Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Sharon L. Deem
Saint Louis Zoo Institute for Conservation Medicine
Kelly E. Lane‐deGraaf
The Center for One Health at Fontbonne University
Elizabeth A. Rayhel
The Center for One Health at Fontbonne University
This edition first published 2019
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10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
To our children Aoife, Caleb, Charlie, Laura, and Saoirse, and to the readers of this book,
whose actions shape Planetary Health.
vii
Contents
Foreword xiii
Acknowledgments xv
About the Companion Website xvii
Glossary 257
Index 267
xiii
Foreword
One Health is about connection. It is about disparate disciplines and institutions. We’ve
the recognition that humans, animals, and known for decades that human, animal, and
environment are indivisible. It is about environmental health are linked. The canary
humility, unintended consequences, and the in the coal mine is an adage that recognizes it
fact that decisions that we make today will explicitly. Coal miners knew that their envi-
shape the immediate and the distant future. ronment, and ultimately their health, could
It is about finding solutions by looking for be safeguarded by a sensitive, sentinel bird.
something beyond traditional notions of One Health expands this simple concept to
interdisciplinary coordination – what the reflect twenty‐first century complexities and
authors call a transdisciplinary approach. opportunities.
One thing is certain. We cannot address One Health is a powerful introductory text.
the interrelated challenges of climate change, Let’s hope it inspires a new generation of
pollution, extinction, biodiversity loss, inva- One Health professionals, in diverse fields
sive species, infectious diseases, poverty, throughout the sciences and humanities, to
injustice, and inequality with the same envision and create a future where we link
approaches of the past. We cannot just con- human, animal, and environmental health.
tinue to seek better coordination between Our future prosperity depends on it.
xv
Acknowledgments
The authors have many people to thank for Fontbonne student, Leann Smith for her
logistical and personal support of this text- help in obtaining permissions for use of fig-
book. We thank the staff, volunteers, and ures. We appreciate the support and belief
students of the Saint Louis Zoo Institute for in One Health shown by administrators
Conservation Medicine, with special thanks from both of our institutions, especially
to Kathy Zeigler, Jamie Palmer, Kathleen Adam Weyhaupt and Mike Pressimone of
Apakupakul, Carol Gronau, and Karen Fontbonne University and Jeffrey Bonner,
Jordan. Saint Louis Zoo staff members Eric Miller, and Michael Macek of the Saint
Shawn Lofgren, Kayla Rogers, and Stephen Louis Zoo. We also thank Kyle, Harry, and
Leard, for providing valuable assistance with Steve, and our extended families, for sup-
recording and editing of the audio inter- porting us during our One Health journeys
views, and Fontbonne University staff mem- and especially during the writing of this
bers Elizabeth Brennan and Anna LeRoy book. Lastly, we thank the scientists and
for the cover design, and the Fontbonne civil servants who have dedicated their
University Center for One Health logo. We careers, and in many instances their lives, to
thank the Fontbonne University students in advancing a holistic approach to planetary
the Honors Seminar in One Health and the health. In the current uncertain and chal-
Conservation Medicine courses during lenging political climate that many of us
the 2016–2017 academic year for providing face, we encourage them to continue with
the case studies presented in the text, and this invaluable work.
xvii
www.wiley.com/go/deem/health
There you will find valuable material designed to enhance your learning, including:
●● audio interviews
Scan this QR code to visit the companion website
1
Part I
The Mississippi River today is the source of peoples. The Spaniards, from their first land-
economic strength and cultural movement fall, exploited native peoples. Language and
throughout the USA. The Mississippi reaches culture differences, not surprisingly, emerged
more than 2300 miles from Lake Itaska in frequently. de Soto traveled with one transla-
northwestern Minnesota to the Gulf of tor, who spoke the language of only one tribe.
Mexico (Figure 1.1). The fourth largest As a result, skirmishes between the Spaniards
watershed on the planet, it covers 32 states and the native peoples often broke out
and 40% of the landmass of the USA and while traveling. When the army with which
reaches from Appalachia to the Rocky de Soto traveled, numbering approximately
Mountains. Pre‐dating the European expan- 620, encountered a local community, they
sion into the Americas, Native American demanded use of the food stores, preferring
cultures thrived along the Mississippi River this to hunting. As a result, the Spaniards
Basin. The Ojibwe, the Kickapoo, the consumed nearly a year’s worth of food in
Potawatomi, the Chickasaw, the Cahokia, the only a few days in each community they
Choctaw, the Tunica, the Natchez, and many encountered, with devastating impacts on
more peoples lived and flourished along the the survival of these local communities. de
Mississippi River. Culturally diverse and rich Soto and his men also routinely enslaved
in tradition, the peoples of the Mississippi men, women, and children, demanding indi-
River basin used and respected animals and viduals carry their equipment and gear, care
the environment throughout their traditions. for their horses, provide cooked food, lodg-
Focused on fishing and hunting, small‐scale ing, and sexual services. Native peoples who
farming, and foraging, the traditions of the resisted were frequently raped, tortured, had
peoples of the Mississippi River are as varied their homes and crops burned, and/or were
as the people themselves, but importantly, killed. The violence of the initial European
these traditions shared a focus on maintain- arrivals to the Mississippi region resulted in
ing a balance between humans, animals, and the murder of an uncountable number of
the environment. The culturally diverse native peoples.
native peoples of the Mississippi River region The devastation of the communities of
could truly be considered the first One Native Americans is not the only devastation
Health practitioners of the region. de Soto and his men wrought on the
In 1539, Hernando de Soto of Spain became Mississippi Basin. The Spaniards were
the first European to witness the majesty exploring to claim the land for Spain and loot
and power of the Mississippi River. In his the region of its gold, silver, and other pre-
explorations and quest for gold, de Soto and cious metals. In addition to men, de Soto
his men frequently interacted with native brought with him 220 horses and 100 pigs.
