporary Maori mathematics, and discusses
some of its important features.
Introduction
The publication by the Ministry of Education in 1994
of the draft curriculum statement for the teaching of
mathematics in Kura Kaupapa Maori and other Maori
immersion schools (primary and secondary) was a
milestone in the development of Maori mathematics.
It provides an ideal opportunity to both look back and
review what Ohia ( 1995) has called the Maori Math-
ematics Movement, as well as to look forward and
focus on the issues that will shape Maori mathematics
into the year 2000.
Maori society before the arrival of tauiwi had well
developed understandings of pattern, relationship,
measurement, shape, interconnectedness, indeed the
many elements that collectively make up the area of
study called mathematics. These understandings, of-
ten intuitive, sometimes deductive were necessary in
order for Maori of the time to prosper in their world.
Mathematical knowledge and understanding was ap-
plied to things such as building and building design
(canoes, houses, platforms, tools, fortifications etc),
navigation, weather forecasting, keeping track of time
and the changes of the seasons, making art works,
genealogy, gardening, and a number of other fields of
endeavour (see Riini and Riini, 1993; Barton and
Fairhall, 1995). Many of these activities remain an
integral part of Maori society in the 21st century, oth-
ers have have declined in favour of new forms of tech-
nology and knowledge.
The breakdown in Maori society and the inter-
generational passing on of knowledge. caused by the
imposition of colonial rule and educatwn, has meant
that Maori mathematics has not been retained and de-
veloped over a period of some 150 years. This paper
is a discussion ofthe contemporary Maori Mathemat-
ics Movement, and the efforts to re-capture some of
the lost ground and ensure that Maori children of the
21st century will prosper in their world in terms of the
understandings and advantages that mathematical
knowledge and skill can equip them with.
The Maori Mathematics Movement
Barton and Fairhall ( 1995) have traced the develop-
ment of a Maori vocabulary for mathematics begin-
nino- in the late 1970's with the publication of a Maori
lan;uage picture dictionary (Cleave, Mataira and Pere,
 He PUKenga K6rero
1978) with two pages being devoted to mathematical
terms, and the bilingual resource booklets written by
Toby Rikihana (1982) for various curriculum areas,
including mathematics. The burgoening development
of secondary school bilingual units in the early 1980's
saw for the first time teachers of mathematics and
Maori language experts meeting regularly to further
develop items of vocabulary. More importantly how-
ever, these meetings provided the opportunity for those
involved to discuss for the first time the idea of Maori
mathematics, and what that might be. Teachers were
not only tackling the problem of a Maori mathematics
vocabulary (see Barton, Fairhall and Trinick 1995),
but were also signalling the innappropriateness of the
structure of secondary schools for kaupapa Maori edu-
cation. Some of the wider issues faced by teachers at
the time were:
1. The categorisation of knowledge into subject
areas with little connection between them. Ef-
forts were made to bring the Maori language
syllabus into that for mathematics, later, the
aligning of the mathematics syllabus to the topics
and themes of the Maori language syllabus. This
was an early attempt within the confines of an
inappropriate system toward a more holistic
approach to learning and teaching.
2. The rotating of students around teachers (and
their subject disciplines) every hour. This gave
little time for getting to know the students on a
more personal level, for implementing tikanga
Maori within the classroom, such as whakatau
korero, mahi-a-whanau. Teachers faced the
dilemma of 'getting through the prescribed
syllabus'- the perception that they would disad-
vantage their students if the syllabus was not
covered completely, and also ensuring that te reo
Maori and tikanga Maori had an integral presence
within the classroom, that the learning and
teaching was conducted in a culturally appropri-
ate way. A new structure to help overcome these
problems was put in place in some schools. The
maths teacher or the Maori language teacher also
became the bilingual class teacher for other
subjects. The students did not have to cope with
as many teachers and their different styles, less
time was wasted in moving around from teacher
to teacher, and one teacher could more easily
ensure that there was some integration of the two
or three subjects that they were teaching, and
therefore move toward a more integrated, holistic
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
curriculum.
3. The lack of support for Maori language within
other areas of the school. Bilingual classes
helped make Maori students more aware of their
language, and the way it was treated became a
matter of importance to them. They had strength
of numbers within the bilingual whanau to feel
more confident in expressing their views. No
longer was the mispronunciation of Maori names
and other cultural transgressions by the system
acceptable to them. This growing politicisation
manifested itself in clashes between bilingual
class students and some less sympathetic teach-
ers. Inevitably, it was left to the Maori or bilin-
gual class teacher to seek a resolution to the
conflict.
In exploring ways to overcome these problems, and
ensure that Maori students began to enjoy greater suc-
cess in mathematics (see Ministry of Education an-
nual report for Maori education 1994/95 for a discus-
sion of Maori achievement rates), the notion that Maori
mathematics was more than a mere translation of ex-
isting mathematics into Maori language was promoted.
More recently, Karetu (1995) has expressed a similar
sentiment:
Tera etahi kaupapa kua noho tangata whenua ke ki
tera o nga reo, a, mena ka tahuri te tangata ki te
whakawhiti i aua korero kite reo Maori, he hinengaro
whiri tana kai, ka mutu, ina oti ana tana whakamaori,
ka noho manene tonu taua whakaaro, ahakoa kua
kakahuria ki ona kupu Maori.
The expression of ideas such as these has been
fundamantal in the process of beginning to reclaim
Maori mathematics for Maori students, and ensure that
Maori mathematics does not become like a 'Trojan
Horse' and contribute even further to the destruction
of the conceptual base and essential ethos of Maori
culture (see Barton and Fairhall 1995).
The advent of Kura Kaupapa Maori, and other
models of immersion teaching in the late 1980's
brought with it a greater urgency to develop Maori
mathematics and the support material and mechanisms
necessary for its effective learning and teaching within
these schools. While the era of development spear-
headed by the secondary school bilingual movement
described above was successful, and extremely im-
portant in the area of vocabulary development and in
building up a small body of expertise in Maori math-
ematics, it was not as successful in transferring that
expertise to a wider audience, enthusing and equip-
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2. 1996
ping the new and existing generation of teachers with
Maori mathematics skills. There has also been little
official support for schools, their communities and
teachers, who have been grappling with the notion of
Maori mathematics for some time.
The Draft Curriculum Statement for
Mathematics
The new curriculum statement for mathematics was
an opportunity therefore to cast the net wider to draw
more teachers in to the Maori Mathematics Movement,
and begin to provide a more coordinated support base
for the movement. It was important that the curricu-
lum document was consistent with and able to sup-
port Maori aspiration. The vision or aspiration left by
Sir Apirana Ngata is not disimiliar to those expressed
more recently in Te Aho Matua, the guiding
philisophical document for Kura Kaupapa Maori and
by Professor Mason Dur:ie in his opening address to
the inauguaral conference (1995) ofthe National As-
sociation of Maori Mathematicians, Scientists and
Technologists (NAMMSAT ).
... ko tou ringa ki nga rakau a te Pakeha hei oranga mi5
tou tinana, ko tou ngakau ki nga taonga a ou tipuna
hei tikitiki mi5 tou mahunga ... (Ta Apirana Ngata)
Kia kaua te tamaiti e berea ki te ao kohatu. Kia watea
hoki ia ki te kapo mai i nga painga, i nga maramatanga
katoa o te ao whanui. Haunga tera, ko te timatanga
tika mona, ko te whai haere tonu i nga korero tuku iho
a nga matua tilpuna epa ana kite timatanga o te taiao.
(Te Aho Matua)
First, in a global economy and a competitive world,
positive Maori development has little chance of suc-
ceeding ifit lacks a highly skilled work force. A posi-
tive approach to Maori human development is needed
so that the necessary mix of skills and professional
competencies are available to provide expert guidance
across the range of developmental activities. Second,
and related to the first point, unless Maori develop-
ment has a Maori soul and is able to hear a Maori
heart beat, then it might just as well be a Pakeha pro-
gramme for Maori. (Durie, 1995)
In line with current thinking, if Sir Apirana were giv-
ing his advice in 1995 he may have been more in-
clined to have said "tou ringa ki nga rakau ate ao hou
hei oranga mi5 ti5u tinana". This is consistent with the
idea that the tools, technology and knowledge of con-
temporary society are very much part of Maori real-
ity, and therefore belong as much to Maori as they do
to Pakeha. The promotion of technological advances
(eg. the computer), as Pakeha technology, will con-
tinue to disenfranchise Maori children in terms of
owning for themselves such technology and the ben-
efits and access that can accrue from it. Mathematics
is a powerful tool of contemporary society, greater
mathematical literacy among Maori can only assist
iwi and Maori development, and provide more
equitible access to the 'global economy and competi-
tive world' (Durie 1995).
The Ministry of Education required that the math-
ematics curriculum statement contain at least, the same
achievement objectives as those in the mainstream
version of the document. This caused some dissen-
sion and mistrust that the document was going to be
hijacked and the result would be a Pakeha curriculum
clothed in Maori language. As the work progressed,
it became more acceptable that perhaps the document
was nothing more than a baseline statement of the skills
and knowledge that children would need to progress
through in order to become competent in mathemat-
ics, and such a statement was not inconsistent with
Maori aspiration, and local Maori control of Kura
Kaupapa Maori. In short, it was better to have the
first curriculum statement for Maori mathematics and
the beginnings of official recognition (and therefore
resourcing), than have nothing at all.
... the document is likely to be an in-service tool and
will act as a model of what is possible. It is unlikely
to become a manual for individual teachers. (Barton
and Fairhall 1995)
The greater challenge will be in providing resource
material and other forms of support in order to ensure
that schools, teachers and their communities are able
to translate the document into good Maori mathemat-
ics practice.
1995 saw some provision being made for teacher
development in the area of Maori mathematics. Con-
tracts were let for such provision in some areas of the
country. The hui, discussions and workshops con-
ducted as part of these contracts have been important
in continuing the momentum of Maori mathematics,
of ensuring that Maori mathematics becomes more
than a mere 'clothing' ofPakeha mathematics with te
reo Maori. It is important that such development be
consolidated. An evaluation of the contracts and the
types of development that occurred is in progress at
 He PUKenga K6rero
present and will provide a good indication of the pref-
erences being shown for Maori mathematics by teach-
ers and their communities at the flax roots level.
One example of the re-claiming of Maori math-
ematics that happened during these contracts involved
using important aspects from the local environment
in mathematics teaching. The Te Whanau-a-Apanui
group of schools met with local elders who retold story
and tikanga about the moki, the sea and other aspects
pertinent to the area. Local teachers with the assist-
ance of experts brought in, were then able to create
integrated units of work that contained aspects of
mathematics relating back to the curriculum document.
Resource Material for Maori
Mathematics
For more than a decade, almost all studies of bilin-
gual, immersion, and kaupapa Maori education have
highlighted the lack of quality resource material as
one of the major factors contributing to the difficul-
ties being experienced by the teachers and their com-
munities (see Jacques 1991; Mitchell and Mitchell
1993; O'Rourke 1990; Waite 1992; Benton 1981;
Trinick 1993; Waitangi Tribunal 1986, Waho 1993).
They also highlight the potential of freely available
quality resource material to uplift the programmes of
learning and therefore enhance the outcomes that are
achieved. It is hoped that perhaps the existence of an
'official curriculum' will now ensure that this impor-
tant area is given attention. In regard to the draft cur-
riculum statement for Maori mathematics, quality re-
source material will play an important role in helping
teachers translate the document into effective learn-
ing programmes for students.
The resource material becomes even more impor-
tant when considered alongside the immense work-
load being carried by kaupapa Maori, immersion and
bilingual teachers. The majority of teachers in these
programmes are young (in terms of teaching experi-
ence) and many are second language learners of Maori.
This coupled with the many changes in school admin-
istration and curriculum in recent years has meant that
there are a number of important areas for teachers pro-
fessional development. Understandably, for many,
mathematics has not been a priority area. Quality re-
source material that is learner friendly will never be
able to replace good teachers, it will however make
an immense contribution in terms of providing:
• models of exemplary Maori language used in
mathematical contexts;
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2, 1996
• a consistent and coordinated framework for
teachers to develop their programme around,
giving them confidence that the skills knowledge
and understandings outlined in the curriculum are
being covered;
• a Maori context for the activities and examples
presented in the resource material;
• an integration with other curriculum areas;
• suggestions for activities that will cater for a
variety of different learning styles.
It is important to ensure that the progress made in
the development of Maori mathematics and the les-
sons learnt over the years are not forgotten. It is hoped
that the recent appearance of two mathematics book-
lets from the School Mathematics series translated into
Maori and published by the Ministry of Education is
perhaps just an interim measure that is part of a more
coordinated long term plan to provide appropriate
Maori mathematics resource material.
The unique features of Maori mathematics resource
material would follow the trends emerging from. the
Maori Mathematics Movement, including the follow-
ing:
1. Dewes (1993) promotes D'Ambrosio's model of
ethnomathematics which ensures that mathemat-
ics is generated from the social, economic and
cultural background of Maori. She points out that
a Maori way of thinking is contrary to that which
is at the heart of Western mathematics -
decontextualisation in order to generalise. Dewes
also highlights the levels of power relationships -
that of local community control over the school
and process of education, and the power relation-
ships between Ieamer and teacher ensuring that
learners can begin to take control of their own
learning. Resource material for Maori mathemat-
ics would therefore be embedded in contexts
familiar to Maori learners, and seen as important
by the community, and encourage Maori learners
to make decisions about their learning, and the
activities they engage in.
2. Resource material would support the maintenance
and development of Maori language. The mate-
rial will be rich in language which will emanate
from the contexts of the particular activities. The
material will encourage students to communicate
with each other, with their teachers and whanau
in the completion of activities. The language
used will be of high quality and try to ensure that
what Karetu (1994) has called 'te wairua o te reo'
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I, Number 2. 1996
is maintained, at the same time as expressing
clearly and simply the ideas being presented.
3. The material will use and develop further the
extensive vocabulary that has been developed and
trialed over a number of years. Teachers have
expressed difficulty in coping with the large
number of terms and expressions that have been
developed, their dismay is intensified when these
terms seem to change with no apparent or ex-
plained reason. The recently published glossary
of mathematical terms will go some way to
encouraging teachers to begin using the vocabu-
lary - for the first time, not only is the word
listed, but an explanation of the concept con-
veyed by that word and the root of the word is
also given. It will now be more clear that the
word was not simply plucked from the heavens
by the experts at the Language Commission. It is
unfortunate that 19 out of the 25 'mathematics'
words in the word list of one of the booklets
translated from the School Mathematics series.,
are different from those used in the Mathematics
curriculum. Both are 'official' publications from
the Ministry of Education. The resource material
that is published should not impinge on the
writers freedom to use their own tribal dialect and
words of general usage, however consistency is
called for in the use of specific mathematics
vocabulary. The word 'tapawha' is an example
of the problems that locally coined words can
cause for learners. Tapawha has been used in
some situations for the concept of squaring, or
more precisely raising a number to its second
power. The word really just means 'four sides',
and does not relate to raising a number to its
second power. The problems of conceptual
understanding and cognitive processing that this
causes for learners is made worse when at a
higher level, another word is dreamed up for
raising a number to the power of three or four.
Would it be taparua and tapatoru? When chal-
lenged, teachers have sometimes legitimised the
use of such words as belonging to tribal dialect.
4. Dewes (1993) discusses learning styles and the
difference between right and left brain process-
ing. Mathematics teaching has traditionally
relied on left brain logical and analytical process-
ing, and has not used the capabilities of the right
hemisphere for viewing the whole, for intuitive
problem solving and understanding holistic
interconnectedness of individual parts. She
correctly points out that many Maori have a
natural talent for right-brain processing of infor-
mation and lateral thinking. Maori mathematics
resource material will exploit this talent, the
maths activities will encourage learners to view
and solve problems holistically, to use intuition
and speculation alongside the more traditional
skills of logical and analytical thinking.
5. The activities and tasks included in Maori math-
ematics resource material will involve the stu-
dents in communicating and working with their
whanau. One aspect of kaupapa Maori education
as it has emerged, that is critical in Maori stu-
dents achieving success, is the involvement of
whanau at all levels of the school. The pro-
gramme Tatari, Tautoko, Tauawhi (see Glynn et
al 1993) designed to help in learning to read is
one example of the success that can accrue when
whanau are involved alongside students in the
learning process.
In addition to the five points discussed above,
Maori mathematics resource material will need to rec-
ognise that many teachers themselves have had nega-
tive experiences with and feelings toward mathemat-
ics and will be on a steep learning curve. The resources
must therefore be user friendly, without being too di-
dactic, allowing for teacher creativity as confidence
grows. Maori mathematics resource material will as-
sist teacher development as well as provide quality
learning for students.
Conclusion
Durie (1995) discusses the decade of Maori develop-
ment and highlights the progress made in the increased
number of Maori graduates in business, law, Maori
Studies, education and commerce, and the contribu-
tions that these graduates have been able to bring to
the decade. The challenge in the next decade is to not
only match the improvements in those disciplines with
a corresponding increase in the area of mathematics
and science, but to also ensure that such development
has a strong Maori soul and heart beat. The continued
development of Maori mathematics is important in
meeting this challenge.
The urgent development of quality resource mate-
rials for the learning of mathematics is critical, and
has the potential to greatly enhance the level of math-
ematical skill, knowledge and understanding that stu-
dents will emerge with. Such development cannot be
 He PUKenga K6rero Ngiihuru (Autumn), Volume I, Number 2, 1996

