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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
LARRY J. SIEGEL was born in the Bronx. While liv-
ing on Jerome Avenue and attending City College of
New York in the 1960s, he was swept up in the social
and political currents of the time. He became intrigued
with the influence contemporary culture had on
individual behavior: Did people shape society, or did
Therese J. Libby and Larry J. Siegel society shape people? He applied his interest in social
forces and human behavior to the study of crime and
justice. Graduating from college in 1968, he was accepted into the
first class of the newly opened program in criminal justice at the
State University of New York at Albany, where he earned both
his MA and PhD degrees. Dr. Siegel began his teaching career at
Northeastern University, where he was a faculty member for nine
years. He also held teaching positions at the University of Nebraska–
Omaha and Saint Anselm College in New Hampshire before being
appointed a full professor in the School of Criminology and Jus-
tice Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell. Dr. Siegel
retired from full-time classroom teaching in 2015 and now teaches
exclusively online. He has written extensively in the area of crime
and justice, including books on juvenile law, delinquency, criminol-
ogy, criminal justice, corrections, and criminal procedure. He is a
court-certified expert on police conduct and has testified in numer-
ous legal cases. The father of four and grandfather of three, Larry
Siegel and his wife, Terry, now reside in Naples, Florida, with their
two dogs, Watson and Cody.
Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Brief Contents
PART 1 Concepts of Crime, Law, and Criminology

Chapter 1 Crime and Criminology 2
Chapter 2 The Nature and Extent of Crime 30
Chapter 3 Victims and Victimization 64
PART 2 Theories of Crime Causation

Chapter 4 Rational Choice Theory 98
Chapter 5 Trait Theory 132
Chapter 6 Social Structure Theory 170
Chapter 7 Social Process Theory 210
Chapter 8 Social Conflict, Critical Criminology, and Restorative
Justice 248
Chapter 9 Developmental Theories: Life Course, Propensity,
and Trajectory 284
PART 3 Crime Typologies

Chapter 10 Violent Crime 318
Chapter 11 Political Crime and Terrorism 366
Chapter 12 Economic Crimes: Blue-Collar, White-Collar,
and Green-Collar 404
Chapter 13 Public Order Crimes 444
Chapter 14 Crimes of the New Millennium: Cybercrime and Transnational
Organized Crime 488
Contents
Preface xv Profiles in Crime

A SHOOTING IN FERGUSON 16
PART 1 A Definition of Crime 17
Criminology and the Criminal Law 17

Concepts of Crime, Law, Common Law 18
and Criminology Contemporary Criminal Law 18
The Evolution of Criminal Law 19
CHAPTER 1 Criminology and Criminal Justice

The Criminal Justice System 20
19
The Process of Justice 21

Joe Raedle/Getty Images News/
Policies and Issues in Criminology

HATE CRIME IN GEORGIA 23
Getty Images
Ethical Issues in Criminology 24
Crime and Criminology 2 CHAPTER 2
Christian Poveda/Agence VU/Redux

What Criminologists Do: The Elements
of Criminology 4
Criminal Statistics/Crime Measurement 4
Sociology of Law/Law and Society/Sociolegal Studies 5
Developing Theories of Crime Causation 6
Explaining Criminal Behavior 7
Penology: Punishment, Sanctions, and Corrections
Victimology 8
7
The Nature and Extent
of Crime 30
A Brief History of Criminology 8
Classical Criminology 9 Primary Sources of Crime Data 32
Positivist Criminology 9 Official Records: The Uniform Crime Report 32
Sociological Criminology 10 NIBRS: The Future of the Uniform Crime Report 35
Conflict Criminology 11 Survey Research 35
Developmental Criminology 12 The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) 35
Contemporary Criminology 12 Self-Report Surveys 36
Evaluating Crime Data 38
Deviant or Criminal? How Criminologists
Define Crime 13 Crime Trends 39
Becoming Deviant 14 Contemporary Trends 40
The Concept of Crime 15 Trends in Victimization 41
vii
viii CONTENTS
Policies and Issues in Criminology Victims and Their Criminals 78

INTERNATIONAL CRIME TRENDS 42
Theories of Victimization 78
Policies and Issues in Criminology Victim Precipitation Theory 78
EXPLAINING TRENDS IN CRIME RATES 44
Lifestyle Theories 79
What the Future Holds 46 Deviant Place Theory 81
Policies and Issues in Criminology Routine Activities Theory 82
ARE IMMIGRANTS CRIME PRONE? 47
Caring for the Victim 84
Crime Patterns 48 Victim Service Programs 85
Place, Time, Season, Climate 48 Victims’ Rights 89
Co-Offending and Crime 49 Victim Advocates 89
Gender and Crime 49 Self-Protection 89
Race and Crime 51
Use of Firearms
Social Class and Crime
52
53
PART 2
Unemployment and Crime 54 Theories of Crime Causation
Age and Crime 54
Chronic Offenders/Criminal Careers 55 CHAPTER 4

What Causes Chronicity? 56
Implications of the Chronic Offender Concept 56
Thomas Barwick/DigitalVision/
CHAPTER 3
Getty Images
Rational Choice Theory 98
AP Images/Jim Cole
Development of Rational Choice

Theory 100
Victims and Victimization 64 Concepts of Rational Choice 101
Evaluating the Risks of Crime 101
The Victim’s Role 66 Offense-Specific/Offender-Specific 102
Structuring Criminality 103
The Costs of Victimization 66
Structuring Crime 104
Societal-Level Costs 66
Individual-Level Costs 67 Is Crime Truly Rational? 106
Legal Costs of Victimization 69 Is Drug Use Rational? 106
Policies and Issues in Criminology Profiles in Crime
THE IMPACT OF WRONGFUL CONVICTIONS ON PLANNING TO STEAL 107
CRIME VICTIMS 70
Is Violence Rational? 108
The Nature of Victimization 72 Is Hate Crime Rational? 108
The Social Ecology of Victimization 72 Is Sex Crime Rational? 109
The Victim’s Household 73 Analyzing Rational Choice Theory 109
Victim Characteristics 73
Situational Crime Prevention 110
Crime Prevention Strategies 111
ELDER VICTIMS 74
Evaluating Situational Crime Prevention 113
CONTENTS ix
General Deterrence 114 Personality and Crime 150

Perception and Deterrence 114
Marginal and Restrictive Deterrence 114 CRIMINAL SUSCEPTIBILITY 151
Punishment and Deterrence 115
Psychopathic/Antisocial Personality 151
DOES THE DEATH PENALTY DISCOURAGE
Profiles in Crime
MURDER? 116 THE ICEMAN: A TRUE SOCIOPATH 153
Evaluating General Deterrence 118 Intelligence and Criminality 154

Specific Deterrence 119 Mental Disorders and Crime 155
Toughen Punishment? 119 Crime and Mental Illness 155
Incapacitation 120 Profiles in Crime

ADAM LANZA AND THE NEWTOWN MASSACRE 157
RACIAL DISPARITY IN STATE PRISONS 122 Evaluation of Trait Theory 157
Criminal Justice and Rational Social Policy and Trait Theory 158
Choice Theory 123
Policy and Issues in Criminology
Police and Rational Choice Theory 123 COGNITIVE BEHAVIORAL THERAPY 159
Courts, Sentencing, and Rational Choice Theory 123
Corrections and Rational Choice Theory 124
CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 5
AP Images/Steven Senne
AP Images/Michael Sullivan/
News-Review
Social Structure Theory 170

Trait Theory 132 Economic Structure and American Society 172
Living in Poverty 172
Development of Trait Theory 134 Child Poverty 173
Contemporary Trait Theory 135 Minority Group Poverty 173
Individual Vulnerability vs. Differential Problems of the Lower Class 174

Susceptibility 136 Social Structure and Crime 175
Biological Trait Theories 136 Policies and Issues in Criminology

