WENR Edu in Japan

10/20/23, 1:08 PM WENR Education in Japan
Education in Japan
Posted By Chris Mackie On February 18, 2021 @ 3:00 pm In Accreditation and Quality
Assurance,Asia Pacific,Credential Evaluation Issues,Education Policy,Education System
Profiles,Mobility Trends,Vocational Education and Training | Comments Disabled
Sophia Chawala, Knowledge Analyst, WES
[1]
Japan’s economy was once the envy of the world. From the ashes of World War II rose a nation
that, in a little over two decades, became the world’s second-largest economy. The Japanese
Miracle, a period of rapid economic growth lasting from the post-World War II era to the end of
the Cold War, made Japan the global model to emulate in industrial policy, management
techniques, and product engineering. The postwar period left no room for the country’s continued
reliance on military-industrial production and development. To effect a rapid transformation,
Japan had to reimagine and redefine its national image beyond its militaristic and industrial past,
which for centuries had been the cornerstone of its economy and national identity.
But by the 1990s, Japan found itself beleaguered, stuck in its worst recession since World War II.
Years of rapid economic growth had given way to decline and eventually stagnation. While
Japan’s economy has improved marginally since that “Lost Decade,” many of the conditions
underlying that decline remain. Others, most notably the growing economic and military threat
from China and the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic, have only grown.
https://wenr.wes.org/2021/02/education-in-japan/print/ 1/36
Many analysts attribute Japan’s recent problems, particularly its slowing economy, to the
country’s declining birthrates. In the 1970s, with the hyperactive economy causing the cost of
living to rise and encouraging young men, and increasingly, women [2], to focus on their careers,
birthrates began to fall. As a result, population growth slowed and eventually declined. According
to the Statistics Bureau of Japan [3], 2019 marked the ninth year in a row of population decline.
The population fell that year to 126.2 million, a decrease of 276,000 (0.22 percent) from the
previous year. At the same time, improved health care caused life expectancy to rise—Japan’s
population today enjoys one of the longest life expectancies in the world—and Japan’s elderly
population numbers to swell. Around 28 percent of Japan’s population is over the age of 65, the
highest proportion of that age cohort of all the countries in the world.
[4]
These demographic trends have had serious economic consequences. A shrinking workforce has
complicated efforts to recover from the 1991 collapse in asset prices, leading to a prolonged
economic recession, the effects of which are still being felt today. The employment outlook for
many of the country’s youth has also deteriorated, with weak economic growth, an aging
workforce, and the unique employment practices of most Japanese companies—workers in Japan
are often hired for life with salaries highly correlated with seniority—forcing Japanese companies
to “refrain from hiring new regular workers [5] and to increase their reliance on irregular
workers.” The COVID-19 pandemic has only exacerbated these issues, with one analyst
predicting a “steep recession” and warning [6] that the health crisis would deal the “final blow” to
Japan’s economy.
Its sluggish economic performance has afforded Japan’s rapidly developing neighbors time to
catch up to and, in China’s case, surpass Japan. In 2010, China succeeded Japan as the world’s
second-largest economy [7], a status Japan had held since 1968. This milestone also symbolized
a rebalancing of power in East Asia, with China increasing its pursuit of foreign policy goals that
Japan views as a threat to its national security. China has increased its military presence around
the strategically important Senkaku Islands, or as they are known in China, Diaoyu Islands [8],
control over which Japan and China have disputed for decades. China’s growing economic
strength has also allowed Beijing to pursue its strategic goals through trade agreements,
international investment, and access to supply chains and its massive domestic market.
To counter the rising influence of China, Japan has turned its eyes to the rest of the world,
nurturing strategic alliances with large Western powers like the United States. It has also
introduced measures aimed at fueling economic growth and innovation. The Japanese
government has sought to promote technological advances, increase economic links with other
East and Southeast Asian countries, and diversify its workforce for a more globalized and fast-
paced future. Like many other countries that have sought to diversify their workforce in the face
of global crises, the Japanese government has investigated reforming certain components of its
education system.
The Backdrop to Reform: Japan’s Educational Performance

Education is one of the most important aspects of Japan’s national identity and a source of pride
for Japanese citizens. The country’s high-quality education system has consistently won
international praise. An emphasis on the holistic development of children has for decades led
Japanese students to achieve mastery in a variety of academic disciplines—their performance in
science, math, and engineering is particularly noteworthy. In the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) in
2015, Japan ranked second in science and fifth in math among 72 participating countries and
regions [9].
The school system also still embodies the values of egalitarianism, harmony, and social equality,
which were highlighted as early as the first postwar education law, the 1947 Fundamental Law of
Education [10], also translated as the Basic Act on Education. According to the OECD, Japan ranks
highly among wealthy nations in providing equal opportunities to students of all socioeconomic
backgrounds. Only 9 percent of variation [11] in performance among compulsory school students
is explained by socioeconomic hardship, about 5 percent below the OECD average.
Despite international praise for Japan’s educational system, many of the system’s underlying
principles have come under increasing scrutiny in recent decades. The educational system has
become the focus of increasing discontent because of its perceived rigidity, uniformity, and exam-
centeredness. The extent to which the country has succeeded in providing equal access to
education is also being questioned, especially when its selective, competitive tertiary level is
considered. The gap in access to higher education between the upper and lower classes is
widening alongside growing income inequality. While most obvious at the higher education level,
this inequality is growing at each educational stage and is driven by several variables including
the proliferation of private preschools and senior high schools, the growth of exclusive
institutions aimed at preparing students for university and high school entrance examinations,
and rising tuition fees at higher education institutions (HEIs). These challenges, combined with
the need to provide education and training relevant to the expanding knowledge economy, have
prompted renewed calls for education reform.
Education Reform: Past and Present