left to already overloaded Maori communities, schools Trinick, T. (1993). Resource Development for the Teaching of
and teachers. A more coordinated approach is re- Mathematics in Maori, in in Pangarau - Maori Mathematics and
quired. It is important however to ensure that the Education. Te Puni Kokiri, Wellington.
Maori soul and heart beat is seen and heard strongly Waho, T. (1993). The Benefits of Kura Kaupapa Maori. Te Puni
in the resource material that emerges, and that the Kokiri, Wellington.
progress made in Maori mathematics to date is con-
Waite, J. (1992). Aotearoa Speaking For Ourselves. Learning
solidated and reinforced.
Media, Ministry of Education, Wellington.
Bibliography
Barton. B. and Fairhall, U. ( 1995). Is Mathematics a Trojan Horse?
in Barton. B. and Fairhall, U. (ed) Mathematics in Maori Educa-
tion._ University of Auckland.
Barton, B., Fairhall, U. and Trinick, T. (1995). Whakatupu Reo
T~i.tai:
History of the Development of Maori Mathematics Vo-
cabulary, in Barton, B. and Fairhall, U. (ed) Mathematics in Maori
Education. University of Auckland.
Cleave, P., Mataira, K. and Pere, R. (1978). Oxford Maori Pic-
ture Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Wellington
Dewes, K. ( 1993 ). Mathematics Education for Maori, in Pangarau
- Maori Mathematics and Education. Te Puni Kokiri, Welling-
ton.
Glynn. T.. Atvars, K., Furlong, M., Davies, M., Rogers, S., and
Teddy, N. (1993). Tatari, Tautoko. Tauawhi: He awhina tamariki
ki te panui pukapuka. Some preliminary findings. in Cultural
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cal Society Annual Conference, Wellington.
Jacques, K. (1991). Community Contexts of Maori-English Bi-
lingual Education: A Study of Six South Island Programmes.
Education Dept. University of Canterbury. Christchurch.
Karetu. T. ( 1995). Akene He Korero Takurua, in He Muka 8(2).
Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori, Wellington.
Karetu, T. (1994). Te Matatau kite Reo, in He Muka 7(2), Te
Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori, Wellington.
Mitchell, H.J., and Mitchell. M.J. (1993). Maori Teachers who
Leave the Classroom. NZCER, Wellington.
Ohia, M. ( 1995). What of the Future. in Barton, B. and Fairhall,
U. (ed) Mathematics in Maori Education. University of Auck-
land.
O'Rourke. M. (1990). Meeting the Growing Demand for Teo (sic)
Reo Maori and Tikanga in Schools. An Address given to Princi-
pals of Colleges of Education, 9 Oct 1990, Wellington. Unpub-
lished.
Riini, S. and Riini, M. (1993). Historical Perspectives of Maori
and Mathematics in Pangarau - Maori Mathematics and Educa-
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Rikihana, T. (1982). Mathematics. Auckland College of Educa-
tion, Auckland.
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I. Number 2. 1996
LAND ALIENATION AT WAIKAREMOANA
Rapata Wiri
Department of Maori Studies, Auckland University.
Whakarapopoto Korero
Kai nga maunga pilkohukohu o Te Urewera tetahi
moana ataahua e kiia nei ko Waikaremoana. Ki a i5
matau tip una korero, nate pokarekaretanga o nga wai
o tenei roto i kiia ai ko Waikaremoana, tetahi o nga
moana whakahirahira o te motu. Koinei te kainga
taturu o Ngati Ruapani, he hapa no Ngai Tahoe. Na,
ko te kauhau korero e whai ake nei na he paku korero
noa iho mo nga whenua kai te tonga o Waikaremoan~
i raupatuhia e te Kawanatanga i terti rau tau. Ma tene1
e mohiotia ai ko te tika o te whakatauki nei - "Kua
riro whenua atu, me hoki whenua mai".
Ka huri ra ki a ratau kua wahanguhia, a, kua oti i a
ratau te kokiri i te pakanga nei- moe mai koutou. Ki a
tatau e noho whakamomori ana i tenei ao taroa - tena
tatau katoa.
Abstract
In the heart of the North Island of New Zealand lies
the mountainous territory ofTe Urewera, the spiritual
homeland of the Tahoe people. Hidden away in the
southern portion of Te Urewera is Waikaremoana -
The Sea of Rippling Waters, a lake and a land with a
history and tradition that are as fascinating as they are
controversial. Waikaremoana is the footstool of the
Ngati Ruapani section of Tahoe.
This paper begins with a brief discussion of the
landscape ofWaikaremoana and its early tribal tradi-
tions. A systematic analysis ofthe social, political and
economic effects of land alienation upon the tangata
whenua of the Waikaremoana area is applied. The ef-
fects of Crown policies for Maori land, last century,
and how the process was replicated throughout
Aotearoa is assessed.
The Location and Geography of
Waikaremoana
Te Urewera is situated in the southern and central por-
tions of the Bay of Plenty. The Urewera ranges cover
an area of 650,000 acres and contains the largest area
of unbroken forest in the North Island. Waikaremoana
constitutes the southern border of this vast terrain and
extends from Maungapohatu, near the Huiarau range,
to the Waikaretaheke valley which lies south-east of
Lake Waikaremoana.
According to the oral traditions, Waikaremoana
lake is known as Te Wai-kaukau o nga Tiipuna, the
Bathincrb Waters of the Ancestors. It is said that the
•
lake was formed by a sea monster named Haumapuh1a,
daucrhter ofMahu-tapoa-nui, who, in her efforts to find
b
an outlet to the sea was turned into stone by the sun ' s
rays. After emerging from an underground channel,
known as Te Whangaromanga, Haumapuhia was trans-
formed into a rock which now lies at the source of the
Waikaretaheke river.
According to Keith Lucas ( 1904:57), Lake
Waikaremoana is shaped in the form of a cross, whose
axis measure 7.25 and 6.25 miles in length. Connected
to the main part of the lake by a narrow channel known
as Te Kauanga-a-Manaia, is another branch called
Wairaumoana. Lucas describes Wairau as a long val-
ley, 5.5 miles in length. According to the Tiihoe oral
tradition, it is in the Wairaumoana inlet that Mahu and
his family lived at a place called Te Pa-o-Mahu.
The country surrounding Lake Waikaremoana con-
sists of rugged mountains and native forest. There are
several mountain ranges within this territory includ-
inoc the ecrreat bluffs ofNgamoko,
.
Matakuhia,. Panekire
.
and Manuoha. The last mentiOned mountam IS 4603
feet above sea level and is the highest point in the
Urewera mountains. Panekire is the most prominent
feature which towers over the waters of Lake
Waikaremoana. Percy Smith, who conducted a geo-
logical survey of the district in 1876, described the
beauty of the cliff scenery, near Panekire in effusive
terms: ... the grandeur of the bluffs of the eastern side
[of the lake] ... rising as they do to 1100 feet perpen-
dicularly out of the water is unsurpassed by any cliff
scenery I am acquainted with (cited in TNZI
1876:103).
Timoti Karetu, who also described Panekire in elo-
quent language, goes further. As a member of the
'tangata whenua', he links himself to the landscape,
"Panekire- the majestic bluff that stands sentinel over
the tranquil or turbulent waters ofLake Waikaremoana
 He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2, 1996