LABOR’S LOVE LOST 176
Biochemical Conditions and Crime 137
Neurophysiological Conditions and Crime 139 Social Structure Theories 177
Genetics and Crime 142
Evolutionary Views of Crime 143 Social Disorganization Theory 177
The Work of Shaw and McKay 178
Psychological Trait View 144 The Social Ecology School 180
The Psychodynamic Perspective 145 Collective Efficacy 183
The Behavioral Perspective: Social Learning Theory 145
Strain Theories 186
VIOLENT MEDIA/VIOLENT BEHAVIOR? 146 Theory of Anomie 186
Institutional Anomie Theory 187
Cognitive Theory 149
Relative Deprivation Theory 188
General Strain Theory (GST) 189
x CONTENTS
Cultural Deviance Theory 192 Long-Term Effects of Labeling 234

Focal Concerns 192 Is Labeling Theory Valid? 235
Policies and Issues in Criminology Social Process Theory and Public Policy 236
THE CODE OF THE STREETS 194
Theory of Delinquent Subculture 195 CHAPTER 8

Theory of Differential Opportunity 197
Social Structure Theory and Public Policy 198

Broken Windows 199
Anik Rahman/Redux
CHAPTER 7
Social Conflict, Critical
Gabrielle Lurie/AFP/Getty Images
Criminology, and Restorative

Justice 248
Origins of Critical Criminology 250
Critical Criminology in the United States 252
Social Process Theory 210 Contemporary Critical Criminology 253
Institutions of Socialization 213 How Critical Criminologists

Define Crime 253
Family Relations 213
Educational Experience 215 How Critical Criminologists View the Cause
Peer Relations 216 of Crime 254
Religion and Belief 217 Failing Social Institutions 255
Globalization 255
Social Learning Theories 218
State-Organized Crime 257
Differential Association Theory 218
Profiles in Crime ARE WRONGFUL CONVICTIONS A STATE
THE AFFLUENZA CASE 221 CRIME? 260
Differential Reinforcement Theory 222
Instrumental vs. Structural Theory 261
Neutralization Theory 222
Instrumental Theory 261
Profiles in Crime
WHITE-COLLAR NEUTRALIZATION 225
RUSSIAN STATE-ORGANIZED CRIME 262
Evaluating Learning Theories 226
Structural Theory 263
Social Control Theory 226
Research on Critical Criminology 263
Hirschi’s Social Control Theory 226
Race and Justice 263
Testing Social Control Theory: Supportive Research 228
Critiquing Social Control Theory 229 Alternative Views of Critical Theory 264
Left Realism 264
Social Reaction (Labeling) Theory 230
Consequences of Labeling 231 Policies and Issues in Criminology
LEFT REALISM AND TERROR 265
Primary and Secondary Deviance 233
Criminal Careers 233 Critical Feminist Theory: Gendered Criminology 266
Differential Enforcement 234 Power–Control Theory 269
Peacemaking Criminology 270
CONTENTS xi
Critical Theory and Public Policy: Restorative

Justice 271 PART 3
The Concept of Restorative Justice 271 Crime Typologies
Reintegrative Shaming 272
The Process of Restoration 273
The Challenge of Restorative Justice 276 CHAPTER 10
CHAPTER 9
AP Images/Grace Beahm
Connecticut Department of Correction
Service/Getty Images; AP Images/
Hartford Courant/Tribune News
Violent Crime 318

Causes of Violence 320
Developmental Theories: Personal Traits 320
Life Course, Propensity, Child Abuse and Neglect 321
and Trajectory 284 Human Instinct 321

Foundations of Developmental Theory 286 VIOLENCE AND HUMAN NATURE 322
Three Views of Criminal Career Development 287
Exposure to Violence 323
Population Heterogeneity vs. State Dependence 288
Substance Abuse 323
Life Course Theory 289 Firearm Availability 323
Age of Onset 290 Cultural Values 324
Problem Behavior Syndrome 291 National Values 324
Continuity of Crime 291
Age-Graded Theory 292 AMERICAN CULTURE AND HOMICIDE 325
Policies and Issues in Criminology Rape 325
HUMAN AGENCY, PERSONAL ASSESSMENT, CRIME,
AND DESISTANCE 296 Incidence of Rape 326
Patterns of Rape and Sexual Assault 327
Social Schematic Theory (SST) 297
Types of Rapists 327
Policies and Issues in Criminology Types of Rape 328
SHARED BEGINNINGS, DIVERGENT LIVES 298
Causes of Rape 331
Latent Trait/Propensity Theory 300 Rape and the Law 332
Crime and Human Nature 300
Murder and Homicide 334
General Theory of Crime (GTC) 301
Degrees of Murder 335
Trajectory Theory 304 Nature and Extent of Murder 336
Age and Offending Trajectories 304 Murderous Relations 336
Personality and Offending Trajectories 305 Policies and Issues in Criminology
Chronic Offenders and Non-offenders 305 HONOR KILLINGS 338
Pathways to Crime 306
Serial Killers, Mass Murderers, and Spree
Adolescent-Limited and Life Course Persistent Killers 340
Offenders 306
Public Policy Implications of Developmental MASS SHOOTERS: WHY DO SOME LIVE AND WHY
Theory 308 DO SOME DIE? 344
xii CONTENTS
Assault and Battery 345 Policies and Issues in Criminology

Nature and Extent of Assault 345 THE ISLAMIC STATE 386
Acquaintance and Family Assaults 345 State-Sponsored Terrorism 387
Dating Violence 347 Lone Actor Terrorists 388
Robbery 347 What Motivates the Terrorist? 389

Robbers in Action 348 Psychological View 389
Choosing Targets 348 Alienation View 390
Family Conflict View 390
Contemporary Forms of Interpersonal Violence 350
Political View 391
Hate Crimes 350
Socialization/Friendship View 391
Workplace Violence 352
Ideological View 391
Stalking 353
Explaining State-Sponsored Terrorism 392
CHAPTER 11 Extent of the Terrorism Threat 392
Criminal Justice Response to Terrorism 393

Combating Terrorism with Law Enforcement 393
AP Images/Markus Schreiber
Combating Terrorism with the Law 396

Combating Terrorism with Politics 398
CHAPTER 12
AP Images/Darron Cummings; Florida

Political Crime and
Terrorism 366
Department of Corrections
Political Crime 369
Profiles in Crime
EDWARD SNOWDEN 370
The Nature of Political Crimes 370 Economic Crimes: Blue-

Becoming a Political Criminal 371
Collar, White-Collar, and
Types of Political Crimes 372 Green-Collar 404
Election Fraud 372
Abuse of Office/Public Corruption 374 History of Economic Crimes 406
Treason 374 Development of White-Collar and Green-Collar Crime 407
Espionage 375
Blue-Collar Crimes and Criminals 408
State Political Crime 377
Larceny 408
Terrorism 378 Burglary 413
Defining Terrorism 378 Arson 414
Terrorist and Guerilla 379
White-Collar Crime 415
Terrorist and Insurgent 380
Business Frauds and Swindles 416
Terrorist and Revolutionary 380
Profiles in Crime
A Brief History of Terrorism 381 FERTILITY FRAUD 417
Contemporary Forms of Terrorism 382 Chiseling 418

Political Terrorism 382 Exploitation 418
Revolutionary Terrorism 384 Influence Peddling 419
Nationalist Terrorism 384 Employee Fraud and Embezzlement 421
Retributive Terrorism 385 Client Fraud 422
Corporate Crime 423
CONTENTS xiii
Green-Collar Crime 425 Pornography 461

Defining Green-Collar Crime 425 Is Pornography Harmful? 462
Forms of Green Crime 426 Does Viewing Pornography Cause Violence? 462
Pornography and the Law 463
THE DEEPWATER HORIZON 430
Substance Abuse 464
Theories of White-Collar and Green-Collar When Did Drug Use Begin? 465
Crime 431 Alcohol and Its Prohibition 465
Rational Choice: Greed 431 Extent of Substance Abuse 466
Rational Choice: Need 431 Causes of Substance Abuse 467
Rationalization/Neutralization View 432 Policies and Issues in Criminology
Cultural View 432 THE OPIOID EPIDEMIC 468
Self-Control View 432
Controlling White-Collar and Green-Collar SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND PSYCHOSIS 469
Crime 433 Substance Abuse and Crime 471
Environmental Laws 433 Drugs and the Law 472
Enforcing the Law 434 Drug Control Strategies 473
Deterrence vs. Compliance 435 Legalization of Drugs 478
CHAPTER 13 CHAPTER 14
Isabel Pavia/Moment/Getty Images