Education reform in Japan is not new. Western education systems came to influence Japanese
education [12] shortly after the 1868 Meiji Restoration, which transferred effective political power
from the Tokugawa shogunate to the emperor, ushering in an era of modernization across all
sectors of Japanese society. In 1872, Japan’s newly established Ministry of Education adopted
from the American school system the three-tier elementary, secondary, and university structure,
and from the French, strong administrative centralization. A group of newly established Imperial
Universities took on certain aspects of the German university model [13]. Despite those early
international influences, domestic resistance to outsiders quickly followed, intensifying sharply
during World War II.
But following Japan’s surrender in 1945, foreign influence on the educational system resumed,
with all national reform and revitalization efforts falling under the aegis of the occupying Allied
powers, led largely by the U.S. Of all the areas identified for reform, Allied personnel and the
newly installed Japanese cabinet considered educational reform to be the most important,
expecting it to play a principal role [14] in channeling the thoughts and beliefs of the Japanese
people in a more liberal and democratic direction. In 1946, the Educational Reform Committee
laid out what would remain the core issues for Japanese education ministers until well after the
years of occupation. The committee identified three issues as top priorities: the decentralization
of educational administration, the democratization of educational access, and the reform of the
educational curriculum.
Although occupation ended in 1952, it was not until the late 1980s and early 1990s that Japan’s
economic slowdown and growing integration in the global economy [15] solidified these priorities
as essential cornerstones of Japanese policy and national identity. The unexpected economic
decline made it clear to Japanese policymakers that remaining competitive on the global stage
would require a highly skilled and educated workforce, able to increase worker productivity and
drive technological innovation. In response, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science
and Technology [16] (MEXT) stepped up its reform efforts, focusing on democratization,
decentralization, and internationalization with the goal of developing a new generation of
globalized and resilient Japanese youth. As occurred at earlier stages in the country’s history,
these reforms have sought to balance modernization with respect for tradition. Current reforms
are shaped both by an openness to ideas found in the educational systems of other countries and
a deep respect for long-held values and principles, especially those of societal honor, communal
harmony, and self-sacrifice.
While the reforms have produced some positive results for Japan, they are not without their
shortcomings. The OECD’s 2018 report, Education Policy in Japan: Building Bridges towards 2030
[17], warns that the reforms, though well regulated and well-intentioned, risk being “adopted
only as superficial change.” The content and success of these reforms will occupy much of the
discussion below.
Student Mobility
For years, Asian countries have sought to even out [18] imbalances in inbound and outbound
student flows—historically, the region has sent out more students than it brings in. For many of
the region’s countries, such as China, the effort to erase that imbalance has meant putting in
place policies and programs aimed at effecting a transformation from mere sources of
international students to educational destinations of choice in their own right. Japan is no
stranger to the desire to balance inbound and outbound numbers. However, with more inbound
than outbound students, Japan has, somewhat uniquely, often had to work harder to promote
outbound mobility than many of its neighbors.
One notable priority of the MEXT’s 2013 National Education Reform Plan [19] was the promotion
of internationalization by raising total numbers and softening the imbalance between outbound
and inbound student mobility, among other initiatives. To increase outbound mobility, the
government set a goal of doubling the number of Japanese students studying abroad [20], from
60,000 in 2010 to 120,000 in 2020. For inbound mobility, the government sought to attract
300,000 international students by 2020 [21]. Observers view increasing the number of inbound
and outbound students as central to the nation’s economic development plans [22]. After
graduation, talented international students can help fill positions left empty by Japan’s shrinking
domestic workforce, while the internationalized education received by Japanese students
studying abroad can be leveraged by the country’s corporations and national government to
further trade and diplomatic ties.
Inbound Student Mobility

With Japan’s aging population causing university admissions to decline, the Japanese government
has launched several initiatives to attract foreign students; the Study in Japan Global Network
Project [23] (GNP) is one. A global recruiting initiative co-managed by MEXT and the Japan
Student Services Organization (JASSO), the GNP helps Japanese universities establish overseas
bases in key regions, such as the Middle East, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, and South
America, from which they can directly promote the benefits of studying in Japan to prospective
international students. GNP also allows staff members of university overseas offices to visit high
schools in various countries to recruit students, prioritizing those schools that have previously
sent students on exchange trips or study abroad programs to Japan.
Other initiatives include CAMPUS Asia [24], an East Asian regional initiative aimed at promoting
the cross-border mobility of students from Korea, Japan, and China through student exchanges
and institutional partnerships. Internationalization efforts undertaken by individual universities
and educational associations, such as the Global 30 Project [25], also seek to attract international
students to Japan. Currently, the Top Global University [26] project, an initiative of MEXT,
supports internationalization efforts at 37 of the country’s top universities. At the selected
universities, the project seeks to promote international academic and research partnerships,
increase the number of courses offered in English, and facilitate the recruitment of international
students and faculty, among other objectives.
Some Japanese universities have also begun adding study abroad requirements to their programs
and adopting an academic curriculum and semester system conducive to overseas study. For
example, in 2016, Chiba University made overseas study a graduation requirement [27] for all
students in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, introducing at the same time a six-semester
academic calendar to accommodate it. In 2020, the university made study abroad mandatory for
all students university-wide.
These initiatives have been met with considerable success. By one measure, Japanese
universities reached the 2020 enrollment targets set by the government a year early. According
to JASSO [28], which includes in its measures international students enrolled in non-university,
Japanese language institutes, more than 312,000 international students traveled to Japan to
study in 2019.
Measuring just university enrollments, the number enrolled in HEIs reached more than 228,000
that same year, up nearly 70 percent from 2013. Over 90 percent of those students came from
other Asian countries, with students from China and Vietnam alone accounting for nearly two-
thirds of all international students in Japan.
[29]
Still, despite these promising results, Japan’s inbound mobility rate [30] remains low compared to
that of other developed countries. Although increasing by more than a third over the previous
decade, Japan’s inbound mobility rate stood at just 4.7 percent in 2018. Several obstacles [31]
hinder efforts to increase international student enrollments, most notably, language. Despite
attempts to increase their English language offerings, few programs in Japanese universities are
taught in English, a situation that forces many interested international students to undergo
intense Japanese language training prior to the start of their studies. Another barrier is student
uncertainty surrounding the in-country employment pathways available to international students

earning Japanese credentials, a lack of clarity that raises concerns about the value of Japanese
higher education to international students. To facilitate international students’ transition from the
university to the workplace, national universities have begun hosting monthlong internships in
cooperation with local governments and private companies.
Differing Measures of Student Mobility: Short Term vs. Full Time