all give me a strong sense of identity and purpose to
life" ( 1979:29).
"No Toi raua ko Potiki te whenua, no Tuhoe te
rangatiratanga".
The tribal traditions of the Urewera clans begin
with the ancestors Toi kai-rakau and Potiki-tiketike.
It must be noted, from the outset, that there are differ-
ing versions ofthe traditions of these ancestors within
the Tuhoe region. One version states that Po tiki is said
to have sprung from a marriage between Te Maunga
and the celestial maiden of the mist, Hinepukohurangi.
The progeny of Potiki are known as Nga Potiki and
dwell within the Ruatahuna and Waikaremoana dis-
tricts. The descendants ofToi are also numerous within
em-day descendants are bilateral. That is, they can
claim membership to both of these indigenous tribes
(Wiri 1994:29).
At the time the Mataatua canoe arrived in Aotearoa
in the fourteenth century, the indigenous tribes became
known as Te Urewera. Later, when the Mataatua ca-
noe migrants merged with the Urewera people they
became known as Tuhoe. Tuhoe was a grand-child of
Wairaka who, along with her father Toroa, came to
Aotearoa on the Mataatua canoe. The ancestor Tuhoe
came to prominence as a tribal leader after killing his
elder brother Ueimua, and eating his heart, in a fam-
ily feud that occurred in the Ruatoki valley (ibid. p.48).
It was from this time onwards that his influence be-

Table 1

Toi Hinepukohurangi = Te Maunga

I
• Awanui-a-rangi Potiki
•
•
~Awamorehurehu •
•
•
~Irakewa •
•
•
Toroa Taneatua = Hinemataroa
•
Rangikitua =Wairaka
~

Tamatea-ki-te-huatahi = Paewhiti
I
I
Ueimua Tanemoeahi Uenuke-rauiri Tuhoe-Po tiki

Te Urewera and are known as Te Tini-o-Toi. It is be- came paramount as a unifying factor among the in-
lieved that the descendants of both Toi and Po tiki in- digenous tribes. Subsequently the tribe was named
termarried so much that the genealogies of the mod- after him. These origins of the Tuhoe are encapsu-
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

lated by the aphorism: Ruapani, who was an ancestor of East Coast origins,
and the name Ruapani has been adopted by the local
No Toi raua ko Potiki te whenua, no Tiihoe te
hapii of the district. It is to Ruapani that our discus-
rangatiratanga.
sion now turns.
The land belongs to Toi and Potiki, but the
chieftainship belongs to Tiihoe.
The Emergence of N gati Ruapani at
Though this is the generally accepted case in the Waikaremoana
Urewera tribal traditions, there are still many hapii who
Ruapani is said to have migrated to Waikaremoana,
retain their affiliation to the indigenous tribes previ-
from Tiiranganui-a-Kiwa (Gisbome), after the killing
ously mentioned. Best (1925) claims that Tiihoe him-
of his elder brother Tuhoropunga. There he became
self was more indigenous in blood than migrant. From
recognised as a leader, where he was admired for his
an analysis of his genealogy, it can be seen that he
peaceful nature, but later returned to Tiiranga where
was three-quarter 'aboriginal' in blood, and only one-
he settled. Ruapani left three of his children to retain

Table 2

Ruapani

I
RuTpunui

= Tupoho

r
Kahuturi Tuhoe-Po tiki

I
Kauakapo Murakareke

I I
Moko Murakehu
I I
I
Manaia = Te Anuanu

Pukehore

his mana at Waikaremoana whose names were Tane-

quarter migrant.
potakataka, Ruatapuwahine and Ruatapunui. Although
In the Waikaremoana district, the genealogies of
these children intermarried with the Urewera people,
modem-day Maori spring from Toi and Potiki and
their father's name was retained as their clan name
another named Ruapani. Mahu tapoa-nui, a descend-
(Wiri 1994:99).
ant. of Toi, is said to have been the first occupant of
Two ancestors who became prominent at
Wa1karemoana. However it is alleged that he migrated
Waikaremoana in the generations following Ruapani
to Piitauaki, in the eastern Bay of Plenty, after his
were Pukehore and Tuwai. It was these ancestors that
daughter, Haumapuhia, had created Lake
established Ngati Ruapani as a distinct entity at
Waikaremoana. His mana was later succeeded to by
 He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