John Lamb/Shellys/DigitalVision/
Getty Images
Public Order Crimes 444 Crimes of the New Millennium:

Cybercrime and Transnational
Law and Morality 446 Organized Crime 488
Are Victimless Crimes Victimless? 447
Contemporary Cybercrime 490
The Theory of Social Harm 448
Moral Crusaders and Moral Crusades 449 Cybertheft: Cybercrimes for Profit 491
Theft from ATMs 491
Sex-Related Offenses 450
Distributing Illicit or Illegal Services and Material 492
Paraphilias 451 Distributing Dangerous Drugs 493
Pedophilia 451
Profiles in Crime
THE LOST BOY CASE 494
Prostitution 452
History of Prostitution 453 Denial-of-Service Attack 495
Internet Extortion/Ransomware 495
SEX WORK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY 454 Illegal Copyright Infringement 496
Internet Securities Fraud 497
Incidence of Prostitution 454
Identity Theft 497
Policies and Issues in Criminology Etailing Fraud 499
THE INTERNATIONAL SEX TRADE 456
Cybervandalism: Cybercrime with Malicious
Types of Prostitutes 458
Intent 500
Becoming a Prostitute 459
Worms, Viruses, Trojan Horses, Logic Bombs, and Spam 501
Legalize Prostitution? 460
Website Defacement 502
xiv CONTENTS
Cyberstalking 502 Policies and Issues in Criminology

Cyberbullying 503 TERRORISM ON THE NET 512
Policies and Issues in Criminology Combating Cyberwar 514

UPSKIRTING, DOWNBLOUSING, AND REVENGE PORN:
SHOULD NONCONSENSUAL PORNOGRAPHY BE Transnational Organized Crime 514
CRIMINALIZED? 504 Characteristics of Transnational Organized Crime 515
Cyberspying 507 Activities of Transnational Organized Crime 515
Transnational Gangs 516
The Costs of Cybercrime 507
Controlling Transnational Crime 520
Combating Cybercrime 508
Glossary G-1
International Treaties 509
Cybercrime Enforcement Agencies 509 Name Index NI-1
Cyberwar: Politically Motivated Cybercrime 510 Subject Index SI-1

Cyberespionage 511
Cyberterrorism 511
Preface
I
n 2017, the operator of the world’s largest child pornography website was sen-
tenced to serve 30 years in prison. The case began in August 2014, when Steven
Chase created the Playpen, a website using the Tor Project hidden service pro-
tocol, which allows for an open network on the Internet where users can com-
municate anonymously. Tor software conceals its users’ identities and their online
activity from surveillance and traffic analysis by separating identification and routing.
It encrypts and then randomly bounces communications through a network of relays
run by volunteers around the globe.
mecklenburgcountync.gov
Chase served as lead administrator of Playpen, through which he and more than
150,000 other members viewed tens of thousands of postings of young victims, sorted
by age, sex, and the type of sexual activity involved. In addition to Tor, website mem-
bers employed other advanced technological means to thwart identification, includ-
ing elaborate file encryption. Steven Chase
Chase chose the name of the website, selected and made payments to the website
hosting company, regularly updated the site with new features and security fixes,
promoted several site members to administrator and moderator status to assist with
the administration of the criminal enterprise, and spent hundreds of hours logged in,
personally authoring hundreds of postings. He was arrested following a court-autho-
rized search of his home that revealed he was in possession of thousands of images
depicting the sexual abuse of children as young as infants and toddlers.
Following Chase’s arrest, federal agents pierced through the anonymity provided
by the Tor network and obtained IP addresses and other information to identify other
site users. As a result of the investigation, at least 350 US-based individuals have been
arrested, 25 producers of child pornography have been prosecuted, 51 alleged hands-
on abusers have been prosecuted, and 55 American children who were subjected to
sexual abuse have been successfully identified or rescued. The ongoing international
investigation has led to least 520 arrests, and the successful identification and rescue
of at least 186 children who were subjected to sexual abuse.
The Playpen case demonstrates the complex nature of crime today. Contem-
porary criminals, whether they be pornographers, gang members, or terrorists, are
adept at using the Internet to carry out their criminal enterprise schemes. While
some crimes are local, others are global in their reach. It is not surprising that many
Americans are concerned about crime and worried about becoming victims of crime
themselves. We alter our behavior to limit the risk of victimization and question
whether legal punishment alone can control criminal offenders. We watch movies
and TV shows about law firms and their clients, fugitives, and stone-cold killers. We
are shocked when the news media offers graphic accounts of school shootings, po-
lice brutality, and sexual assaults. We are swayed when politicians claim that crime
is on the upswing and that we must arm ourselves to protect loved ones. Is any-
where safe? Twenty years ago, no states had laws that allowed guns on university
campuses. Today, 10 states have signed such laws, while 20 others are considering
college carry laws.
I, too, have had a lifelong interest in crime, law, and justice. Why do people be-
have the way they do? What causes someone like Steven Chase to operate a global
kiddie porn site? Was his behavior the result of a diseased mind and personality? And
xv
xvi PREFACE
what should be done with people who commit such horrendous crimes? Is 30 years
in prison too severe a sentence for someone who distributes child pornography, or too
lenient? Can draconian punishments convince others that “crime does not pay”?
Goals of This Book

For more than 40 years, I have channeled my fascination with issues related to crime
and justice into a career as a student and teacher of criminology. My goal in writing
this text is to help students share the same enthusiasm for criminology that has sus-
tained me during my teaching career. What could be more important or fascinating
than a field of study that deals with such wide-ranging topics as the motivation for
mass murder, the effects of violent media on young people, drug abuse, and orga-
nized crime? Criminology is a dynamic field, changing constantly with the release of
major research studies, Supreme Court rulings, and governmental policy. Its dyna-
mism and diversity make it an important and engrossing area of study.
One reason why the study of criminology is so important is that debates continue
over the nature and extent of crime and the causes and prevention of criminality.
Some view criminals as society’s victims who are forced to violate the law because of
poverty and lack of opportunity. Others view antisocial behavior, such as the Playpen
website, as a product of mental and physical abnormalities, present at birth or soon
after, that are stable over the life course. Still another view is that crime is a function
of the rational choice of greedy, selfish people who can be deterred from engaging in
criminal behavior only by the threat of harsh punishments. It all comes down to this:
Why do people do the things they do? How can we explain the intricacies and diver-
sity of human behavior?
Because interest in crime and justice is so great and so timely, this text is designed
to review these ongoing issues and cover the field of criminology in an organized and
comprehensive manner. It is meant as a broad overview of the field, an introduction
to whet the reader’s appetite and encourage further and more in-depth exploration.
I try to present how the academic study of criminology intersects with real-world
issues. For example, diversity is a key issue in criminology and a topic that has im-
portant real-world consequences. Therefore, the text attempts to integrate issues of
racial, ethnic, gender, and cultural diversity throughout. The book covers the killing
of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and racial differences in economic and so-
cial factors related to crime.
My primary goals in writing this text were as follows:
1. To separate the facts from the fiction about crime and criminality
2. To provide students with comprehensive and wide-ranging knowledge of crimi-
nology and show its diversity and intellectual content
3. To be as thorough and up-to-date as possible
4. To be objective and unbiased
5. To describe current theories, crime types, and methods of social control, and to
analyze their strengths and weaknesses
6. To show how criminological thought has influenced social policy
Features
FACT OR FICTION? A main goal of this edition is to expose some of the myths that
cloud people’s thinking about crime and criminals. The media often paints a distorted
picture of the crime problem in America and focuses only on the most sensational
cases. Is the crime rate really out of control? Are unemployed people inclined to com-
mit crime? Are immigrants more crime prone than the native-born, as some politi-
cians suggest? Are married people less crime prone than singles? Distinguishing what
is true from what is merely legend is one of the greatest challenges for instructors in
criminology courses. Therefore, a goal of this text is disabuse students of incorrect
PREFACE xvii
notions, perceptions, and biases. Each chapter opens with a set of statements high-
lighting common perceptions about crime that are related to the material discussed
in the chapter. In the text, these statements are revisited so the student will become
skilled at distinguishing the myths from the reality of crime and criminality.
CONCEPT SUMMARY There are ongoing debates about the nature and extent of
crime and the causes and prevention of criminality. I try to present the various view-
points on each topic and then draw a conclusion based on the weight of the existing
evidence. Students become familiar with this kind of analysis by examining Concept
Summary boxes that compare different viewpoints, reviewing both their main points
and their strengths.
THINKING LIKE A CRIMINOLOGIST It is important for students to think critically