Various organizations in Japan differ in how they define international students and in how they
measure outbound and inbound student mobility, so reported international student numbers can
differ widely. Some organizations, such as JASSO, consider short-term study abroad programs as
a barometer of success, and measure student mobility numbers accordingly. JASSO defines [32]
the act of studying abroad as participation in any post-secondary educational program, a
definition that includes not only formal university programs, but also language and cultural
programs. While government agencies like MEXT and intergovernmental organizations like
UNESCO are primarily concerned with full-time higher education enrollment, JASSO’s numbers
also reflect Japanese university students pursuing short-term exchange programs abroad, often
for six months or less. The pool of students measured by the Japan Association of Overseas
Studies [33] (JAOS) is even broader. When measuring and reporting outbound student mobility
numbers, JAOS includes students going abroad for secondary education in addition to those in
degree programs and short-term language and exchange programs. Another common means of
evaluating Japanese outbound mobility rates is through the lens of university exchange
agreements. As of 2017, the top three destinations [34] for Japanese students participating in
institutional exchange programs were the U.S., Canada, and China.
Chinese Students in Japan

China’s economic growth since the start of the millennium has greatly benefited Japan’s
education sector. Despite long-standing tensions between East Asia’s two largest economies,
Chinese students currently make up the largest portion of international students studying in
Japan. In 2019, four in ten international students in Japan were from China.
Per the UNESCO Institute of Statistics [35], the number of Chinese students studying in Japan
peaked at 96,592 in 2012, up from 28,076 in 2000, an increase of more than 300 percent.
Analysts attribute this growth to “a nexus of factors [36],” including “the popularization of
educational mobility during China’s reform era” and “Japan’s efforts to attract students from
overseas.” China’s cultural and physical proximity [37] to Japan likely also plays a role, as do
regional exchange initiatives, such as CAMPUS Asia, discussed above.
Given China’s growing middle class, the latest generation of Chinese students in Japan is more
affluent and aspirational, largely self-financing their overseas studies. However, China’s economic
growth and own improving HEIs mean that more students are willing and able to study further
afield or at home. Since their peak in 2012, Chinese enrollments in Japan have declined, falling
to 84,101 in 2018.
Outbound Student Mobility
Outbound mobility, as measured by JASSO, is just under the government’s goals. According to
JASSO [38], more than 115,000 Japanese students studied overseas in 2018, up from just under
70,000 in 2013. However, far fewer Japanese students are pursuing a full degree program at an
overseas university. According to UNESCO, less than 32,000 degree-seeking tertiary students
studied overseas in 2018, less than 1 percent of all Japanese tertiary students [39].
Japan has never been a major source of globally mobile students. But, around 2005, after
decades of low population growth, outbound mobility began a sharp and swift decline. According
to UNESCO data, by 2018, outbound student numbers had fallen by nearly half their 2005 level
(63,492).
[40]
While low birthrates are widely recognized as a key driver of Japan’s low outbound mobility rate,
some experts also attribute the low rate to some of the country’s unique cultural characteristics.
Students from other Asian countries that have low and declining birthrates, like South Korea and
China, study overseas at far higher levels [41] than those of Japanese students. Some Japanese
experts [42], including government officials, attribute the low rates of study abroad to the
“inward-looking mindset” of the country’s students, a state of mind known in Japanese as
Uchimukishikou. In everyday usage, the term describes an internal, psychological state
stemming from personal lack of interest; a state that combines intimidation, fear, and inhibition
typically felt when confronting an uncertain and highly consequential event. But the Japanese
government has elevated the term to national prominence, employing it to explain a lack of
overall interest among Japanese students in overseas study or work. Other trends within Japan’s
borders likely contribute to low outbound student numbers, such as the growth of domestic
higher education opportunities, the expansion of doctoral programs and student grants, and the
increasing availability of English language training in Japan.
Those students who do study overseas tend to head to English-speaking countries. According to
UNESCO, four of the top five destinations in 2018 were English speaking: the U.S., the United
Kingdom, Australia, and Canada. In Germany, the only non-Anglophone country in the top five,
English language university programs are widely available. In recent years, German universities
have greatly increased the number of master’s and doctoral programs taught in English [43].
[44]
Japanese Students in the U.S. and Canada