Waikaremoana, laying down boundaries between natina

b the whole scene. Not a stone's throw away was

themselves and Ngati Kahungunu, to the East, and Nga the marae of Kiiha Tarewa with approximately the
Potiki to the west. The whakapapa of Pukehore (table same number of inhabitants. Both communities were
2), a prominent ancestor of the district, shows his de- very closely related, had intermarried a great deal and
scent from Tuhoe and Ruapani (ibid. p. 108). yet there was a strong, but healthy, rivalry between
In the 1820s a series of intertribal battles occurred the two ... But in spite of this competitive spirit there
at Waikaremoana where Ngati Ruapani, with the as- was a very close community spirit which bound the
sistance of their Tuhoe kinsmen, defeated and expelled two close together in time of human crisis and need
Ncrati Kahuno-unu from the Waikaremoana district. (1979:28).
""
According to""Best, peace was eventually made be-
Hurae Puketapu, an expert in the tribal traditions
tween the tribes with the symbolic marriage of two
of the Waikaremoana district, claimed in his evidence
mountains named Turi-o-Kahu and Te Kuha-tarewa.
before the Urewera Commission in 1899 that there
Paetini Wi Tapeka, who was an informant of Elsdon
were six hapu who had legitimate rights to the lands
Best's, gave the following account of this famous
and lakes of the district. These included: Ngati
peace arrangement known to the Maori as a 'tatau
Hinekura, Te Whanau Pani, Ngati Manunui, Ngati
pounamu' or the greenstone doorway of peace (ATL.
Pakitua, Ngati Hinewhakarau and Ngati Taraparoa of
Best papers MS 72/7:174):
nearby Te Putere. 1 Of these hapu only two remain at
Then Hipara proposed that he gift his daughter as
Waikaremoana including Te Whanau Pani ofWaimako
a means of ending the fighting with Tuhoe. His
pa, and Ngati Hinekura of Kuha pa. Both these hapu
younger brother, Puhirua and Ngati Kahungunu
collectively identify themselves as Ngati Ruapani, and
agreed. Then Ngarangimateao exclaimed "Let us make
it is they who are the tangata whenua of the
peace, so that it will never be broken forever and ever".
Waikaremoana district.
Then Kuha (a mountain), was set up as a female en-
From the earliest times Waikaremoana had been a
tity, Turi o Kahu (a mountain) as a male entity. That
contested area of land because it lay between the
custom of the chiefs of Ngati Kahungunu, was a sym-
boundaries of Tuhoe-Ruapani of Waikaremoana and
bolic likening to Hinekirunga [alias Mere Karaka], the
Ngati Kahungunu of the Upper Wairoa district. These
dauo-hter of Hipara, upon which it could be said that
b •• tribes had been fierce enemies and their tribal histo-
peace had been made with Tuhoe, so that the hostili-
~ies are fraught with conflict and blood-shed.
ties between the two factions would end, and end per-
According to Tuhoe and Ngati Ruapani sourc~s:
manently ... and continue right up to the present day,
the boundary between themselves and Ngat1
to the days of the Pakeha in which we now live (my
Kahungunu was at Mangapapa, approximately half-
translation).
way between Waikaremoana and Wairoa (WMB
Ngati Ruapani, with the assistance ofTuhoe, held
25 :63-73). This boundary was established in pursu-
their lands at Waikaremoana by virtue of military
ance of conquests made over Ngati Hinemanuhiri (a
prowess, a concept known as 'ringa kaha'. In terms of
subtribe of Kahungunu) in the 1820s. The boundary
mana whenua, Ngati Ruapani assert their rights to
was further reinforced with the symbolic marriage of
Waikaremoana by virtue of 'take tipuna' (right of an-
the two mountains, Kuha Tarewa and Turi-o-Kahu in
cestry), 'take ringa kaha' (right of military prowess)
1823 (ibid.).
and most importantly 'ahi ka roa' (right of permanent
occupation of the land) . A Brief History of the Native Land Court
There are two hapu, who remain today at
Following the inter-tribal battles that occurred at
Waikaremoana, known as Ngati Hinekura and Te
Waikaremoana in the 1820s, a new forum for the as-
Whanau-pani. They can be found residing on their
sertion of mana whenua emerged in the form of the
'papakainga' (villages) at Te Kuha and Te Waimako.
Native Land Court. The Court was established in 1865,
Timoti Karetu describes his childhood memories of
under the Native Lands Act. The primary function of
these two distinct communities at Waikaremoana:
the Court was to investigate ownership of Maori land
I grew up at Waimako. In those days there would have "... in accordance with Native custom and usage... ".
been about a hundred people there with everyone's Accordino-b to Gail Dallimore the Native Land Court
home clustered around the focal point which was the was known to the East Coast tribes as the 'Native
marae with the meeting house, Tiihoe Potiki, domi- Land-Taking Court' (1983:46).
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2. 1996
Critics of the function of the Native Land Court
claim that it had a drastic social impact on Maori so-
ciety and their land tenure system. Land ownership
became individualised under the establishment of the
Native Land Court so that it was no longer the prop-
erty of the tribe. Under the 1865 Native Lands Act
which established the Court, tribal land became the
property of ten individual owners (Ballara 1982:531 ).
This was known as the 'ten owner rule' whereby only
ten names were entered on the court order over tribal
land. Huata (1983: 102) argued that this ten owner rule
was a strategy of putting ownership of land in the hands
of a few individuals who were then regarded as the
sole owners. This in tum hastened the alienation proc-
ess, because once the owners were identified on the
Certificates of Title, they were readily suborned or
coerced by Government land agents into selling their
'shares'.
Ward (1983:213) argue~that the worst effect of the
Native Land Court was ·the decline in trust between
members of a kinship group. Walker supports this ar-
gument by asserting that it polarised Maori society
into factions ofhoko whenua (land sellers) and pupuri
whenua (non-sellers). As soon as one member of the
hapu applied for an investigation of title it created an
indecent scramble to gain title in the court. Every
member of the tribe had to attend the Land Court hear-
ing otherwise their land rights were in danger of be-
ing alienated by court order. Once individuals were
awarded title to the land there was nothing anyone
could do to prevent them from selling their portion of
the land. Furthermore, the vendors were not obliged
by law to distribute the money from the sale with the
real owners of the land, that is the members of their
tribe (Ballara 1982:536).
The worst effect that the Native Land Court had in
the Waikaremoana district was that, any interested
party, whether they had legitimate rights or not, were
allowed to apply for title to land. In the Waikaremoana
district, claimants from as far way as Wairoa, Gisbome
and even Napier applied for ownership in
Waikaremoana lake and its surrounding lands. Fur-
thermore, these claimants cited false evidence of an-
cestry and occupation to the Judge, who in most cases
had no knowledge of Maori tradition. In light of this,
one could argue that the intent of Maori land legisla-
tion, during this era, was to tum Maori land into a
commodity like any other to be exchanged for money
(Ballara ibid.). Under these circumstances Maori land
was no longer considered 'ti1rangawaewae' but rather
a commodity which could be sold for material goods.
Walker (1990: 137) argues that " ... there was noth-
ing Maori about the Native Land Court as it was de-
signed for Pakeha purposes of releasing land from
communal ownership and making it available for in-
dividual settlers". In fact, so successful was the Na-
tive Land Court in this respect that four million acres
of land was alienated in its first thirty years of opera-
tion (ibid.).
The role of the Native Land in alienating Maori
land fits Gramsci 's view ( 1982: 12) that the hegemony
of the crown is exercised through the mechanisms of
the state and juridical government. In light of this view,
this paper will examine the alienation of the four blocks
Tukurangi, Taramarama, Waiau and Ruakituri which
lie between Lake Waikaremoana and Wairoa. It is then
possible to show how these lands were wrongfully
acquired by Government officials in the 1870s through
the forum of the Native Land Court. Which led to the
loss of 157,000 acres belonging to the Tuhoe and Ngati
Ruapani tribes.
The alienation of the four blocks occurred between
1865 and 187 5. Alienation was accomplished by three
strategies, a 'divide and rule' policy, military force,
and what Kelsey characterised as 'legal imperialism'
(cited in Spoonley & McPherson 1984: 15). That is,
the use of legislation to enforce the will of the domi-
nant class.
Divide and Rule
Under the policy of divide and rule, the Crown set
about turning Maori against each other by dividing
them into factions of 'loyalists' and 'rebels'. Loyal-
ists were individuals or tribes who were supportive of
the colonial government and accepted the hegemony
of the Crown. They were also characterised as 'friendly
natives' or Queenites. But to the Maori who resisted
domination, they were known as 'kupapa', the equiva-
lent to Gramsci 's subalterns of the state. The rebels,
who were also known as 'Hauhau', were those who
resisted the hegemony of the Crown and sought lib-
eration from colonial domination.
The two descriptions of 'hoko whenua' (land sell-
ers) and 'pupuri whenua' (non sellers) corresponded
with the concepts of loyalists and rebels. Those who
were loyalists were susceptible to being 'hoko whenua'
while those who were rebels were more likely to be
'pupuri whenua' (Wiri 1994:179). In the Wairoa dis-
trict the Government's land policy had a major im-
pact in dividing the various hapu ofNgati Kahungunu
 He PUKenga K6rero
into factions of 'loyalist/hoko whenua' and 'rebel/
pup uri whenua'. This dichotomy among Maori was
also commented on by Huata:
The terms adopted by the W airoa people to define hoko
whenua and pupuri whenua were 'kai-rohi' and 'kai-
paraoa'. The term kai-rohi infers that one eats loaf, or
white bread brought at a shop as opposed to kai-paraoa,
bread baked by oneself. The person who was able to
buy bread was similar to someone who had sold some
land (1983:93).
Because of the isolation of the Urewera from Eu-
ropean contact, the tribes of the district, including
Waikaremoana, remained hostile to any advances by
the Pakeha into their territory. They had a reputation
as 'pupuri whenua' and resistance to the Crown's de-
signs on their land. Consequently they were charac-
terised, in official documents, as 'notorious rebels'.
Their defiant stance however, did not deter the Crown
who was eager to acquire their lands by any means
necessary (Wiri 1994: 173). In contrast, some tribes of
the nearby Wairoa district were largely supportive of
the Crown and were eager to exact utu for previous
defeats in war at the hands of the Waikaremoana tribes.
Therefore the history of the Waikaremoana and some
ares of the Wairoa district, during the 1860s and 1870s,
was fraught with animosity between some Ngati
Kahungunu hapu ofWairoa and Tuhoe-Ngati Ruapani.
The Crown officials exploited this situation by re-
opening 'old wounds', between the two tribes, through
the implementation of a divide and rule policy.
The Battle of Te Kopani
The second phase in the process of land alienation at
Waikaremoana in the 1860s was the use of 'military
force'. After co-ordinating a military plan with Major
Fraser, 200 Ngati Kahungunu ofWairoa, under Ihaka
Whanga, as well as 150 Ngati Porou, under Ropata
Wahawaha, attacked Tiihoe and Ngati Ruapani at
Waikaremoana in early January 1866 (Cowan
1956: 134). This was known as the Battle ofTe Kopani.
The 'kiipapa' force made their way inland from Wairoa
towards Onepoto, the southern point of Lake