about law and justice and to develop a critical perspective toward the social insti-
tutions and legal institutions entrusted with crime control. Throughout the book,
students are asked to critique research highlighted in boxed material and to think
“outside the box,” as it were. To aid in this task, each chapter ends with a brief section
called Thinking Like a Criminologist, which presents a scenario that can be analyzed
with the help of material found in the chapter and a suggested writing assignment to
expand knowledge on the issue.
POLICIES AND ISSUES IN CRIMINOLOGY Throughout the book, every attempt is

made to access the most current research and scholarship available. Most people who
use the book have told me that this is one of its strongest features. I have attempted
to present current research in a balanced fashion, even though this approach can be
frustrating to students. It is comforting to reach an unequivocal conclusion about an
important topic, but sometimes that simply is not possible. In an effort to be objec-
tive and fair, I have presented each side of important criminological debates in full.
Throughout the text, boxed features titled Policies and Issues in Criminology review
critically important research topics. In Chapter 13, for example, this feature covers
the current opioid epidemic that is sweeping the United States and analyzes its cause
and effects.
PROFILES IN CRIME These features are designed to present to students actual crimes
that help illustrate the position or views within the chapter. In Chapter 12, a Profiles
in Crime feature entitled “Fertility Fraud” looks at the case of Allison Layton, who
owned a company called Miracles Egg Donation. Layton earned a prison sentence for
cheating vulnerable would-be parents out of tens of thousands of dollars for phony
egg donation and surrogacy services.
CONNECTIONS are short inserts that help link the material to other areas covered in
the book. A Connections insert in Chapter 14 points out how cyberspace is being used
to facilitate public order crimes (covered in Chapter 13) by being a conduit to illegally
distribute prescription drugs, advertise prostitution, and disseminate pornography.
CHAPTER OUTLINES provide a roadmap to coverage and serve as a useful review

tool.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES spell out what students should learn in each chapter and
are reinforced via a direct link to the end-of-chapter summary as well as all of the
text’s ancillary materials.
A RUNNING GLOSSARY in the margins ensures that students understand words and
concepts as they are introduced.
In sum, the text has been carefully structured to cover relevant material in a
comprehensive, balanced, and objective fashion. Every attempt has been made to
make the presentation of material interesting and contemporary. No single political or
xviii PREFACE
theoretical position dominates the text; instead, the many diverse views that are con-
tained within criminology and characterize its interdisciplinary nature are presented.
While the text includes analysis of the most important scholarly works and scientific
research reports, it also includes a great deal of topical information on recent cases
and events, such as the story of Owen Labrie and the St. Paul’s School rape case and
Dylann Roof and the Charleston massacre.
Topic Areas
Criminology: The Core is a thorough introduction to this fascinating field and is intended
for students in introductory courses in criminology. It is divided into three main sec-
tions or topic areas.
PART 1 provides a framework for studying criminology. The first chapter defines the
field and discusses its most basic concepts: the definition of crime, the component
areas of criminology, the history of criminology, the concept of criminal law, and the
ethical issues that arise in this field. Chapter 2 covers criminological research meth-
ods, as well as the nature, extent, and patterns of crime. Chapter 3 is devoted to the
concept of victimization, including the nature of victims, theories of victimization,
and programs designed to help crime victims.
PART 2 contains six chapters that cover criminological theory: Why do people be-
have the way they do? Why do they commit crimes? These views focus on choice
(Chapter 4), biological and psychological traits (Chapter 5), social structure and cul-
ture (Chapter 6), social process and socialization (Chapter 7), social conflict (Chapter
8), and human development (Chapter 9).
PART 3 is devoted to the major forms of criminal behavior. The chapters in this sec-
tion cover violent crime (Chapter 10), political crime and terrorism (Chapter 11),
blue-collar, white-collar, and green-collar crimes (Chapter 12), public order crimes,
including sex offenses and substance abuse (Chapter 13), and cybercrime and trans-
national organized crime (Chapter 14).
What’s New in This Edition:

Chapter-by-Chapter Changes
Chapter 1
Chapter 1 now begins with a vignette on the 2015 terror attack in San Bernardino,
California, that killed 14 people and wounded 22 others. There is discussion of Glossip v.
Gross, a case that illustrates how the Supreme Court relies on social science research to
reach decisions. There is also a review of research aimed at determining whether people
who view pornography are also more likely to commit violence against women. A Pro-
files in Crime feature entitled “A Shooting in Ferguson” reviews the case of Michael
Brown, an African American youth killed in what proved to be a highly controversial
confrontation with a police officer. There is new information on drug legalization: a
number of states have now legalized recreational use of marijuana, while others have
legalized it for medical purposes. A Policies and Issues in Criminology feature, “Hate
Crime in Georgia,” considers whether the punishment was appropriate to the crime.
Chapter 2
Chapter 2’s opening vignette looks at a recent crime committed by members of MS-13, a
violent international criminal organization based in El Salvador and Honduras. The data
on crime and victimization have been updated. There is new information in the Policies
and Issues features on international crime trends and factors that shape criminal activity.
PREFACE xix
Chapter 3
Chapter 3 begins with the discussion of the infamous St. Paul’s School rape case in which
a young student was sexually assaulted by a classmate as part of a ritual in which senior
boys attempt to seduce freshman girls. There is a new discussion on the different meth-
ods that have been developed to measure the cost of victimization to American society.
A new section looks at the stress abuse victims encounter in childhood that endures into
adulthood. There is recent data from the National Center for Educational Statistics on
victimization among students. Research is covered that shows that racial stereotypes af-
fect criminal decision making. Research showing that people with particular and distinct
mental and physical traits are more likely to suffer victimization is discussed.
Chapter 4
Chapter 4 begins with a vignette on an Ohio man, Michael Wymer, whose case aptly
illustrates the concept of rational choice in criminal decision making. There is a new
section on criminal competence, which may be an important element in structuring
criminality. Research is covered that shows that criminals choose targets in familiar
places, where they know their way around and won’t get lost or trapped. Research
now shows that neighborhoods with medical marijuana dispensaries have a high risk
of armed robbery and resulting murders. A new section called “Getting Away” dis-
cusses escape mechanisms employed during criminal acts. A new Profiles in Crime
feature looks at how auto thieves plan their crimes. There is an updated section on
the installation of closed-circuit television (CCTV) surveillance cameras and improved
street lighting. Another new section looks at criminal compulsion. A Policies and Is-
sues in Criminology feature looks at racial disparity in state prisons. There are new
sections on courts, sentencing, corrections, and rational choice theory.
Chapter 5
Chapter 5 begins with a vignette on Chris Harper Mercer, a troubled young man
who opened fire at Umpqua Community College in Oregon, killing nine people and
wounding seven others before being killed after exchanging gunfire with responding
police officers. There is new data on adolescent boys with antisocial substance disor-
der (ASD) who repeatedly engage in risky antisocial behavior. Research is covered
that shows that antisocial children have lower resting heart rates than the general
population. Meta-analysis of existing research finds that lack of attachment predicts
involvement in a broad spectrum of criminal activity. A new Policies and Issues in
Criminology feature entitled “Criminal Susceptibility” argues that the link between
personality traits and crime flows through an individual’s resistance or susceptibility
to crime-promoting experiences. A new Profiles in Crime feature covers Adam Lanza
and the Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre.
Chapter 6
Chapter 6 begins with a vignette on the tragic case of Aaron Hernandez, the pro-foot-
ball star who could not shake the street values that shaped his early life. New material
on economic structure and American society reviews such issues as stratification, class
economic disparity, white privilege, and racial conflict. A new Policies and Issues in
Criminology feature entitled “Labor’s Love Lost” reviews the book by Andrew Cherlin
that provides an explanation of the toll income and educational inequality take on soci-
ety. Research is presented on how destructive commercial institutions can destabilize a
neighborhood and increase the rate of violent crimes.
Chapter 7
Chapter 7’s opening vignette looks at the case of Stanford University student ath-
lete Brock Turner, who was convicted of sexually assaulting an unconscious woman
behind a dumpster and received a six-month jail sentence for his crime. New research
xx PREFACE
shows that youth who are suspended or expelled from school are the ones most likely
to have problems over the life course. A Profiles in Crime feature entitled “The Af-
fluenza Case” looks at what happened to Ethan Couch, a 16-year-old Texas boy, who
killed four people while driving drunk. A new Policies and Issues in Criminology fea-
ture, “White-Collar Neutralization,” reviews research that shows that white-collar
criminals use neutralization techniques before engaging in business crimes. There is a
new section covering Per-Olof H. Wikstrom’s Situational Action Theory (SAT), which
maintains that when people are socialized to have a strong sense of morality, if con-
fronted or exposed to criminal opportunity, their sense of ethics and principles will
guide their behavior. There is also a new section on the long-term effects of labeling.
Chapter 8
Chapter 8 opens with a vignette on the political conflict that dominated the 2016 pres-
idential election. There is new coverage of income including research sponsored by
the Pew Foundation that shows that the wealth gap between America’s high-income
group and everyone else has now reached record high levels. There is a new section
on justice system inequality that discusses how critical thinkers believe that racial and
ethnic minorities are now the target of racist police officers and unfair prosecutorial
practices. A Policies and Issues in Criminology box asks the provocative question “Are
Wrongful Convictions a State Crime?” There is discussion on how critical feminists
show that sexual and other victimization of girls is a function of male socialization
because so many young males learn to be aggressive and to exploit women.
Chapter 9
Chapter 9’s opening vignette covers the horrific murders of Jennifer, Michaela, and
Hayley Petit during a home invasion in Cheshire, Connecticut. A new Policies and
Issues in Criminology feature entitled “Human Agency, Personal Assessment, Crime,
and Desistance” looks at the research of Robert Agnew and Steven Messner, which
shows that human agency plays a major role in shaping personal assessments and
behaviors. A new section entitled “Personality and Offending Trajectories” shows that
the reason why some offenders start early, others late, and some not at all may be
linked to psychological problems and disturbance.
Chapter 10
Chapter 10 opens with an update on the Dylann Roof case; he was sentenced to
death after being convicted in federal court on 33 hate crime charges. Randol Con-
treras’s influential book Stickup Kids: Race, Drugs, Violence, and the American Dream is
covered. A Policies and Issues in Criminology feature entitled “American Culture and
Homicide” covers the work of social historian Randolph Roth, who charts changes
in the homicide rate in the United States from colonial times to the present. There
is a section that looks at date and acquaintance rape on college campuses; data from
a national survey of sexual assault on campus are presented. A new section, “Sex in
Authority Relations,” reviews the legislation making it a crime for people in power
to have sexual relations with those they control or supervise. A Policies and Issues in
Criminology feature looks at mass shooters: Why do some live and some die? A new
section, “Targeting Criminals,” reviews how some robbers target fellow criminals—for
example, drug dealers—because they are inviting targets.
Chapter 11
Chapter 11 updates the case of Julian Assange and WikiLeaks, and how the 2016
presidential election was influenced by the release of emails hacked from Clinton
campaign computers. A Profiles in Crime feature covers the Edward Snowden case.
Voting fraud is now covered in some detail. A Policies and Issues in Criminology fea-
ture on the history and activities of the Islamic State has been updated. We also re-
view the US Freedom Act, which replaced the Patriot Act.
PREFACE xxi
Chapter 12
Chapter 12 reviews the activities of the Cuban Mob, a gang of commercial thieves
who made off with $60 million worth of pharmaceuticals. Data are updated on shop-
lifting and retail theft: in a given year, total retail losses are approximately $44 billion.
There is new information on the increase in highly organized professionals involved
in auto theft. A Profiles in Crime feature entitled “Fertility Fraud” looks at the crimes
of Allison Layton, who cheated would-be parents at her fertility clinic. There is cover-
age of recent Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) cases, illegal logging, and importa-
tion of wildlife that has brought some species, such as the northern white rhinoceros
and the western black rhinoceros, to near extinction.
Chapter 13
Chapter 13 begins with a vignette on Larry Nassar, a central figure in USA gymnastics,
and how his downfall began when young female athletes accused him of sexual assault
and federal investigators found child pornography on his computer. The most challenged
or banned library books are set out. There is new material on the history of prostitution,
including how in 1908 officials in Salt Lake City, Utah, hired Dora Topham, the leading
madam of Ogden, to operate a legal red-light district called the stockade. The Policies
and Issues in Criminology feature “Sex Work in Contemporary Society” is updated to
include survival sex among LGBTQ youth. Another Policies and Issues feature, “The In-
ternational Sex Trade,” is updated with the latest report by the UN on human trafficking.
There is a new Policies and Issues in Criminology feature on the opioid epidemic that is
sweeping the country. There is new material on the link between drugs and crime; re-
search projects find that they are highly correlated.
Chapter 14
Chapter 14 begins with the case of Kassandra Cruz, a Miami woman sent to prison for
cyberstalking and extortion. New data are presented on how the crime rate in Eng-
land and Wales doubled in 2015 when cybercrime began to be included. New data
are presented that show that a conservative estimate of the annual cost to the global
economy from cybercrime is now more than $400 billion and losses may be as high
as $575 billion. A new section entitled “Internet Extortion/Ransomware” discusses
how computers around the world are attacked by hackers. There is a new Policies and
Issues in Criminology box on revenge porn and efforts to penalize people who post
non-consensual sexually explicit photos online. Data are presented on cyberbullying
that show on average about 28 percent of kids experience this form of harassment.
A Policies and Issues in Criminology feature discusses how the Islamic State uses the
Internet to recruit and raise funds.
Supplements
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xxii PREFACE
the section in the main text where the answers can be found, and Bloom’s taxonomy.
Finally, each question in the test bank has been carefully reviewed by experienced
criminal justice instructors for quality, accuracy, and content coverage. The Test Bank
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Acknowledgments
The preparation of this book would not have been possible without the aid of my col-
leagues who helped by reviewing the previous editions and gave me important sug-
gestions for improvement.
My partners at Cengage Learning have done their typically outstanding job of
aiding me in the preparation of this text and putting up with my yearly angst. Caro-
lyn Henderson Meier, my wonderful product team manager, is always an inspiration;
Shelley Murphy is both my content developer and dear friend. Kim Adams Fox did
an outstanding job on photo research. Both Mary Kanable and Susan Gall are excel-
lent proofreaders and I’m grateful for their thoughtful and smart comments. Linda
Jupiter, the book’s production editor, is another confidant and friend. I really appreci-
ate the help of Lunaea Weatherstone, who in addition to being a great copy editor is
also my oracle and personal life coach. The sensational Christy Frame is an extraordi-
nary senior content project manager, and senior marketing manager Mark Linton is
equally fantastic.
CRIMINOLOGY
THE CORE
Crime and Criminology
Learning Objectives
LO1 Explain the various elements of criminology.
LO2 Differentiate between crime and deviance.
LO3 Analyze the three different views of the definition of crime.
LO4 Articulate the different purposes of the criminal law.
LO5 Outline the criminal justice process.
LO6 Summarize the ethical issues in criminology.
Handout/FBI/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Handout/Getty Images News/Getty Images
Joe Raedle/Getty Images News/Getty Images
Syed Rizwan Farook Tashfeen Malik
1
Chapter Outline
O
What Criminologists Do: The Elements n December 2, 2015, Syed Rizwan
of Criminology Farook and Tashfeen Malik, residents of
Criminal Statistics/Crime Measurement
Redlands, California, attacked a holiday
Sociology of Law/Law and Society/Sociolegal Studies
Developing Theories of Crime Causation party being held for employees at the
Explaining Criminal Behavior San Bernardino County Department of Public
Penology: Punishment, Sanctions, and Corrections
Victimology Health. Armed with semi-automatic weapons, they
A Brief History of Criminology killed 14 people; 22 others were seriously injured.
Classical Criminology Farook, who worked for the health department,
Positivist Criminology
was an American-born citizen of Pakistani decent,
Sociological Criminology
Conflict Criminology while Malik, his wife, was Pakistani-born and a
Developmental Criminology lawful permanent resident; they had a 6-month-old
Contemporary Criminology
daughter. After the shooting, the couple fled the
Deviant or Criminal? scene in a rented SUV and were killed in a shootout
How Criminologists Define Crime
Becoming Deviant with pursuing police.
The Concept of Crime Farook and Malik are considered homegrown
Profiles in Crime violent extremists, inspired by but not directed by
A SHOOTING IN FERGUSON
a foreign group; they were not part of any known
A Definition of Crime
terrorist cell. Farook visited Pakistan in 2014 and
Criminology and the Criminal Law returned with Malik, who traveled on a Pakistani
Common Law
Contemporary Criminal Law passport with a fiancée visa. They also visited Saudi
The Evolution of Criminal Law Arabia, but their radicalization is believed to have
Criminology and Criminal Justice been via the Internet. After they returned from
The Criminal Justice System
abroad, the couple began to stockpile weapons,
The Process of Justice
thousands of rounds of ammunition, and bomb-
HATE CRIME IN GEORGIA making equipment in their home.1
The San Bernardino attack was all too reminiscent
Ethical Issues in Criminology of other terrorist incidents on American soil:
●●
On April 15, 2013, Dzhokhar and Tamerlan
FACT OR FICTION?
Tsarnaev set off bombs at the Boston Marathon
finish line, killing three people, and maiming
▸▸ Sex offender registration lists help deter and injuring at least 264. The Tsarnaev brothers,
potential offenders and reduce the though born abroad and of Chechen descent,
incidence of child molestation. had prospered in the United States; Dzhokhar
▸▸ It’s a crime to ignore a drowning person’s was attending a state university. Nonetheless,
cries for help. the brothers clung to radical Islamic views and
blamed the US government for conducting a war
▸▸ The definitions of long-established
common-law crimes such as rape, against Islam in Iraq and Afghanistan.2 ▸
robbery, and murder never change.
3
●●
On November 28, 2016, Somali refugee Abdul Razak Ali Artan
deliberately drove his car into pedestrians at Ohio State University.
Getting out of the car, he then attacked others with a butcher knife
before being shot and killed by the first responding OSU police officer.
Thirteen people were injured in the attack. Investigators believe that
Artan was inspired by terrorist propaganda from the Islamic State (IS)
and radical Muslim cleric Anwar al-Awlaki.3 ■
These and other high-profile terrorist incidents have spurred an ongoing national
debate over the proper response to terrorism. In 2017, President Trump issued an
executive order that prohibited residents from seven predominantly Muslim coun-
tries from visiting the US to work or study. Another executive order focused on immi-
grants who “pose a risk to public safety” and thereby made millions of undocumented
people a priority for deportation.4 The ban provoked even greater debate. Supporters
believed Tump's order enhanced national security. Critics countered that the ban was
unconstitutional; federal judges sided with the latter and blocked its implementation.
Widely publicized criminal acts, including terror attacks, have stimulated interest
criminology in criminology, an academic discipline that uses the scientific method to study the
The scientific study of the nature, nature, extent, cause, and control of criminal behavior. This involves using valid and
extent, cause, and control of reliable procedures for the systematic collection, testing, and analysis of empirical evi-
criminal behavior.
dence relevant to the problem under study.
What motivates people like Farook and Malik to turn on coworkers and people
they knew in the name of Jihad? Or was that their real motive? Was their crime a
matter of rational choice and decision making or the outcome of delusional thinking
and mental illness?
Unlike political figures and media commentators, whose opinions about crime
may be colored by personal experiences, biases, and election concerns, criminolo-
gists remain objective as they study crime and its consequences.5 The field itself is
far reaching, and subject matter ranges from street level drug dealing to interna-
tional organized crime, from lone wolf terrorism to control of kiddie porn. It is an
interdisciplinary field: while many criminologists have attended academic programs
that award degrees in criminology or criminal justice, many criminologists have a
background in other academic disciplines, including sociology, psychology, and legal
studies.
In this chapter, we review the components of this diverse field of study, how this
field developed, and how criminologists view crime and justice. We begin by examin-
ing the focus and concerns of this intriguing academic discipline.
What Criminologists Do:

The Elements of Criminology
LO1 Explain the various Several subareas exist within the broader arena of criminology. Some criminologists
elements of criminology. specialize in one area while ignoring others, and some are generalists whose research
interests are wide ranging. What then are the most important subareas in the field?
Criminal Statistics/Crime Measurement

The subarea of criminal statistics/crime measurement involves creating methodolo-
gies that are able to accurately measure activities, trends, and patterns in crime and
then using these tools to calculate amounts and developments in criminal activity:
How much crime occurs annually? Who commits it? When and where does it occur?
Which crimes are the most serious?
Chapter 1 ■ CRiMe and CRiMinology 5
Criminologists interested in computing criminal statistics focus on creating

valid and reliable measures of criminal behavior: valid measure
A measure that actually measures
●● Criminologists help formulate techniques for collecting and analyzing official what it purports to measure; a
measures of criminal activities, such as crimes reported to the police. measure that is factual.
●● To measure unreported criminal activity criminologists develop survey instru-
reliable measure
ments designed to have victims report loss and injury that may not have been A measure that produces
reported to the police. consistent results from one
●● Criminologists design methods that make it possible to investigate the cause of measurement to another.
crime. They may create a self-administered survey with questions measuring
an adolescent’s delinquent behaviors as well as social characteristics, education
and occupation of parents, friendship patterns, and school activities. These sur-
vey items can later be correlated in order to determine the associations among a
variety of social factors and criminal activities, such as whether school failure is
related to drug abuse.
Sociology of Law/Law and Society/Sociolegal Studies

Variously called sociology of law, law and society, or sociolegal studies, this subarea
of criminology is concerned with the social, political, and intellectual influences of
law and legal activity; the sociology of legal institutions and legal processes; and FACT OR FICTION ?
consequences of law on society. According to the American Sociological Associa- Sex offender registration lists
tion, the sociology of law involves linking the study of law with such core socio- help deter potential offenders
logical issues as social change and stability, order and disorder, the nation-state and and reduce the incidence of
capitalism. Research on sociolegal issues involves methodologically sophisticated child molestation.
empirical investigations as the central means of studying the dynamics of law in
society.6 FICTION Research indicates
Criminologists who study the impact of law on society focus their attention on that registration has little
the role that social forces play in shaping criminal law and the role of criminal law effect on either offenders or
in shaping society. They might investigate the history of legal thought in an effort to rates of child molesting.
understand how criminal acts (such as theft, rape, and murder) evolved into their
present form. They may also play an active role in suggesting legal changes that
benefit society.
Criminologists who are interested in sociolegal
scholarship evaluate the impact that new laws have
on society. Take sex offender registration laws, which
require convicted sex offenders to register with local
law enforcement agencies whenever they move into a
community. These provisions are often called Megan’s
Laws, in memory of 7-year-old Megan Kanka. Megan
was killed in 1994 by sex offender Jesse Timmendequas,
Monica Almeida/New York Times/Redux
who had moved unannounced into her New Jersey

neighborhood. When criminologists conducted an
in-depth study of the effectiveness of the New Jersey
registration law they found that, although it was main-
tained at great cost to the state, the system did not pro-
duce effective results: Sex offense rates in New Jersey
were in steep decline before the system was installed,
and the rate of decline actually slowed down after 1995
when the law took effect; in some states arrests for sex Criminologists interested in the sociology of law conduct research
offenses increased after the law took effect. Megan’s Law on the effects of legal change on society. Take for example the
did not reduce the number of rearrests for sex offenses, Supreme Court’s ruling in Miller v. Alabama, barring mandatory life
nor did it have any demonstrable effect on the time sentences for juveniles convicted of murder. Criminologists may be
between when sex offenders were released from prison called upon to test public opinion on whether young offenders have
and the time they were rearrested for any new offense, the potential for rehabilitation. They may also try to explore whether
such as a drug offense, theft, or another sex offense.7 adolescent brains have developed sufficiently to fully understand
Such sociolegal scholarship helps policy makers deter- the consequences of their behavior.
mine the effectiveness of legal change.
6 Part 1 ■ CONCEPTS OF CRIME, LAW, AND CRIMINOLOGY
Criminological research is also used extensively by the Supreme Court in shaping