Historically, Japan has been one of the leading countries of origin for international students
studying in the U.S. Each year since 2000, according to IIE Open Doors data [45], Japan has been
one of the top 10. The popularity of the U.S. among Japanese students stems in part from long-
standing ties between the governments of both countries. Since the signing of the Treaty of
Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan [46] in 1951, Japan has
been aligned strategically and militarily with the U.S. The resulting atmosphere of cooperation
and mutual goodwill has helped nurture an abundance of educational exchange programs [47],
such as the U.S. Embassy’s TeamUp campaign which fosters “institutional partnerships between
U.S. and Japanese colleges and universities to facilitate student exchange.” Another project, the
TOMODACHI Initiative [48], a public-private partnership developed in the wake of the devastating
2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami, has facilitated thousands of educational and cultural
exchanges for American and Japanese citizens.
That said, since 2000, Japanese enrollment in U.S. higher education institutions (HEIs) has
declined sharply. According to Open Doors [45], the number of Japanese students studying in the
U.S. during the 2019/20 academic year was 17,554, falling from a high of 46,810 in 2001/02.
Growth has been negative in all but two years since 2000/01.
Nearly half (49 percent) of the Japanese students that are in the U.S. are enrolled at the
undergraduate level [49], while 26 percent are registered in non-degree programs, 16 percent in
graduate programs, and 8 in the Optional Practical Training (OPT) program. Science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics (STEM) programs (18 percent) are the most popular field of study
for these students [50], followed by business and management (17 percent) and intensive English
(14 percent) programs.
[51]
There has been much speculation on the reasons behind the downturn in the number of Japanese
students in the U.S. Among the proposed theories are feelings of hesitation and unease about
studying abroad stemming from crucial differences between Japanese and U.S. education
systems.
Differences in the academic calendar may prove an obstacle to Japanese students hoping to
study abroad. Since the beginning of the Meiji era, Japan has always matriculated and enrolled
students in the spring, a season closely associated in Japanese culture with new beginnings.
There have been recent debates on whether schools should shift the start of the year to the fall
to align with most other countries in the world. However, such plans have never come to fruition
because of the heavy cultural implications associated with the start of the school year and the
uncertainty surrounding the consequences that such a change would bring. A change to the
academic calendar would not only complicate the graduation timeline of Japanese students, it
would also complicate their job search. Traditionally, the job-search process for Japanese college
students starts in the fall of their penultimate year of study, or the second semester of their
junior year.
For Japanese students choosing to study in the U.S., the country’s fall to spring academic
calendar could delay the job-search process. Furthermore, students who studied abroad or
possess a degree from the U.S. are not guaranteed a leg up in the domestic job market in Japan.
Rather, potential employers in Japan have negatively judged [52] returning students for their
inability to readjust to the norms of the Japanese workplace.
Another challenge for Japanese international students on short-term study abroad programs is
the recognition of their international academic coursework. Credits earned at overseas
universities through exchange or short-term study abroad programs are often not recognized at
Japanese universities. Finally, soaring tuition fees at HEIs worldwide, and especially those in
English-speaking countries, are of great concern to Japanese students.
These differences are also likely to present obstacles to Japanese students thinking about
studying overseas in countries other than the U.S. Still, the recent experience of Canada seems
to tell a different story.
In contrast to the U.S., where the number of students has continued a long-standing decline in
recent years, the number of Japanese students studying in Canada has increased, albeit at an
uneven rate. According to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada [53] (IRCC), the
number of Japanese students with study permits reached a high of more than 10,000 in 2001,
before a nearly unbroken, decadelong decline brought numbers to a 20-year low of less than
6,000 in 2010.
[54]
Enrollment numbers began to rebound in 2011. They were given an additional boost by then
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s 2013 policy goal of doubling outbound student mobility, mentioned
above. MEXT, which measures international student numbers differently from Canada’s IRCC,
reported that between 2013 and 2015, there was a 24 percent increase [41] in outbound mobility
to Canada, from 6,614 to 8,189 students. The increase in outbound mobility to Canada outpaced
both overall Japanese outbound mobility growth and Japanese mobility growth to the U.S., which
grew 21 percent and 11 percent, respectively.
Several factors are likely driving the divergence in growth trends between the U.S. and Canada.
Canadian universities offer many of the same benefits of U.S. universities, with few of the
drawbacks. Japanese students, like students from other countries around the world, are
increasingly drawn to Canada’s high-quality and relatively affordable colleges and universities. A
2017 MEXT survey also found that Japanese students and parents prioritize public safety. Canada
is widely perceived as a safer study destination than the U.S. Previous WES research [55]
revealed widespread concerns among international students in the U.S. about gun violence both
at their institution and in the surrounding community.
In Brief: The Education System of Japan

The structure of Japan’s education system resembles that of much of the U.S. [56], consisting of
three stages
of basic education, elementary, junior high, and senior high school, followed by higher education.
Most parents also enroll their children in early childhood education programs prior to elementary
school. Children are required to attend school for nine years—six years of elementary education
and three years of lower secondary education. At the primary and secondary levels, the school
year typically begins on April 1 and is divided into three terms: April to July, September to
December, and January to March.
High educational outcomes have earned Japan’s educational system a sterling reputation on the
global stage, especially at the elementary and secondary levels. On worldwide assessments of
educational attainment, the country consistently scores above average in educational
performance, participation rates, and classroom environment. In the OECD’s 2018 PISA [57], 15-
year-old Japanese students scored 16 points above the OECD average in reading and literacy, 36
points higher in mathematics, and 38 points above in science.
That said, Japan’s education system faces a number of challenges, among the most significant of
which are demographic aging and enrollment declines. Elementary and secondary enrollment
peaked in the 1980s, with elementary enrollment reaching a high of nearly 12 million in 1982,
and secondary enrollments, a high of over 11.4 million in 1988.
Since then, enrollment at both levels has declined sharply. In 2018, the latest year for which data
were available, elementary enrollment had fallen to just under 7 million, and secondary
enrollment to around 6.5 million. That decline has closely tracked the country’s aging population.
After reaching 24 percent in 1976, the percentage of the Japanese population age 0 to 14
declined steadily, falling to 13 percent in 2018.
[58]
The ramifications of these declines have rippled outward to affect nearly all aspects and levels of
Japanese education, society, and economy. The following sections will not only explore the
varying impact of demographic trends on different levels of education in Japan, they will also
outline the structure and content of each level of education, other current challenges, and
important reforms and modifications that are aimed at mitigating internal and external pressures.
Administration of the Education System