Waikaremoana, where so-called rebel Hauhau forces
were believed to be residing. As the invaders entered
the Waikaremoana district, they were ambushed at a
narrow ravine, known as Te Kopani, just below Te
Kiiha pa in the Waikaretaheke valley. Within a few
minutes the 'kupapa' troops came under heavy fire
and twelve men were killed and around thirty were
Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I, Number2, 1996
seriously wounded (Cowan 1956:134). According to
Cowan the "Hauhaus were entrenched in rifle-pits and
behind earthworks skilfully hidden with fern on the
ridges" (ibid.). The language in Best's version of the
battle is not so impartial:
A force of our native allies marched from Te Wairoa
against the enemy and when marching up the ravine
they received heavy volleys from both sides ... the
friendlies were thus at a great disadvantage as they
were exposed to the fire of an unseen enemy. After a
period of desultory firing the enemy advanced for-
ward and then that gallant old warrior Ihaka Whanga
called on all his men to charge and drive back the
Hauhaus. But the sons of Kahungunu, never over-dis-
tinguished for their prowess in battle, declined the
seductive offer(l975: 14) [Author's emphasis].
There are several points which can be made about
the above statement. Firstly, Best refers to the Ngati
Kahungunu 'kupapa' as 'our native allies' which in-
dicates that he is writing for a Pakeha audience. Sec-
ondly, he refers to the Tuhoe hauhau as 'the enemy'.
This seems ironic considering the number of years he
had lived amongst Tuhoe while researching and docu-
menting their tribal traditions. It is evident that he in-
advertently reinforces, through his writing, the policy
of 'divide and rule'. Those who side with the Crown
are 'allies' while those who don't are regarded as the
'enemy'. He then goes on to blame the 'kupapa' for
losing the battle through a sarcastic comment about
their military 'prowess' in battle.
After failing in its attempt to acquire Waikaremoana
by military force, the Crown resorted to the device of
legislation to accomplish its goals. This third phase in
the strategy of land alienation proved far more effec-
tive than military conquest. Although the means was
more subtle, the goal of conquest was the same. Here
I draw attention to Kelsey's analysis, of Crown poli-
cies affecting Maori land since 1840,2 and make a com-
parison between her concept of legal imperialism and
the alienation of land at Waikaremoana through legal
mechanisms.
Legal Imperialism and the Struggle for
Mana Whenua
In recognition of their loyalty (Ngati Porou), to the
Crown in 1865 Governor Grey suspended the powers
of the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 over the
East Coast. However Major Reginald Biggs imple-
mented another act of Parliament known as the East
He PUKenga K6rero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume L Number 2. 1996
Coast Land Titles Investigation Act 1866. The primary
goal of this act was to confiscate lands from those who
were considered to be in 'rebellion' and award their
land to those who were 'loyalists'. The schedule of
lands covered in the Act extended from Lattin Point
(in the northern part of the East Coast) to Lake
Waikaremoana and on towards Wairoa, in the north-
ern Hawke's Bay.
Though there was no real difference between the
New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 and the East Coast
Act 1866, commentators argued that the latter Act of
Parliament confiscated land "... in a much less objec-
tionable manner than did the New Zealand Settlements
Act" (NZPD 1868 Vol.3, p.37). Others, however, ar-
gued that the East Coast Act "... covered with a pretty
name that which was absolutely confiscation" (ibid.).
One important feature of the East Coast Act 1866 was
that lands which were confiscated from rebels had to
be placed before the NativeLand Court, to have the
ownership ascertained, oefore it was awarded to loy-
alists. A clerical error in the 1866 Act made it neces-
sary for Major Biggs to amend the Act in 1867. The
reasons for this amendment were made explicit in 1927
by a solicitor named Mr. Sim who commented:
The Act of 1866 contained two very curious blunders
- the schedule wa$ all wrong, places were misnamed
in the description of boundaries within which the Act
was to operate, and the definition ofpersons who were
not rebels was practically this "Persons who were not
rebels were deemed to be rebels" ... the Act actually
declared that rebels were not rebels and that loyalists
were rebels. But this was amended by the 1867 Act.
Both the schedule and the interpretation ofrebels were
amended (M.A 85/2 p.549).
On the 5th of April 1867, Major Biggs enacted the
confiscation of approximately 30,000 acres of land
known as Kauhouroa, which lay between
Waikaremoana and Wairoa, under the provisions of
the 1867 Act. This area of land lay between the Tilhoe
and Ngati Kahungunu boundaries and by virtue of a
voluntary cession, by the latter tribe, the land was ac-
quired by the Crown to establish a military settlement
at a place called Frasertown. This cession was car-
ried out at a meeting held at Te Hatepe, near Wairoa,
between government officials and the loyalist faction
of Ngati Kahungunu. According to Lambert:
The question of confiscating Wairoa lands for re-
bellion was discussed with the government agents and
the chiefs of N gati Kahungunu. Kopu was asked if he
had any interest in the land proposed to be taken. Kopu
replied that he had, but did not want to say anything
against the Government and added "Ask my wife".
The same question was put to her, she [Mere Karaka]
replied "Yes the land is mine but I give it to you for
the sins of the Hauhau". A truly noble answer from
one of Nature's gentlewomen (1925:322).
By virtue of this agreement, the rights of the Tilhoe-
Ruapani, who were owners in the Kauhouroa block,
were compulsorily acquired by the Crown in 1867.
Critics argued that it was, in every respect, a confis-
cation, the same as any other dealt with by the Crown
(M.A 85/2). This issue was brought to the forefront
in 1927, when a Royal Commission was appointed to
investigate land grievances of tribes who had been
separated from their land. In regards to the Kauhouroa
confiscation the Commission concluded that:
It was clear that the rebels were not bound by the
Deed of Cession of 1867, and that the Natives who
signed it were not entitled to transfer to the Crown the
interests of the rebels in the Kauhouroa block ... and
on a strictly legal basis there is no answer to the claim
put forward by the rebels (AJHR 1928 G7:28).
Though the Commission found in favour of the
Tilhoe and Ngati Ruapani claims they recommended
that "their claim should not be recognised as they had
been obstinate and notorious rebels" (ibid.)
In 1868 the East Coast Act was amended again.
This amendment merely extended the powers of the
Crown to confiscate land in the East Coast district
which belonged to rebels. The passing of the Act co-
incided with the escape of the prophet leader, Te Kooti
Arikirangi Te Turuki, from the Chatham Islands. Upon
their arrival in the mainland, Te Kooti and 300 fol-
lowers made their way inland from Gisborne to
Puketapu, near Waikaremoana, in August 1868. In
November of that year he and his forces attacked the
military settlements at Matawhero in Gisborne. Within
a few hours 20 Maori and 34 Pakeha were sought out
and killed (Belich 1986:228). One of the victims was
Major Biggs, who was instrumental in the passing of
the East Coast Acts. The killing of Biggs was Te
Kooti 's revenge for the enforcement of legislation that
expropriated Maori land rights as well as for his un-
just imprisonment.
After the Matawhero killing, Te Kooti retreated
inland to his Tilhoe supporters at Waikaremoana. On
the lOth of April 1869 he conducted a raid of the
Mohaka settlement near Wairoa. Mohaka was the
home of the Ngati Pahauwera hapil who had been ac-
 He PUKenga KOrero
tively hostile to Te Kooti since his escape from the
Chathams. Here, fifty seven Maori and seven Pakeha
were killed by the Ringatii forces. Peita Kotuku, who
was a veteran of the raid, claimed that "it was the
Tahoe men chiefly who killed these people because
they and Ngati Pahauwera were ancient enemies"
(cited in Cowan 1956:328). Following the Mohaka
raid Te Kooti and his forces returned to Waikaremoana
where he had a "... large and finely carved Runanga
house"(Gallen & North 1976:31), situated at Matuahu,
on the northern shore of Lake Waikaremoana.
The Scorched Earth Policy
Between 1869 and 1872, a scorched earth policy was
conducted by the imperial and kapapa forces against
the Urewera tribes who had aided and abetted Te Kooti.
By this time however Te Kooti had vacated
Waikaremoana having lost his security there. Under
the command of Colonel George Stoddard Whitmore,
a three-fold expedition was launched on the Urewera
district. The purpose of the expedition was to destroy
all the food that was growing at Native settlements in
the region. The expedition had a drastic impact on the
U rewera settlements; in Ruatahuna alone over 200 died
of starvation and malnutrition (Stokes, Milroy &
Melborne 1986:50).
In May 1870 the Waikaremoana settlements were
attacked by government troops who destroyed homes
and cultivation sites around the lake shores. As a con-
sequence, tangata whenua were forced from their
homes around the lake and a great majority settled in
the Waikarctaheke valley below, at the villages of
Waimako and Te Kaha. Despite military intimidation
by the imperial forces, tangata whenua remained de-
fiant towards the Crown and would not part with their
land. This led to more drastic measures on the part of
the colonial government intent on taking their land by
any means necessary.
The Native Land-Taking Court arrives at
Waikaremoana
With the untimely death of Biggs in 1868, a new func-
tionary, named Samuel Locke, was appointed as the
Crown land purchasing officer in 1872 to complete
the confiscation of the four blocks at Waikaremoana.
The rationale for the confiscation was Tahoe resist-
ance to the hegemonic designs of the Crown. Locke
immediately set about persuading the loyal Ngati
Kahungunu chiefs into signing an agreement which
would grant them title to the land without going to the
Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I. Number 2, 1996
Native Land Court to have the ownership of the land
ascertained. Locke's plan was to give a Crown grant
over the four blocks of land to a number of 'loyal/
hoko whenua' chiefs and purchase the blocks from
them as soon as their names were inserted on the me-
morial of ownership.
On the 6th of August 1872, Locke made an agree-
ment with 18 Ngati Kahungunu chiefs in which the
four blocks were awarded to them under the provi-
sions of the East Coast Land Titles Investigation to
recognise their loyalty to the Crown. By virtue of the
agreement, the land was returned to the loyalists but
the Government retained 250 acres, at Onepoto (south-
ern point of Lake Waikaremoana), for an Armed Con-
stabulary redoubt. It is significant to note that Tahoe
and Ngati Ruapani do not feature in the agreement,
despite being the real owners of land. However, this
was no accident as Mr. Sim pointed out in 1927:
Now, the Government realised at that time that it would
be an endless task to put these four blocks through the
Native Land Court ... so they endeavoured to take a
shortcut, and they approached the loyalists to arrange
a concrete block to be returned in satisfaction of all
claims ... The 1872 arrangement was that the loyalists
were Crown-granted the lands without going to any
Native Land Court to have their ownership claims in-
vestigated. It was the only way that the Joyal chiefs
could have got into the lands (M.A 85/2:565, 595).
In a Native Appellate Court hearing held in 1946,
Judge Harvey also supported the view of Mr. Sim when
he stated:
The 1872 agreement creates many difficulties ... it
confiscated certain lands which the government stj]J
owns. Eighteen signatures, no investigation of title and
no Ruapani amongst them. Mr. Locke may have
thought that he had power to benefit loyal natives, but
so far as I know he had no power to dispossess some
Natives in favour of others (TAME 27:4)
After failing to award the four blocks to the loyal-
ists through the 1872 agreement, Locke realised that
the land would have to pass through the Native Land
Court before a purchase could be made. In November
1873, Locke visited Waikaremoana with the intention
of urging Tahoe to seek a Land Court investigation.
Here he found that "the Urewera Natives evinced a
strong desire to get back their Jands"(M.A 85/2:595).
Following his advice the Tahoe and Ngati Ruapani
chiefs lodged an application to have the four blocks
investigated by the Native Land Court on May 5 1874
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1, Number 2, 1996
(Gisbome M.LC file 1002). The fact that Locke had
already decided who the owners were, illustrates the
lack of integrity underlying land dealings in the 1870s.
On October 29 1875, a preliminary meeting of the
Native Land Court was arranged by Locke between
Tuhoe and Ngati Kahungunu. Emotions ran high at
the hearing with both parties asserting their owner-
ship over the land. Makarini Te Wharehuia of Tiihoe
condemned those who collaborated with the Govern-
ment, "You, Ngati Kahungunu, acted with the gov-
ernment under whose direction you fought against us.
You were nothing more than a pononga utu - a paid
servant of the Queen"(AJHR 1876, GlA).
To this comment by Makarini, a chief of Ngati
Kahungunu replied "and you Makarini, were an un-
paid servant of the King''3• It is clearly evident from a
reading of the land investigations of the 1870s that
the policy of divide and rule reigned supreme. Moreo-
ver, the gap between ' loyalists ' and 'rebels' was fur-
ther widened with loyal chiefs emphasising the dif-
ferences between themselves and the so-called rebels.
This is made explicit in the words of one chief, who
said in 1875:
And I fought against the Urewera, for they said that
which was evil of us. You, the Urewera, stated that
your heels would.press down the necks of those asso-
ciated with the Government. Again another of you
declared that he would convert the head of ... into a
snare wherewith to decoy kaka from the trees. Such is
the stamp of man we were forced to take up arms
against (ibid.).
Unable to come to any agreement in the prelimi-
nary meeting, the contestants placed the issue before
the Native Land Court on November 4 1875. The en-
tire investigation of the four blocks was completed in
just two days. The brevity of the investigation illus-
trates that the role of the Court was to release the land
from Maori ownership as soon as possible. After an
expeditious hearing, Judge Locke awarded the four
blocks to a number of Ngati Kahungunu chiefs on
November 12 1875 (NMB 4:65-96). Subsequently a
memorial of ownership was awarded in favour ofNgati
Kahungunu only. On the 17th of November, by deeds
of conveyance, the Crown purchased the four blocks
from Ngati Kahungunu for 9,700 pounds. In addition
8,400 acres of land was set aside as reserve for them.
Though Tiihoe never agreed to the arrangement, their
opposition was bought off by the award of 2,500 acres
of land and an alleged payment of 1250 pounds in
cash. In respect of the latter, no trace of this cash trans-
action can be found in official records. There is also
evidence, in official records, that the Tuhoe and Ngati
Ruapani were intimidated and coerced by government
land agents and that legal documents were falsified
(Wiri 1994: 128).
During the Sim Commission of Inquiry in 1927, a
solicitor named Mr. O'Malley made the following
statement about the 1875 hearing:
There is no doubt that this hearing was rushed through,
that the Crown did not observe the jurisdictions laid
down by the Act at the time ... I refer to the Native
Lands Act, 1873, section 7 of which provides that the
jurisdiction of the Native Land Court was to deter-
mine titles to Native land according to Na tive cus-
tom. They had no right to give any land in considera-
tion ofloyal services. Section 51 provides that a month
after investigation by the Court ... the Natives could
apply for a rehearing. In this case the whole matter
was investigated in less than a month, the deed signed
and the native title extinguished (M.A 85/2:597).
The Tuhoe and Ngati Ruapani chiefs opposed the
sale of the four blocks under the provisions of the
Native Lands Act 1873 and applied for a rehearing.
However the rehearing was disallowed by the judge
on the grounds that "...a contested hearing in the court
would delay a matter which the Crown is keen upon
completing" (TAMB 27:46).
Of the 2,500 acres of land granted to Tuhoe in set-
tlement of their claims, four reserves were created
which included: Te Heiotahoka reserve in the
Taramarama block of 1100 acres, Te Kopani reserve
in the Tukurangi block of 800 acres, Whareama re-
serve in the same block of 300 acres and Ngaputahi
reserve in the Waiau block containing 300 acres. Of
these four reserves that were made under the 1875
confiscation, only two remain in Maori ownership to-
day. These are Te Heiotahoka (1100 acres) which is a
pastoral sheep run and Te Kopani reserve (800 acres)
where the two ' papakainga ' of Te Kuha and Te
Waimako are situated. The other two reserves men-
tioned mysteriously disappeared into Crown owner-
ship in the 1920s. Therefore only 1900 acres of land
remains to the Tuhoe and Ngati Ruapani today. This
is a mere 1.2% of their original land holdings in the
four blocks which consisted of 157,000 acres (Wiri
1994:226).
By virtue of the 1873 Native Lands Act, the four
blocks - Tukurangi, Taramarama, Waiau and Ruakituri,
 He PUKenga Korero
became 'waste lands' of the Crown by a proclamation
published in the New Zealand Gazette on 10 Septem-
ber 1877 (NZ Gazette Vol.2:9928).
When the Tuhoe and Ngati Ruapani tribes appealed
the 1875 confiscation in 1927 before the Sim Com-
mission, the commissioners found in favour of their
claim but concluded that they should not be compen-
sated for their loss of land on the grounds that, "They
went before the Court and although they had been
obstinate and notorious rebels, the Tiihoes got 1250
pounds of money which they ought not have got and
have 2500 acres ofreserve which they ought not have
got" (AJHR 1928, G7:28).
To this day, no compensation has been awarded by
the Crown in respect to the four blocks of land alien-
ated in 1875. Under the provisions of the Treaty of
Waitangi Amendment Act 1985, a claim by the Tuhoe
and Ngati Ruapani tribes was lodged with the Waitangi
Tribunal in 1987. The claim is still to be heard by the
Tribunal. This however has been hindered by the cur-
rent controversy over the Government's proposal to
settle all Maori treaty claims by direct negotiation
within a 'fiscal envelope'. Perhaps the following
prophecy by Te Kooti may hold hope for the Maori
claimants who are opposed to the Crown's proposal
to negate their Treaty rights via the so-called 'fiscal
envelope deal':
Ma te ture te ture ano e aki.
It is through the law that the law will be defeated.
Conclusion
The alienation of Waikaremoana lands had a drastic
social impact upon the tangata whenua of the district.
Bedggood argues that between 1855 and 1880, the
colonial government mobilised its political and legal
apparatus to destroy Maori society in order to gain
direct access to their land ( 1979:24). This was achieved
through a three-fold strategy. By means of a divide
and rule policy the settler government divided Tuhoe
and Ngati Kahungunu into factions of loyalist/hoko
whenua and rebel/pupuri whenua. Freire describes this
succinctly when used by the ruling class, "it is in the
interest of the oppressor to weaken the oppressed even
further ... to create rifts among them ... therefore it is
necessary to divide the people in order to preserve the
power of the oppressors to keep the oppressed from
perceiving their strategy "(1987: 143).
The acquisition of Maori land by the use of mili-
tary force proved unsuccessful in the Waikaremoana
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
district but was a necessary step towards the confis-
cation of the land through legal means. Because Tuhoe
and Ngati Ruapani's resistance to the Crown in the
1860s and 70s took the form of a 'political' move-
ment it was interpreted as a political rebellion. This
so-called rebellion provided a convenient legal pre-
text for the next stage of land alienation which was
the imposition of land-taking acts, passed by a settler
controlled government.
The arrival of Te Kooti in the Waikaremoana dis-
trict intensified the government's efforts to acquire
Waikaremoana lands by any means necessary. This
led to the Scorched Earth policy and the introduction
of the Native Land Court into the district. Govern-
ment depiction of Te Kooti as a blood-thirsty rebel
served to manipulate and divide the Maori against each
other. This position is congruent with Freire's analy-
sis that "the oppressors must convince the oppressed
that they are being defended against marginals, row-
dies, and enemies ofgod"(1987: 143). He further adds
that the "... destroyers call themselves builders and
accuse the true builders of being destructive".
With the introduction of the Native Land-taking
Court, Maori in the Waikaremoana district became
victim to a great number of sharp dealings at the hands
of military officers, land purchase agents and even
Land Court judges. Freire refers to such individuals
as oppressors:
The oppressor tends to transform everything around
it into an object of its domination. The earth, prop-
erty, and even men themselves- everything is reduced
to the status of objects at its disposal (1987:44).
In the context of the colonial history of
Waikaremoana, the alienation of the four blocks in
1875, which were later declared 'waste lands' in 1877,
is an example of how everything became objects of
domination by the Crown. Even men. such as the loy-
alist chiefs. became objects of domination by the state.
The Native Land Court was the final phase in the
alienation of lands in the Waikaremoana district. It
legalised everything that had been done illegally in
the past. In the Waikaremoana district, the primary
function of the Court was to rush through investiga-
tions of title in order to release the lands to waiting
speculators. This created chaos out of the orderly sys-
tem of land tenure practised by the Maori before the
arrival of the Pakeha.
This paper deals with a very obvious truth and to
speak a true word is to transform the world (Freire
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
1987:60). For over a century the Tuhoe and NglHi
Ruapani have been subjected to the loss of tribal land
and mana. They have been divorced from their land,
their spiritual and economic base.
Although the history of Waikaremoana is fraught
with tribal animosity between Tuhoe and N gati
Kahungunu, it is necessary for tangata whenua to be
united in their struggle for emancipation, against the
state. One of the preconditions for emancipation is
annunciated by Freire. "In order for the oppressed to
unite, they must first cut the umbilical cord of myth
which binds them to the world of oppression"
(1987:175).
Let the symbolic marriage of the two mountains,
Turi-o-Kahu and Kuha-tarewa, be remembered as a
sign of everlasting peace between Tuhoe and
Kahungunu. For it is through the wisdom and fore-
sight of the ancestors, and their techniques for resolv-
ing conflict, that they may stand united in their strug-
gle against a common op.pressor whose goal was, and
indeed still is, to divide the oppressed and rule them.
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He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