their decision making and creating legal precedence.8 Take what happened in these
two important cases:
●● In Miller v. Alabama, the Supreme Court relied on social research that conclusively
showed that juveniles are not fully capable of anticipating the consequences of
their actions. This finding led the justices to conclude that it would be inappropri-
ate and unconstitutional for juveniles to receive mandatory life sentences with-
out the possibility of parole. If juveniles have a different mental capacity than
adults, it seemed illogical that they should receive the same punishment; this
would amount to cruel and unusual punishment.9
●● In Glossip v. Gross, Justices Breyer and Ginsburg relied on social science research
by sociolegal scholar Samuel Gross and his colleagues showing that there is a sig-
nificant likelihood of a wrongful conviction in death penalty cases. Why is this so?
Because capital cases typically involve horrendous murders, and they generate
intense community pressure on police, prosecutors, and jurors to secure a convic-
tion. This pressure creates a greater likelihood of convicting the wrong person.10
Here a legal opinion was informed by social science research.
Developing Theories of Crime Causation

Criminologists also explore the causes of crime. How do the mechanisms of past
experience influence an individual’s propensity to offend? Is past behavior the best
predictor of future behavior? Are the seeds of a criminal career planted early in life or
do life events upend a person’s normal life course?
Some criminologists focus on the individual and look for an association between
decision making, psychological and biological traits, and antisocial behaviors. Those
who have a psychological orientation view crime as a function of personality, develop-
ment, social learning, or cognition. Others investigate the biological correlates of anti-
social behavior and study the biochemical, genetic, and neurological linkages to crime.
Those with a sociological orientation look at the social forces producing criminal
behavior, including neighborhood conditions, poverty, socialization, and group inter-
action. Their belief is that people are a “product of their environment” and anyone
living in substandard conditions could be at risk to crime. Kids are deeply affected by
what goes on in their family, school, and neighborhood, and these are the keys to
understanding the development of antisocial behavior.
on november 13, 2015, 130 people were killed and

another 350 injured in a series of terror attacks across
Paris, including at the Stade de France (the French
national stadium), at cafés and restaurants, and at the
Bataclan Theater, where a concert was taking place.
The attacks began when bombs were set off outside the
Stade de France during a soccer match between France
and germany. Hundreds of people ran from the stadium
in panic. The islamic State (iS) claimed responsibility
for the attacks, which involved groups of jihadists who
simultaneously attacked numerous sites in the city.
Soon after, French President François Hollande closed
the nation’s borders and declared a state of emergency.
The Paris attacks prompted massive retaliation on iS
AP Images/Christophe Ena
installations by France, the United States, and Russia.

Criminologists conduct research on discovering what
prompts people to join terror groups and what can be
done to dissuade them from joining.
Pinning down “one true cause” of crime remains a difficult problem because
most people, even those living in the poorest disorganized neighborhood, or who
suffered abuse and neglect as children, do not become criminals. If they did, there
would be a lot more crimes committed each year than now occur. Since most of
us are law abiding, despite enduring many social and psychological problems, it’s
tough to pinpoint the conditions that inevitably lead to a criminal way of life. Crim-
inologists are still unsure why, given similar conditions, some people choose crimi-
nal solutions to their problems, whereas others conform to accepted social rules of
behavior.
Explaining Criminal Behavior

Another subarea of criminology involves research on specific criminal types and pat-
terns: violent crime, theft crime, public order crime, organized crime, and so on. Nu-
merous attempts have been made to describe and understand particular crime types.
Marvin Wolfgang’s 1958 study Patterns in Criminal Homicide is a landmark analysis of
the nature of homicide and the relationship between victim and offender. Wolfgang
discovered that in many instances victims caused or precipitated the violent con-
frontation that led to their death, spawning the term victim-precipitated homicide.11 victim-precipitated homicide
Edwin Sutherland’s pioneering analysis of business-related offenses also helped Refers to those killings in which
coin a new phrase, white-collar crime, to describe economic crime activities of the the victim is a direct, positive
precipitator of the incident.
affluent.12
Criminologists are constantly broadening the scope of their inquiry because white-collar crime
new crimes and crime patterns are constantly emerging. Whereas 50 years ago they Illegal acts that capitalize on a
might have focused their attention on rape, murder, and burglary, they now may be person’s status in the marketplace.
White-collar crimes may include
looking at stalking, environmental crimes, cybercrime, terrorism, and hate crimes. theft, embezzlement, fraud, market
Take for instance Internet porn, something that began being widely used in the manipulation, restraint of trade, and
1990s and has been more frequently viewed ever since, especially by the younger false advertising.
generation.13 Today 46 percent of men and 16 percent of women between the ages
penology
of 18 and 39 intentionally view pornography in a given week.14 At the same time, Subarea of criminology that
there has been public outrage over sexual assaults on college campuses; several focuses on the correction and
studies indicate that a substantial proportion of female students—between 18 and control of criminal offenders.
20 percent—experience rape or some other form of sexual assault during their col-
rehabilitation
lege years.15 Is there a link between these two phenomena? To answer this ques- Treatment of criminal offenders
tion, criminologists are conducting research aimed at determining whether people that is aimed at preventing future
who view pornography are also more likely to commit violence against women. So criminal behavior.
far the evidence finds a connection: watching Internet porn and sexual violence
mandatory sentences
may actually be related.16 A statutory requirement that a
certain penalty shall be carried
Penology: Punishment, Sanctions, and Corrections out in all cases of conviction for
a specified offense or series of
The study of penology involves efforts to control crime through the correction of offenses.
criminal offenders. Some criminologists advocate a therapeutic approach to crime
prevention that relies on the application of rehabilitation services; they direct their capital punishment
The execution of criminal
efforts at identifying effective treatment strategies for individuals convicted of law offenders; the death penalty.
violations, such as relying on community sentencing rather than prison. Others argue
that crime can be prevented only through the application of formal social control, recidivism
Relapse into criminal behavior
through such measures as mandatory sentences for serious crimes and even the use
after apprehension, conviction,
of capital punishment as a deterrent to murder. and correction for a previous crime.
Criminologists interested in penology direct their research efforts at evaluating
the effectiveness of crime control programs and searching for effective treatments
that can significantly lower recidivism rates. An evaluation of the Risk-Need-
Responsivity (RNR) program, which classifies people on probation and orders the
placement of some in anger management and cognitive behavioral therapy pro-
grams, has been found to cut the recidivism of high-risk offenders by as much as
20 percent.17
Not all penological measures work as expected. One might assume that inmates
placed in the most punitive high-security prisons will “learn their lesson” and not
8 Part 1 ■ CONCEPTS OF CRIME, LAW, AND CRIMINOLOGY
Concept Summary 1.1 Criminology in Action

The following subareas constitute the discipline of criminology.
Criminal statistics Gathering valid crime data. Devising new research methods; measuring crime patterns and trends.
Sociology of law/law and Determining the origin of law. Measuring the forces that can change laws and society.
society/sociolegal studies
Theory construction Predicting individual behavior. Understanding the cause of crime rates and trends.
Criminal behavior systems Determining the nature and cause of specific crime patterns. Studying violence, theft, organized
crime, white-collar crime, and public order crimes.
Penology: punishment, Studying the correction and control of criminal behavior. Using the scientific method to assess the
sanctions, and corrections effectiveness of criminal sanctions designed to control crime through the application of criminal
punishments.
Victimology Studying the nature and cause of victimization. Aiding crime victims; understanding the nature
and extent of victimization; developing theories of victimization risk.
dare to repeat their criminal offense. However, research shows that being sent to a
high-security prison exposes inmates to the most violent peers who have a higher
propensity for crime. This exposure may actually increase criminal behavior, rein-
force antisocial attitudes, and ultimately increase recidivism—a finding that supports
the need for careful penological research.18
victimology
The study of the victim’s role in Victimology
criminal events.
Criminologists recognize that the victim plays a critical role in the criminal process
and that the victim’s behavior is often a key determinant of crime.19 Victimology
includes the following areas of interest:
CHECKPOINTS ●● Using victim surveys to measure the nature and extent of criminal behavior and
to calculate the actual costs of crime to victims
▸●Criminologists engage in a Calculating probabilities of victimization risk
variety of professional tasks. ●●
Studying victim culpability in the precipitation of crime