Responsibility for educational administration and policy development is divided between
government authorities at three levels: national, prefectural, and municipal. At the national level,
the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology [59] (MEXT), or Monbu-
kagaku-shō, is responsible for all stages of the education system, from early childhood education
to graduate studies and continuing, or lifelong, learning. MEXT ensures that education in Japan
meets the standards set by the 1947 Fundamental Law of Education [60] which stipulates that the
country provide an education to all its citizens “that values the dignity of the individual, that
endeavors to cultivate a people rich in humanity and creativity who long for truth and justice and
who honor the public spirit, that passes on traditions, and that aims to create a new culture.” To
fulfill that mandate, MEXT sets and enforces national standards for teacher certification
qualifications, school organization, and education facilities, among others. It provides a
significant portion of the funds for public schools, universities, research institutions, and, under
certain circumstances, issues grants to private academic institutions. MEXT is also typically
responsible for the development of national education policies, although in recent decades prime
ministers have often convened ad hoc councils to determine education policy.
At the elementary and secondary levels, MEXT develops national curriculum standards or
guidelines (gakushū shidō yōryō) which contain the “basic outlines [61] of each subject taught in
Japanese schools and the objectives and content of teaching in each grade.” Typically, private
educational publishers develop and print textbooks following these guidelines. Elementary and
secondary schools can only use textbooks reviewed and approved by MEXT, which provides
textbooks to students free of charge.
Although MEXT revises the curriculum guidelines roughly once every 10 years, their overall
structure and objectives have remained more or less the same since 1886. Since then,
curriculum guidelines have emphasized standardization, objectivity, and neutrality to avoid
divisive political, factional, and religious issues. While this emphasis may lead one to assume that
the national government strictly limits and controls educational content and teaching methods, in
theory, these guidelines are only intended to establish nationally uniform standards of education,
allowing students throughout the country access to an equal education. The system is designed
to give teachers the freedom to develop individualized lesson plans and tests. Still, comparisons
with other OECD countries [62] suggest that Japanese teachers have limited control over
classroom instruction and curriculum. Among the recent concerns cited as limiting the freedom of
Japanese teachers is the 2007 introduction of a national academic achievement test. Observers
note that in order to reach achievement test targets, local schools and educational authorities
have tightened control over teaching methods and educational content.
At the prefectural and municipal levels, the external influences mentioned in the introduction are
readily apparent. In the post-World War II era, democratization and the decentralization of
education were core issues of educational reform, spurring the Japanese government to adopt
the system of boards of education common in the U.S.
Japan is divided into 47 prefectures, each of which is composed of smaller municipalities, such as
cities, towns, and villages. Boards of education, representative councils responsible for the
supervision of education at the elementary and secondary levels, exist at both the prefectural
and municipal levels. At the prefectural level [63], governors appoint members to five-member
boards of education for terms of four years. Prefectural boards are responsible for appointing
teachers and partially funding municipal operations and payrolls, including funding for two-thirds
of teachers’ salaries, with the remaining third financed by the national government. At the
municipal level, members are appointed by local mayors. Municipal boards are responsible for the
supervision of day-to-day operational tasks at elementary and junior high schools, the
management and professional development of teachers, and the selection of MEXT-approved
school materials.
A 2015 reform of the board of education system—the first such reform in nearly 60 years—
expanded the control of local chief executives, such as governors or mayors, over educational
administration and planning, and reduced the role of boards of education. Authority to appoint
the superintendent, the most powerful local educational authority, was transferred from the
board of education to the local chief executives. The reform also increased their authority to
determine local policy goals—it transferred authority to establish the local education policy
charter to chief executives, reducing boards of education to an advisory role. Reformers hope the
changes will lead to improvements in a system long criticized for its lack of transparency,
accountability, and clearly defined roles and responsibilities.
Early Childhood Education

Traditionally, two principal forms of early childhood education (ECE) have existed in Japan:
kindergarten (yōchien) and day care (hoikuen). Under the jurisdiction of MEXT, yōchien is a non-
compulsory stage of the country’s educational system, coming immediately before elementary
school, providing preschool education to children from the ages of three to six. Children typically
attend yōchien for around four hours each day. As at other levels of Japan’s basic education
system, MEXT develops and publishes curriculum standards for kindergartens, which must meet
criteria necessary for the curriculum to realize the nation’s educational goals. The latest, issued
in 2017 [64], seeks to foster a “zest for living,” a goal pursued at all levels of the educational
system, and lay the groundwork for learning at the elementary level and beyond.
Administered by a different ministry, the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare [65], hoikuen
exists outside the Japanese educational system. Its principal function is to provide basic childcare
services for children age one to six while their parents are at work. Typically lasting for eight
hours, or the length of a typical working day, hoikuen often include some educational elements
like reading and math.
Both yōchien and hoikuen centers can be owned and operated by public or private bodies, such
as local municipalities, educational corporations, or non-profit organizations. However, the
majority of students enroll at private institutions, some of which are highly selective and
expensive. Many parents believe that enrolling their children in these highly selective institutions
increases their children’s chances of being admitted to more selective institutions later in their
educational career. In fact, some yōchien and hoikuen centers even prepare students for
admissions tests at private elementary schools.
With more and more Japanese mothers entering the workforce, yōchien kindergarten programs,
which have traditionally provided educational supervision for only part of the day, have in recent
years faced
difficulty maintaining enrollment numbers. For the same reason, the demand for full-day hoikuen
services has been on the rise. Historically, there have been long, persistent waitlists for parents
hoping to enroll their children in hoikuen centers.
Given the clear demand for full-day childcare services, more and more yōchien have begun to
adopt the day care elements more typical of hoikuen centers. For example, some yōchien have
begun to offer extended hours to meet the demands of working parents, not ending their classes
until the end of the workday. Some local governments have also started combining yōchien and
hoikuen centers and mandating enrollment for all children prior to elementary school. The
national government has even introduced measures [66] merging childcare and early childhood
education services into a single facility known as nintei-kodomoen. However, because of
conflicting ministerial jurisdictions, reform efforts have often been stymied by administrative
complications and are yet to achieve widespread success.
Still, early efforts at reform, combined with declining birthrates, have proved effective in reducing
hoikuen waitlists. In 2019, waitlists for day care facilities [67] reached an all-time low, with just
under 17,000 children waiting to enter day care, a decrease of more than 3,000 children from
the previous year.
Elementary and Lower Secondary Education