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This evidence is recorded in the author's M.A thesis

(1994:60) held in the Auckland University Library.
2 Kelsey.J - "Legal Imperialism and the Colonization of
Aotearoa" in Spoonley & McPherson Tauiwi - Racism and
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3 The king referred to here was the Maori king. Potatau Te
Wherowhero. elected at Ngaruawahia in July 1858.
 He PUKenga K6rero
BooK REVIEw
HE PAKIWAITARA, TE PUNI WAHINE METE
MAREIKURA
Na Pare Richardson te arotakenga o nga pukapuka.
E toru enei pukapuka kua puta tahi mai nei hei rauemi
rna nga tamariki o nga Kura Kaupapa me era atu tauira
e ako ana i te reo Maori.
Na Tipene Chrisp, he kairangahau no Te Taura
Whiri i Te Reo Maori te whakaaro tuatahi mo nga
pukapuka nei, engari na Carla na Nangara raua ko
Hana O'Regan o Te Tira Whakaemi Korero o Te
Whare Wananga o Wikitoria ke te tino mahi ki te
rangahau. Ka mutu ta raua mahi ka haria kia ata tirohia
e Miria Simpson i te Whare Pukapuka a Alexander
Turnbull. He komiti atu ano i til hei \vhiriwhiri; ko
Manuka Henare, ko Rangihuia Bargh, ko Atawhai
Tibbie, ko Tipene Chrisp, ko Carla, ko Hana, ko Miria.
Na Te Puni Kokiri te tahua. Ko te kaiwhakaputa ko
Rangihuia Bargh, nana Te Huia Publishers o Te
Whanganui-a -Tara.
E wha tekau rna rua nga nupepa i puta ki Aotearoa
mai te tau 1842 ki te 1900 i roto katoa i te reo Maori,
engari ko te pukapuka tuatahi i puta i te tau 1816 ko
He Korero mo Niu Tireni.
Ko te pukapuka He Pakiwaitara he kohikohinga
korero o etahi o enei nupepa ara; Te Tiupiri, Te
Korimako Hou, Huia Tangata Kotahi me Te Puke Ki
Hikurangi, i tangia i te tekau tau 1890, e whakaatu
mai ana i nga korero me te rere hoki o te mita o te reo
0 taua wa.
E rima nga korero i puta i Te Tiupiri:
Take haere no Te Hawera 8/2/1898
Te omanga o tetahi Wahine i tan a tane 27/1/1898
He aitua Moawhango 9/1/1899
He tiipapaku Rangitaua o Wairarapa 30/3/1899
He rongo no nga Kura Maori Tokaanu Taupo 18/
12/1898.
Kotahi te tuhinga i puta mai i Te Korimako Hou
10/8/1890 e panui mai ana i te matenga o Minarapa,
tan a hoa Wahine meta raua tamaiti. I mate atu i Otewa,
Waikato i haere ki reira ki te hari moni ki aTe Kooti.
Mai i te nupepa Huia Tangata Kotahi 8/4/1893 e
Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
rua nga tuhinga, e korero ana tetahi mo tetahi Wahine
porangi no Pungarehu, a, i haere ki Parihaka kite kite
i aTe Whiti ka mea ki te huhuti i ona pahau. I haria ia
kite takuta. Ko te tuhinga tuarua na Kipa Te Whatanui
o Ngati Raukawa, e whakaatu ana i nga mahi whakaora
tangata a tetahi Wahine ko Raiha Piata tona ingoa no
Ngati Pahauwera o Ngati Kahungunu. Ka ora i a ia te
mate o te tangata mehemea ka whakarongo ia ki Te
Atua, no te mea, e kawe ana te Wahine nei i te wairua
o Te Atua.
E rima ano nga tuhinga i puta i te nupepa Puke Ki
Hikurangi. Ko tetahi i puta i te 2/8/1898 e panui mai
ana i te aituatanga o etahi ta.ngata i a ratou e haere ana
ki Kamutaone. Ko te tuhinga tuarua ko tetahi reta ki
te Etita na Joe Ngamekameka mai i Turakina i te 23/
9/1899 e korero ana mote kite wairua a tetahi tangata
Pakeha i tana hoa Wahine. Ko te tuhinga tuatoru ko
Matamata Whare, Waikato 4/8/1899 he pakiwaitara
patupaiarehe. Ko tete tuhinga tuawha 31/10/1899 he
mihi, he tangi roimata a tetahi Wahine mo nga korero
patupaiarehe i mua atu i tenei, a, ko te korero
whakamutunga 30/3/1899 he korero tlipapaku na
Rangitatau o Wairarapa ki a W.W.Hipango.
Ko Te Puni Wahine he kohikohinga korero mo nga
mahi me etahi atu ahuatanga e pa ana ki nga wahine.
Ko nga nupepa i kawe korero maiko Te Paki a Matariki
1894, ko Te Korimako Hou 1890, 1898, 1899, ko Te
Puke ki Hikurangi 1897 kite 1899, e whitu katoa nga
tuhinga i puta, ko Hui Tangata Kotahi, e rua nga
tuhinga, i puta i te tau 1893, a, ko Te Tiupiri, e ono
nga tuhinga mai i te tau 1898 ki 1899.
Ko nga tuhinga nei e pa ana ki nga ture mo nga
wahine marena; te mana poti mo te Wahine; nga momo
reta; nga motini kia mahia he ture ki te whakamana i
nga wahine kia ahei ki te poti merna mo ratou ki te
Paremata Maori; tetahi haerenga o te kotahi rau tangata
o Parihaka kite mahi kai, mahi oti me nga witi a nga
pouaru kua mau hereherea nei nga tane; nga ture a te
Komiti Wahine o Tamairangi kua hiritia; ko te patu
He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I. Number 2. 1996

kai waipiro; tetahi Whakawa Runanga Hiiri mo tetahi

Wahine i mate i te wa whanau tamaiti; nga tuhinga ki
te Etita; he reta na te Etita e aki ana kia tukuna atu he
tuhituhi kia ora tonu ai te niipepa, ki te utu hoki i te
tekau hereni; tokorua nga kotiro kei te hohipera i Nepia
e ako ana ki te mahi tiaki tiiroro, kotahi no te kura
katorika, kotahi notate Pihopa (Hukarere); he reta e
aki ana i nga rangatahi ki te ako i nga momo mahi
katoa, ki te ako hoki kite kai i nga kai pai mote tinana;
he reta naTe Aute me Hukarere ki te whakatata i enei
kura ki a raua; ka whakaaetia he mana komiti mo nga
wahine mai i te Paremata Maori i tii i Turanga ; tetahi
whakangahau tino mi:haro.
Ko Te Mareikura he ingoa niipepa, a, i puta i te tau
1911. Ko te katoa o te niipepa nei kei roto i te reo
Maori. I tuhia i Wairarapa i te marama o Akuhata. Kei
roto, ko nga momo korero katoa o aua wa, rite tonu ki
nga niipepa o enei wa. He pitopito korero, he takaro,
he panui, he makete, he whakapapa, he mihi, he
poroporoaki, he tangihanga, he pakanga mekemeke,
nga momo hui, nga Whenua Maori me nga ture.
He pai katoa te takoto mai o nga kupu o enei
pukapuka note mea i tuhia i te wa e korero tonu ana te
tokomaha o te iwi i te reo, a, he pai hoki hei korero rna
nga tamariki o nga Kura Waenga piki ake hoki ki nga
Kura Tuarua me nga Whare Wananga. Ko tetahi atu
mea e whakaatli mai ana i taua wa ko te
whakawhitinga kupu Maori rite tonu kite reo Ingarihi,
anei penei; Te Tiupiri (The Jubilee), Matenepara
(Martinborough), Kereitaone (Greytown).
Ko te mea tino mi:haro ke ra, ko te mohio i puta he
niipepa mo tatou te iwi Maori i tera rautau no te mea
tino iiaua ke te whakaae mai aTe Kawanatanga kia
korerotia kia tuhia ranei to tatou reo mai i taua wa tae
noa mai ki naianei. Ko te ataahua ke ra te panui
pukapuka i roto i to tatou reo rangatira mete hopu atu
hoki i te wairua o nga mahi i mahia e o tatou ti:puna.
Tino waimarie ke a tatou tamariki o tenei
whakatupuranga kei te puta nga pukapuka i roto i te
reo. E maumahara ana hoki au ki toku nei wa i te kura
tuatahi. Kore kore nei he paku pukapuka i roto i te reo
Maori ahakoa ko te nuinga o nga tamariki he Maori,
a, e korero Maori ana. Ko tetahi o a matou pukapuka
ko Little Red Hen me etahi atu.
 He PUKenga Korero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume 1. Number 2. 1996