▸●Those who work in criminal
●●
statistics create accurate

●● Designing services for crime victims, such as counseling and compensation
measures of crime trends and programs
patterns.
Criminologists who study victimization have uncovered some startling results.
▸●Some criminologists study the For one thing, criminals have been found to be at greater risk of victimization than
origins and sociology of law. noncriminals.20 This finding indicates that rather than being passive targets who are
▸●Theorists interested in criminal “in the wrong place at the wrong time,” victims may themselves be engaging in a
development seek insight into high-risk behavior, such as crime, that increases their victimization risk and renders
the causes of crime. them vulnerable to crime.
▸●Some criminologists try to The various elements of criminology in action are summarized in Concept
understand and describe Summary 1.1.
patterns and trends in
particular criminal behaviors,
such as serial murder or rape.
A Brief History of Criminology
▸●Penologists evaluate the
criminal justice system. How did this field of study develop? What are the origins of criminology? The sci-
▸●Victimologists try to entific study of crime and criminality is a relatively recent development. During
understand why some people the Middle Ages (1200–1600), people who violated social norms or religious prac-
become crime victims. tices were believed to be witches or possessed by demons.21 The use of cruel tor-
ture to extract confessions was common. Those convicted of violent or theft crimes
suffered extremely harsh penalties, including whipping, branding, maiming, and

execution.
Classical Criminology
By the mid-eighteenth century, social philosophers began to argue for a more rational
approach to punishment. Reformers stressed that the relationship between crime and
punishment should be balanced and fair. This more moderate view of criminal sanc-
tions can be traced to the writings of an Italian scholar, Cesare Beccaria (1738–1794),
who was one of the first scholars to develop a systematic understanding of why peo-
ple commit crime.
Beccaria believed that in choosing their behavior people act in their own self-
interest: they want to achieve pleasure and avoid pain. People will commit crime
when the potential pleasure and reward they believe they can achieve from illegal
acts outweigh the threat of future punishment. To deter crime, punishment must be
sufficient—no more, no less—to counterbalance the lure of criminal gain. If it were too
lenient, people would risk committing crimes; too severe a punishment would be un-
fair and encourage crimes. If rape were punished by death, rapists might be encouraged
to kill their victims to prevent identification; after all, they would have nothing to lose
if both rape and murder were punished equally. Beccaria’s famous theorem was that
in order for punishment to be effective it must be public, prompt, necessary, the least
possible in the given circumstances, proportionate, and dictated by law.22
The writings of Beccaria and his followers form the core of what today is referred
to as classical criminology. As originally conceived in the eighteenth century, classi- classical criminology
cal criminology theory had several basic elements: Theoretical perspective suggesting
that people choose to commit
●● People have free will to choose criminal or lawful solutions to meet their needs crime and that crime can be
or settle their problems. controlled if potential criminals
●● Crime is attractive when it promises great benefits with little effort. fear punishment.
●● Crime may be controlled by the fear of punishment.
●● Punishment that is (or is perceived to be) severe, certain, and swift will deter
criminal behavior.
This classical perspective influenced judicial philosophy, and sentences were
geared to be proportionate to the seriousness of the crime. Executions were still
widely used but gradually came to be employed for only the most serious crimes. The
catchphrase was “Let the punishment fit the crime.”
Positivist Criminology
During the nineteenth century, a new vision of the world challenged the validity of
classical theory and presented an innovative way of looking at the causes of crime.
The scientific method was beginning to take hold in Europe and North America.
Auguste Comte (1798–1857), considered the founder of sociology, argued that positivism
The branch of social science that
societies pass through stages that can be grouped on the basis of how people try to uses the scientific method of the
understand the world in which they live. People in primitive societies believe that in- natural sciences and suggests
animate objects have life (for example, the sun is a god); in later social stages, people that human behavior is a product
embrace a rational, scientific view of the world. Comte called this the positive stage, of social, biological, psychological,
and those who followed his writings became known as positivists. or economic forces that can be
empirically measured.
Positivism has a number of elements:
scientific method
●● Use of the scientific method to conduct research. The scientific method is objec- The use of verifiable principles
tive, universal, and culture-free. and procedures for the systematic
●● Predicting and explaining social phenomena in a logical manner. This means acquisition of knowledge. Typically
identifying necessary and sufficient conditions under which a phenomenon may involves formulating a problem,
or may not occur. Both human behavior and natural phenomena operate accord- creating hypotheses, and collecting
data, through observation
ing to laws that can be measured and observed. and experiment, to verify the
●● All beliefs or statements must be proved through empirical investigation guided hypotheses.
by the scientific method. Such concepts as “God” and “the soul” cannot be
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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PART 1 Concepts of Crime, Law, and Criminology

PART 2 Theories of Crime Causation

PART 3 Crime Typologies

Preface xv Profiles in Crime

PART 1 A Definition of Crime 17

Criminology and the Criminal Law 17

CHAPTER 1 Criminology and Criminal Justice

The Process of Justice 21

Policies and Issues in Criminology

Ethical Issues in Criminology 24

Crime and Criminology 2 CHAPTER 2

Christian Poveda/Agence VU/Redux

Policies and Issues in Criminology Victims and Their Criminals 78

Chronic Offenders/Criminal Careers 55 CHAPTER 4

Development of Rational Choice

General Deterrence 114 Personality and Crime 150

Evaluating General Deterrence 118 Intelligence and Criminality 154

Incapacitation 120 Profiles in Crime

Social Structure Theory 170

Contemporary Trait Theory 135 Minority Group Poverty 173

Individual Vulnerability vs. Differential Problems of the Lower Class 174

Biological Trait Theories 136 Policies and Issues in Criminology

Cultural Deviance Theory 192 Long-Term Effects of Labeling 234

Theory of Delinquent Subculture 195 CHAPTER 8

Social Structure Theory and Public Policy 198

Criminology, and Restorative

Institutions of Socialization 213 How Critical Criminologists

Critical Theory and Public Policy: Restorative

Violent Crime 318

Policies and Issues in Criminology

Assault and Battery 345 Policies and Issues in Criminology

Robbery 347 What Motivates the Terrorist? 389

CHAPTER 11 Extent of the Terrorism Threat 392

Criminal Justice Response to Terrorism 393

Combating Terrorism with the Law 396

AP Images/Darron Cummings; Florida

The Nature of Political Crimes 370 Economic Crimes: Blue-

Contemporary Forms of Terrorism 382 Chiseling 418

Green-Collar Crime 425 Pornography 461

Isabel Pavia/Moment/Getty Images

Public Order Crimes 444 Crimes of the New Millennium:

Cyberstalking 502 Policies and Issues in Criminology

Policies and Issues in Criminology Combating Cyberwar 514

Cyberwar: Politically Motivated Cybercrime 510 Subject Index SI-1

Goals of This Book

THINKING LIKE A CRIMINOLOGIST It is important for students to think critically

POLICIES AND ISSUES IN CRIMINOLOGY Throughout the book, every attempt is

CHAPTER OUTLINES provide a roadmap to coverage and serve as a useful review

What’s New in This Edition:

For the Instructor

CENGAGE LEARNING TESTING, POWERED BY COGNERO This assessment software

For the Student

Handout/FBI/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Joe Raedle/Getty Images News/Getty Images

Syed Rizwan Farook Tashfeen Malik

What Criminologists Do:

Criminal Statistics/Crime Measurement

Criminologists interested in computing criminal statistics focus on creating

Sociology of Law/Law and Society/Sociolegal Studies

who had moved unannounced into her New Jersey

Criminological research is also used extensively by the Supreme Court in shaping