Elementary education marks the beginning of compulsory education for all Japanese children,
lasting six years and spanning grades one to six. Children enter elementary education provided
they reach age six as of April 1.
The elementary curriculum emphasizes both intellectual and moral development. All students
must take certain compulsory subjects [68], like Japanese language, mathematics, science, social
studies, music, crafts, home economics, living environment studies, and physical education. For
public school students in grades five and six, English [69] has been a compulsory subject since
2011. Since 2020 [70], English has been mandatory starting in third grade. Moral development is
promoted through a moral education course [71] and informal learning experiences designed to
inculcate respect for society and the environment. The importance of moral education—long a
taboo subject given its association with the nationalistic excesses of Imperial Japan—to Japan’s
educational policies has increased over the past few decades. In recent years, the reintroduction
of moral education as a formal course was spurred by reports of rampant student truancy,
bullying, and school violence.
Classes remain large by international and OECD standards [72], despite efforts by MEXT to
improve student-teacher ratios and recruit additional instructors. In 2011, MEXT limited first
grade classes to 35 [61], down from 40, although intentions to extend similar limitations to other
grades subsequently failed. Nearly all the country’s elementary schools, known as shōgakkō, are
public. Enrollment at public elementary schools is free.
Students completing the elementary education cycle are awarded the Elementary School
Certificate of Graduation (shogakko sotsugyo shosho) and automatically accepted into public
junior high school.
Lower secondary education, the final stage of compulsory education, lasts three years,
comprising grades six to nine. Instruction is conducted at junior high schools, or chūgakkō, 90
percent of which are public and tuition-free. Some municipalities have established nine-year
unified compulsory education schools which combine primary and lower secondary education.
Students hoping to enroll in private junior high schools or national junior high schools affiliated
with national universities are required to sit for admissions examinations administered by the
institution.
All public junior high schools follow a standard national curriculum [73] which comprises the
compulsory subjects previously taught at the elementary level. In addition to compulsory
subjects, students can also choose from a wide range of electives and extracurricular activities in
fields such as fine arts, foreign languages, physical health and education, and music.
Lower secondary education is a critical stage in a typical student’s educational journey, as grades
partially determine whether a student will be accepted into a good senior high school, and
consequently, into a top university. It also culminates in the first significant stage of what is
colloquially referred to as “examination hell [74],” a series of rigorous and highly consequential
entrance examinations that are required for admission to senior high schools and universities.
Many students in the final two years of junior high school attend Juku, or cram schools, in
preparation for the competitive senior high school admissions examinations.
Students completing junior high school are awarded the Lower Secondary School Leaving
Certificate and are eligible to sit for senior high school admissions examinations.
Yutori Kyōiku: Compulsory Education Reform

Since the 1990s, the direction that education reform in Japan should take has been a hotly
debated topic. Experts have long criticized [75] Japanese education for its “strict management”
which “places excessive emphasis on standardization and student behavioral control.” They have
also voiced concerns about the “the widespread practices of rote memorization and ‘cramming’ of
knowledge,” which have been accused of “depriving pupils of opportunities to develop their
intellectual curiosity and creativity.” Finally, experts allege that the “intense competition among
students vying for admission to prestigious senior high schools and universities has caused
tremendous psychological pressure for these students and their parents.”
To address these concerns, the government issued national curriculum standards in 2002 that
put in place a concept known as yutori kyōiku, which roughly translates as “relaxed education.”
The updated guidelines brought about significant changes, reducing the length of the school
week from six to five days and cutting curriculum content by 30 percent. The guidelines also
mandated the creation of a new “Integrated Studies” course, which granted schools and
municipalities discretion to create their own courses to provide students with a “learning space
[76] outside the traditional bounds of the curriculum that would not be closely associated with
entrance tests or tightly defined learning outcomes.”
But a year after the new curriculum guidelines were introduced, yutori kyōiku policies faced
intense criticism. The disappointing results of Japanese students in the OECD’s 2003 PISA study
shocked the nation. In the study, the average performance of Japanese 15-year-olds dropped
from first to sixth rank in mathematics and from eighth to 14th in reading. In just three years,
mean performance had dropped from 557 to 543 in mathematics, from 522 to 498 in reading
literacy, and from 550 to 548 in science.
Experts also highlighted the results of the 2003 Trends in International Mathematics and Science
Study [77] (TIMSS), an assessment that measures U.S. eighth grade student performance
comparatively with that of other secondary students around the globe, as a sign of the country’s
declining educational quality. While Japanese students again performed well overall,
outperforming the global average in mathematics, when compared with other high-performing
Asian countries, Japan’s performance was disappointing. Between 31 percent and 44 percent of
students from Singapore, South Korea, and Hong Kong scored at the advanced benchmark for
math, compared with just 24 percent of Japanese students. Many Japanese scholars attributed
the Japanese students’ relatively poor performance in these international education assessments
to the more relaxed nature of the yutori kyōiku reforms.
Public concern over declining performance prompted the Japanese government to review the
yutori kyōiku reforms. What followed were a number of reforms aimed at maintaining some of
the benefits of the educational reforms of the 1990s and early 2000s while increasing the
academic rigor of Japanese compulsory education. MEXT issued new curriculum standards in
2008 and 2009 which increased academic lesson hours while reducing Integrated Study and
elective hours, and a number of municipalities, supported by MEXT, reintroduced Saturday
classes. MEXT also introduced mandatory foreign language courses to the elementary school
curriculum, as mentioned above. More recently, reform in Japan has avoided the yutori kyōiku
concept, instead promoting “Active Learning [75]” with the aim of developing “students’
knowledge, skills, and attitudes compatible with the new visions of learning for a knowledge-
based society in the twenty-first century.”
Upper Secondary Education