NGA IWI 0 TAINUI

THE TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF THE TAINUI PEOPLE

Pei 'f.e Hurinui Jones and Bruce Biggs

Auckland University Press, 1995
Reviewed by M. H. Durie

In the Foreword to this remarkable volume, Te
Atairangikaahu writes Ko te rangi, ko te whenua kaa
pahemo. Engari ko aa maatou kupu ka tuu tonu. It is
an appropriate salute to a book which not only records
the lives and times of Tainui ancestors, but also cap-
tures the endurance, identity and forward development
that epitomises Tainui and its people as they move
into the twenty-first century.
Nga Iwi o Tainui provides an account of the de-
velopment ofTainui as a tribe, from arrival at Kawhia
until the early nineteenth century. The focus is on the
exploits of some sixty or more renowned leaders but
the story is about the formation and growth of hapii,
the enhancement of mana and the establishment of a
distinctive culture with its own ethos and tradition.
Skillfully the narrative oscillates between domestic and
societal planes. Personal interactions from which
grudges, offenses, insults, jealousies and loyalties are
born, are linked to the wider arenas of discovery, war-
fare and reconciliation. And in making the links,
insights are provided into the reasons for political al-
liances, strategic interventions and the assumption of
leadership.
Nga lwi o Tainui is not a comprehensive account
of Tainui. It stops short of the modern era and does
not examine for example the multiple reasons behind
the departure of Ngati Toa, Ngati Raukawa and their
allied hapii for Horowhenua, or the alienation of tribal
lands by colonisers or the establishment ofKingitanga.
Its significance and its essential contribution to knowl-
edge, however, is its integrated account of the lives
and times of ancestors who helped shape a distinctive
society from which modern Tainui has evolved. Some
of the key players are well known - Whatihua and
Turongo, Tamainu-poo, Wairangi, Rereahu and
Maniapoto. Others emerge with less renown but their
stories too, contribute to the rich backdrop against
which a wider tribal history takes form.
Yet this book is not simply about chiefs and their
followers. Pei te Hurinui has explored Maori philoso-
phy and motivation, providing in the process reasons
for individual and collective responses and counter-
responses. There are numerous examples. An indis-
cretion on the part of Parewhete led her husband
Wairangi to destroy an entire village and those within,
including the interloper Tupeteka. Overcome with
shame when tricked into a wrestling bout by
Kaawharu, Tuuahu-maahina hatched a plot to kill all
those responsible though eventually was himself the
victim. Rereahu, mindful of the circumstances of the
birth of his oldest son, Te Ihinga-a-rangi, decided to
pass him over in favour of the younger Maniapoto.
Incensed by a false accusation of theft, Hotunui aban-
doned his wife and unborn child and moved to an-
other locality. Insulted by a derogatory comment and
made to feel like an unwelcome guest, Tieke-tii per-
suaded Te Kanawa to attack and defeat Ngaati Te
Whata.
The motives were personal and if at times provo-
cation seems relatively minor (at least to twentieth
century eyes), Jones is in effect explaining the sig-
nificance of mana and the extensions of personal iden-
tity to embrace whanau and hapu. His illustrations are
graphic. Moreover quotations from ancestors, handed
down by word of mouth over generations, have trans-
formed what could have been a lifeless historical ac-
count into a human tableau: whakapapa spell out the
relationships of real people; waiata celebrate the mis-
fortunes and accomplishments of men and women in
a dynamic society; mana is imbued with mortal strug-
gle and the contradictions of tuakana and teina are
exemplified by the complexities of relationships be-
tween brothers, the women they married and the moth-
ers who bore them. Painstakingly, sources and refer-
ences have been checked and rechecked and when the
evidence has dictated, there has been a readiness to
shift ground in order to acknowledge more than one
version.
Nowhere is the combined weight of two outstand-
ing scholars more apparent than in this book. A mas-
ter of genealogy and tribal lore, Pei Te Hurinui has set
out a history which leans on his own elders for verifi-
He PUKeilga KOrerO Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume 1. Number 2. 1996
cation and interpretation. That is its strength. Built on
oral tradition it is proudly centred on Tainui, contains
Tainui views and perspectives and has been compiled
by a Tainui scholar. Others might have told the stories
in different ways, but in seeking to provide a history
which documents Tainui understandings. Jones has
used a methodology appropriate for Maori tribal his-
tory, a tribally focused account. For his part Bruce
Biggs has contributed another dimension. The Eng-
lish translations of the original Maori texts reflect care-
ful research, deliberate choices of words and, to guar-
antee extra clearness, a parallel numbering system
which matches the English and Maori texts paragraph
by paragraph. For convenience the two texts appear
on facing pages. Footnotes provide a rich source of
information which increase comprehension and intro-
duce both historical record and alternate written
sources. Sensitively, and with attention to every de-
tail, Biggs has been able to offer editorial annotation
on the writings of Jones thereby extending the origi-
nal manuscripts and making them available to a wider
audience.
There is of course room to debate both fact and
balance. Ngati Kauwhata, for example would take
exception to being described in a footnote as a hapu
of Ngati Toa, just as the selection of certain tupuna
for the book, but not others, will give some dissatis-
faction to particular hapu or whanau. And while the
English translation generally complements the Maori,
some of the expressions seem harsh when compared
to the Maori equivalents. That may be more of a com-
ment on the nature of each language and the moral
and social values ascribed to certain words than a re-
flection on the translation itself but, nonetheless, oc-
casionally there is a sense that the rich Maori text has
been diminished by the English vernacular.
At a wider level is the question of whether the
motives ascribed to the ancestors are by themselves
sufficient to fully understand the momentous conse-
quences which so often followed their actions.
Throughout the book stress has been placed on per-
sonalities and personal responses to explain much of
the interaction within and between hapu and tribes.
One suspects, however, that the economics of survival
- land, food, shelter, security, as well as a growing
population - may have played equal if not greater roles
in determining group action and hapu alliances. And
the battle with an often unforgiving environment must
have similarly shaped motive and behaviour. If so, then
by dwelling on the personal and domestic, Jones' ex-
64
planations may not be sufficiently comprehensive to
allow a full appreciation of the politics and changing
fortunes of hapu and iwi in those times. Environmen-
tal, economic and demographic factors, mundane and
pedestrian perhaps, and certainly less romantic, may
have contributed just as much.
Inevitably, comparisons will be made with Kelly's
Tainui: the story ofHoturoa and his descendants, pub-
lished in 1949 by the Polynesian Society. It covers
much of the same material and quotes similar oral
sources but is less ambitious and places less emphasis
on relationships. Kelly's whakapapa charts compen-
sate to some extent but do little to overcome another
concern, tribal endorsement and support. As Biggs
points out in the Introduction, Kelly used some of
Jones' English texts but did not acknowledge them.
Were the whakapapa charts also compiled by Jones?
Pei Te Hurinui was meticulous in his genealogical
records and had the ability to demonstrate with great
clarity complex relationships in both vertical and hori-
zontal dimensions - more so than is actually apparent
in Nga Iwi o Tainui.
But the main difference between the two books is
one of language and style. By writing in Maori, Pei
Te Hurinui has captured the heart, and the idiom, of
Tainui. Kelly failed to. He simply recounted the events
and recorded the facts, as relayed to him by elders
and other historians. In contrast, Jones brings the past
to the present in a form which maintains the centrality
of Maori thinking and reasoning. Teachers and learn-
ers of Maori will find in Nga Iwi o Tainui a resource
second to none. Pei te Hurinui writes Maori which is
both lucid and graceful. His words flow as easily as
the Waikato itself; they are at once simple yet pro-
found and, importantly for second language learners,
they retain a Maori rhythm. The constructions, phra-
seology, use of metaphor and juxtaposition of verba-
tim accounts with narrative, are in themselves guide-
lines for students of Maori and models for Maori as a
written language. To that end, and in addition to the
significance of 1995 as the year Tainui settled its long
standing grievances with the Crown, it is entirely ap-
propriate that Nga Iwi o Tainui was published in Te
Tau o te Reo Maori, the Year of Maori Language.
Nga Iwi o Tainui must be ranked as one of the great
Maori literary works of this century and its two au-
thors have created a precedent in collaboration, re-
search, presentation, bilingual clarity and the system-
atic transfer of information. As a source of whakapapa,
waiata, pepeha, and haputanga and as an illustration
 He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn). Volume I, Number 2, 1996

of the use of the oral tradition while retaining the best

of both Maori and western methodologies, it is a
taonga, a treasure for Tainui, for Maori and impor-
tantly for the wider field of scholarship.
Pei te Hurinui Jones died in 1976 and there was
some fear that his work would forever remain incom-
plete. But with the assistance of his friend and col-
league Bruce Biggs, his insights are now available in
a comprehensive volume for future generations. The
Preface byTe Atairangikaahu recognises that Nga Iwi
o Tainui is timely, that it brings a sense of complete-
ness, a job well done, and a greater readiness to face
the future. She concludes:
Kua hora te marino
Kua whakapapapounamu te moana
kua tere te kaarohirohi.
He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I, Numbcr2. 1996
NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS
The Journal is published by the Department of Maori
Studies, Massey University twice yearly. It accepts
original articles in Maori or English. The focus of the
articles should be directly relevant to Maori language,
or Maori cultural, social, scientific, technological and
economic development. Contributions may be pre-
sented as original research, reviews, or letters to the
editor.
Send manuscripts to the Editor, Professor Mason
Durie, Dept of Maori Studies, Massey University, Pri-
vate Bag, Palmerston North.
Manuscripts are accepted on the understanding that
they are not under simultaneous consideration by an-
other publication.
PREPARATION OF MANUSCRIPTS
All manuscripts apart from letters and book reviews
will be refereed, usually by two assessors. Conse-
quently authors should submit four paper copies,
which should be double-spaced with a wide margin
and printed on one side of the paper only. In prepar-
ing their manuscripts, authors are free to set out their
work in whatever way they see as clear, subject to the
guidelines below. However, once a manuscript is ac-
cepted, it will need to be re-submitted in electronic
form.
The accepted manuscript should be a text file on
3.5 inch floppy diskette of any byte capacity or den-
sity. Disks prepared on a Macintosh are preferred.
Authors must state the word processing programme
used and the version. Use Microsoft Word Version
5. 1 or later.
There should be a title page which has the title of
the article, the authors full names, qualifications, tribal
affiliations a contact address and telephone number.
Begin the paper with an abstract (maximum of 250
words for original articles and reviews). The abstract
should be in both English and Maori regardless if the
language used in the text is English or Maori. The
author should nominate up to ten key words.
The main text should be in Maori or English. When
writing in Maori and English and in line with the rec-
ommendations ofTe Taura Whiri i te Reo Maori use
macrons to mark the lengthened vowel sounds.
Abbreviations should in general be avoided. How-
ever, some phrases may be abbreviated if their short-
ened form is widely known and if they are used re-
peatedly in an article, e.g. TPK, NZMC. When first
used in the text, they should be spelt in full followed
by the abbreviation in brackets.
REFERENCES
In the main text, footnotes and end notes should be
avoided. References should be identified by a number
enclosed in parentheses, e.g.:
"This finding was first reported by Smith (1994),
although subsequent workers (Brown 1992, Jones
1990) have failed to replicate it".
At the end of the paper, list references in alpha-
betical order. Unpublished data and personal com-
munications may be listed as references and listed in
the main text as for other references, e.g.: (Pomare
1935) Articles accepted for publication may be placed
in the reference lists with the phrase "(in press)" in-
serted after the authors, title, and full name of the jour-
nal.
Listing References:
All references should be listed alphabetically on a
separate page of the manuscript using the conventions
oftheAPA:
For journal articles:
1. Hanson, Allan. (1989). The making of the Maori:
Culture invention and its logic, American Anthropolo-
gist, 91, 890-902.
For chapters in edited books:
2. Peta, Rewi. (1991). Mana Maori. In Smith, H.,
Tikanga Maori. Wellington: Reed & Reed.
For a whole book:
3. McEwen, J. M. (1986). Rangitane: a tribal his-
tory, Auckland: Methuen.
For a thesis:
4. McCrae, Jan e. ( 1981 ). Participation: Native Com-
mittees and Papatupu Block Committees in Tai
Tokerau. Unpublished master's thesis, Auckland
University, Auckland.
Please note well:
All journal titles must be quoted in full (no abbre-
viations); punctuation of the year, volume number and
page numbers must be precisely in accordance with
 He PUKenga KOrero Ngahuru (Autumn), Volume I, Number 2. 1996

the previous examples; no part of any reference is to

be underlined. When referring to books, the city in
which the book was published must be stated and th~
publisher's name must be given in full; the words
Company, Co., Limited, Pty Ltd, Inc., etc, are, how-
ever, not to be included.
Because accepted articles will not be re-typed prior
to publishing, it is essential that typists conform strictly
to this style. Papers with non-conforming reference
lists will be returned for re-typing which will lead to a
delay in publishing.
illustrations
The presentation of data, particularly large amounts
using line art or images is encouraged. These illustra-
tions may accompany the paper manuscript in any
form which authors deem to be legible. For accepted
articles, illustrations should be presented as high-con-
trast glossy prints with lettering which is legible after
reduction to the width of one of the Journal's columns.
Any page incorporating tables should be on the disk
as a separate file.
Appendices
Because of pressure of space, appendices containing
questionnaires or similar material cannot be included.
However, authors may invite readers to contact them
directly for such material.

EDITORIAL POLICY
Papers submitted for publication will be:
1. Forwarded to two referees, approved by the
editorial board and appropriate to the subject
matter.
2. If substantial changes are recommended papers
will be returned to authors for rewriting.
3. If papers are not accepted for publication, the
referees comments will be made available.
4. Papers which are resubmitted to incorporate
referees comments will be edited and proofs
forwarded to the authors for final approval.