Upper Mississippi
River Basin
Missouri
River Basin
Arkansas-white
River Basin
Ohio
River Basin
Lower Mississippi
Red River Basin
River Basin
The movement of this army of people and life and, importantly, their feces introduced
animals from present day Florida west an entire suite of novel pathogens to an area,
through Louisiana, north through Arkansas contaminating local water supplies as they
and into Missouri, and then south to Texas defecated across the south. An often over-
left in its trail a swath of deforestation, biodi- looked consequence of early western explo-
versity loss, and pollution – all One Health rations was the introduction of lead shot into
threats. For example, while the Spaniards the Americas; with this, de Soto and his army
exploited Native American paths for travel as slaughtered countless native animal species
much as possible, they also carved many new and introduced the potential for lead pollu-
paths through the forests and prairies that tion into the Mississippi River basin.
they crossed. The livestock brought along In what could be considered one of the ear-
also created significant problems for the liest intercultural One Health threats, the
landscape. Feeding these animals created an greatest devastation brought by de Soto and
additional burden for the land, taxing the his men was not the rape and pillaging of the
ecosystems as the traveling herd of between land and local communities but the intro-
300 and 1000 domesticated animals tram- duction of novel infectious diseases into
pled vast swathes of pristine forest and prai- naïve populations. In the wake of de Soto’s
rie vegetation. Rats and other stowaways army, smallpox and measles spread rapidly
from their ships would, in time, become through the diverse tribes of native peoples
invasive and drive their own ecological catas- of the Mississippi Basin, who were exposed
trophes. de Soto’s herd of pigs, which grew to these pathogens as de Soto and his men
from 100 to over 900 by 1542, brought its traveled through their communities.
own unique environmental and ecological Smallpox alone killed an estimated 95% of
threats. the people with whom the Spaniards came
The normal behaviors of pigs – rooting for into contact, effectively eliminating entire
tubers, wallowing in mud, and trampling communities in their wake. This drastically
vegetation – wreaked havoc on native plant altered the make‐up of the Native American
Why One Health? 5
landscape well before the French and English success. Sacagawea was kidnapped as a teen
returned some 100 years later. de Soto did by the Hidatsa and then sold to her “hus-
not survive his expedition, dying on the band” Charbonneau. As property, neither
banks of the Mississippi River of a fever with- York nor Sacagawea could refuse participa-
out finding a single piece of gold or silver. tion in the 8000 mile journey. Still, Sacagawea,
More than half of his men perished along the like York, played a vital role in the expedition,
way as well. acting as translator and helping with the
Fast forward 150 years to 1682, when, after group’s welcome by many Native American
exploring its reaches and seizing upon the peoples.
economic and strategic benefit of the In all, the Lewis and Clark expedition,
Mississippi River system, René‐Robert while fondly remembered today, was consid-
Cavelier, sieur de la Salle claimed the river for ered at the time as something of a failure.
France. The southern stretches of the They discovered no Northwest Passage; the
Mississippi Basin briefly fell under the control northern route chosen by the group was
of the Spanish in 1769; in 1803, the USA, not arduous and challenging in a way that the
even 30 years old, purchased the entirety of southern route across the Rockies is not and
the Mississippi River watershed as a part of so was not used by later settlers. They
the Louisiana Purchase. When in May of mapped lands, documented plants and
1804, William Clark, Meriwether Lewis, and animals, and improved diplomatic relations
31 others set forth from St. Louis, MO, to find with Native peoples, but they also opened
a Northwest Passage, a water route to the the country to western occupation that dras-
Pacific, they were tasked with acting as car- tically altered the landscape, replaced the
tographers, naturalists, and cultural emissar- diversity of plants and animals with corn and
ies for the young country. Thomas Jefferson, cows, each with long‐term ecological conse-
who commissioned the expedition in 1803, quences, and ravaged Native American com-
believed that the most critical role for the munities through broken treaties, forced
commissioned explorers was to act as diplo- migrations, and massacres.
mats for the nation among the several Native Lewis and Clark’s expedition had two addi-
American tribes the group would encounter. tional repercussions in the US West: the
The Corps of Discovery, as the expedition spread of sexually transmitted diseases
came to be called, ultimately made contact (STDs) and widespread mercury contamina-
with 55 independent groups of Native tion to the environment. STDs were not
Americans and First Peoples, frequently trad- introduced to Native Americans by the Corps
ing for food and medical supplies as well as of Discovery; French and Canadian fur‐trap-
befriending many tribes people. pers accomplished this. However, STDs
Lewis and Clark traversed nearly spread through the Corps rapidly. As the
8000 miles. Their expedition is touted by men traveled west and as they encountered
many as a model of inclusion – a black man, local tribes, it was common for members to
York, and a Shoshone woman, Sacagawea, trade goods for sex, and frequently, wives of
were essential members after all. However, chiefs of several High Plains tribes were
their inclusion hints at the exploitative nature shared with expedition members in order to
of the Corps itself. York was a master hunter, benefit from the men’s spiritual power. The
bringing in a large portion of the game that result of this was the spread of STDs across
fed the Corps throughout their journey, and the northwest, as the Corps of Discovery
acted frequently as the expedition’s most shared infections between peoples who
stalwart caregiver, providing care to ill would never have otherwise come into
expedition members. Still, York was Clark’s contact with each other. At the time, there
slave. He was not a paid member of the Corps were few treatments for STDs available, with
of Discovery, despite his critical role in its modern medicine of the day advocating a
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.