After nine years of compulsory education, students have the option of enrolling in senior high
schools (kōtō-gakkō), widely regarded as the most strenuous stage of Japanese education.
Despite being a non-compulsory level of education, the transition rate from junior to senior high
school is extremely high, in part due to the integral role a student’s performance in senior high
school plays in determining future access to higher education and employment. Per MEXT [78], as
many as 98 percent of Japanese junior secondary students choose to move on to upper
secondary schooling.
Admission to senior high school is typically determined by three criteria: an entrance

examination, an interview, and junior high school grades. Of these criteria, the fate of a student’s
placement in higher education—and even of their career in the years beyond—is determined
most heavily by the entrance examination (kōkō juken). Students take these examinations,
which are administered by their senior high school of choice, between January and March.
Typically, entrance examinations test a student’s proficiency in the core subjects of Japanese,
mathematics, science, social studies, and English.
Students hoping to enroll in public high schools take entrance examinations standardized by the
prefectural board of education which has jurisdiction over the school. If students fail the entrance
examination for a public school, they will often opt to apply to a private school. Unlike public
schools, private senior high schools typically create their own examinations. Although nearly
three-quarters of the country’s senior high schools are public, the proportion of private senior
high schools has been growing in recent years. Students enrolling in the country’s limited number
of unified junior high and senior high schools [79] (chuto-kyoiku-gakko) are spared the entrance
examination. Since reforms introduced in 2010 [80], students have been able to attend public
high schools free of charge, while students attending private high schools receive government
subsidies.
The employment prospects of students who fail to gain admission to either a public or private
senior high school are often grim, with many forced to find work as unskilled blue-collar laborers,
an occupational category traditionally thought of as low status. Given the highly competitive
nature of senior high school admissions and coursework, it is no surprise that senior high school
is perceived as a vehicle toward higher social status. This exclusivity, however, has long raised
concerns about equity and access. Since the 1980s, MEXT has attempted to rectify these
concerns through a series of reforms, the most significant of which was the introduction of the
credit system to senior high schools [78]. In the late 1980s, MEXT implemented the credit system
for part-time and distance education learners, allowing them to learn at their own pace and
graduate when they completed the required number of credits. In the early 1990s, the credit
system was expanded to full-time senior high school students as well.
Senior high school lasts for three years, comprising grades 10 to 12, with students receiving 240
days of instruction each year. Following recent yutori kyōiku-inspired educational reforms, the
school week is officially five days long, from Monday to Friday. Still, as mentioned above,
workarounds exist, with educational authorities issuing special approvals to public schools to hold
Saturday classes, while many less regulated private schools have reintroduced Saturday classes
at monthly or bimonthly intervals.
As at the lower secondary level, the senior high school curriculum [81] comprises three years of
mathematics, social studies, Japanese, science, and English, with all the students in one grade
level studying the same subjects. Electives are also similar to those offered at earlier levels,
including physical education, music, art, and moral studies courses. However, the high number of
required courses often leaves students with little room to fit in electives or subjects matching
their personal interests. Although MEXT has pushed to expand the types of courses taken in high
school to promote individuality, purpose, and inspiration, implementation has proved difficult
because of a lack of qualified teachers.
Students must obtain a minimum of 74 credits [82] to graduate. Students who graduate are
awarded the Senior High School Graduation Certificate (sotsugyo shomeisho) and are eligible to
sit for university entrance examinations.
Senior high schools use a numeric grading scale ranging from 1 to 5.
[83]
Technical, Professional, and Vocational Education

Amid Japan’s current economic challenges, technical and vocational institutions have attracted
considerable attention from reformers and government planners. Concerns that the education
system is “obsolete and dysfunctional [5], with the curricula lacking relevance to the realities of
society and the economy,” has led to calls to expand and strengthen vocational and professional
education. A 2017 MEXT white paper [84], which laid out key priorities in education reform,
included a call to strengthen and reform the country’s technical and vocational education. To
meet the challenges of globalization, economic transformation, and declining birthrates, the
paper highlighted the importance of diversifying the country’s education system by increasing the
availability of vocational schools and junior colleges. That paper followed a 2016 revision to the
1947 School Education Act; the revision urged professional institutions to collaborate with
industry leaders to develop curricula that better balance practical and theoretical components.
Government planners are hoping that these efforts will expand and strengthen what is an already
diverse landscape of vocational and professional institutions. Japan possesses a wide variety of
institutions offering specialized education and professional and technical training to Japanese
students at the secondary, post-secondary, and continuing education levels. Given the unique
recruitment practices of Japanese employers—discussed further below—these institutions are
attracting a growing number of university students who choose to study in a vocational
institution either simultaneously or after graduating from university, to increase their
employability, a phenomenon known in Japan as “double schooling.”
Specialized Training Colleges (senshu gakku)

First introduced in 1976 [85], specialized training colleges (senshu gakku) offer courses of study
aimed at developing skills and competencies that are needed for specific occupations. Three
categories of specialized training colleges exist [86]: general, upper secondary, and post-
secondary, each maintaining different requirements for admission and offering training programs
that vary in content and intensity.
Most specialized training colleges are privately owned and operated. New specialized training
colleges must meet minimum quality requirements [87] set by MEXT, after which they can be
granted approval to operate [88] by the prefectural government in which they are located.
Specialized Training College, General Course (senshu gakko ippan katei)
The lowest level of specialized training college offers courses in general vocational subjects [89]
such as Japanese dressmaking, art, and cooking. MEXT does not set admission requirements for
entry to general courses, instead allowing individual institutions to set their own. As of 2017 [89],
there were 157 colleges offering general courses to around 29,000 students.
Specialized Training College, Upper Secondary Course (koto-senshu-gakko)

More popular are the specialized training colleges offering courses at the upper secondary level.
As of 2017, 424 institutions offered upper secondary courses to around 38,000 students.
Admission to courses at this level requires possession of the Lower Secondary School Leaving
Certificate. Courses typically last between one and three years. Those completing a course
lasting three years or more that meets minimum academic requirements set by MEXT are eligible
for enrollment in a university or a professional training college. Students graduating from these
courses are awarded a Specialized Training College Upper Secondary Certificate of Graduation.
Professional Training College (senmon gakko)

The highest level of specialized training college is the professional training college, which offers
courses at the post-secondary level. Admission is open to graduates of senior high schools, with
courses lasting between one and four years. Students who graduate from specialized vocational
schools are able to enroll in a traditional four-year university but can also use their degrees
directly toward careers in their specialty. Options for specialization are vast but are typically
classified into eight fields of study [90]: industry, agriculture, medical care, health, education and
social welfare, business practices, apparel and homemaking, and culture and the liberal arts.
Students completing a MEXT-approved course of at least two years and 62 credits (1,700 credit
hours) are awarded a diploma [91] (senmonshi). Those completing a MEXT-approved course of at
least four years and 124 credits (3,400 credit hours) are awarded the advanced diploma [92]
(kodo senmonshi).
With birthrates falling and universities accepting a higher percentage of applicants, professional
training colleges have struggled to maintain enrollment levels [93]. Still, as of 2017, 2,817
professional training colleges existed, offering courses to around 660,000 students or around 15
percent to 20 percent of senior high school graduates [94]. To encourage enrollment, some
professional training colleges have adopted a dual education approach, organizing class
schedules in a manner that allows students to study for a vocational diploma and a university
degree simultaneously (the double schooling mentioned above).
Colleges of Technology (kōtō-senmon-gakkō or KOSEN)

Unlike other vocational institutions, colleges of technology, which were introduced in 1961,
provide education and training that straddles the secondary and post-secondary levels. Students
who are 15 years of age, or those completing junior high school, are able to study in these
colleges, which primarily offer courses in engineering, technology, and marine studies. Programs
typically last for five years, requiring 167 credits. Students who complete programs from colleges
of technology are awarded a title of Associate (jun gakushi).
Colleges of technology are growing in popularity among university graduates who fail to secure
employment immediately after graduation.
Professional and Vocational Junior Colleges (tanki daigaku)

A subset of junior colleges, discussed below, professional and vocational junior colleges [95]
(PVJC), pursue “teaching and research in highly-specialized fields with the aim to develop
practical and applicable abilities needed to take on specialized work.” Programs at PVJCs are two
or three years in length, requiring 62 to 93 credits, one-third of which must be earned in
“practicum, skills training, or experiment,” including “on-site training conducted off-campus.”
Students completing their studies are awarded the associate degree (professional) [96] and are
able to transfer to a general university or a professional and vocational university.
Professional and Vocational Universities (senmon shoku daigaku or PVU)

and Professional Graduate Schools (senmon shoku daigakuin)
Other HEIs include professional and vocational universit [97]ies (senmon shoku daigaku, or PVU),
which offer courses similar to those offered at PVJCs and award four-year, 124 credit bachelor’s
degrees (professional) [98].
Professional Graduate Schools [99] (senmon-shoku-daigakuin), which “specialize in fostering

highly-specialized professionals who will be active internationally” and include law schools and
schools for teacher education, award graduate professional degrees [100], such as the Juris
Doctor and other professional master’s degrees. Programs range from one to three years in
length with widely varying credit requirements. These professional degrees often meet eligibility
prerequisites to sit for professional examinations; for example, a Juris Doctor is required to sit for
the national bar examination.
Nursing Education
Before sitting for their national licensing examinations, nurses in Japan must complete at least
three years of post-secondary education and training [101]. Midwives and public health nurses
must study for an additional year in a specialized program. Nursing programs are taught at a
variety of institutions; universities, junior colleges, and nursing schools (kangoshi-senmon),
which are overseen by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW), offer three-year
programs in general nursing and one-year specialized programs in public health or midwifery.
Universities are the only institutions authorized to offer four-year nursing programs, which often
include a year of specialized training in midwifery or public health and lead to bachelor’s degrees
in nursing.
Nursing programs typically follow a standard curriculum set by MEXT and MHLW. Students who
successfully complete three years of general nursing education are eligible to sit for the National
License Examination for Nursing; a high passing score allows them to begin practicing. After
receiving their general nursing license and completing an additional year of specialized training,
students can sit for National Public Health and National Midwifery Examinations.
Higher Education
Japan offers a wide and diverse landscape of HEIs that comprises junior colleges, universities,
and graduate schools in addition to the post-secondary professional and vocational institutions
touched on above. The country has one of the largest higher education sectors in the world, with
around 3.9 million students enrolled in post-secondary education [102] in 2018. That same year, a
total of 2.9 million students [103] were enrolled in universities, with 2.6 million enrolled in
undergraduate programs and 254,000 in graduate programs. Enrollment rates are also high;
according to MEXT [104], in 2017, the percentage of 18-year-olds studying at the post-secondary
level was 81 percent, with 53 percent studying at a university, 22 percent at a specialized
training college, 4 percent at a junior college, and 1 percent at a college of technology.
Three categories of Japanese universities exist: national universities, established by the national
government; public universities, established by prefectures and municipalities; and private
universities, established by educational corporations. One noteworthy characteristic concerning
the composition of Japanese HEIs is the country’s high proportion of private institutions, which
expanded rapidly in response to growing demand for higher education in the postwar economic
boom years. In 2018 [103], less than a quarter of Japan’s 782 universities were public or national
—with just 86 national and 93 public universities, compared with 603 private universities. That
same year, private institutions enrolled nearly four-fifths of all higher education students [105],
giving Japan the seventh-largest private higher education student population in the OECD.
However, despite making up the majority of Japanese HEIs, private universities are often
considered less prestigious than their national and public counterparts. Even today, national and
public universities typically rank higher on domestic and international league tables and are
responsible for the bulk of Japan’s academic research output. Of the 11 universities making up
RU11 [106], a consortium of Japan’s top research universities, only two are private, Keio
University and Waseda University. Even more prestigious are the National Seven Universities
[107], a group of national universities established and operated by the Empire of Japan until the
end of World War II, the oldest and most prestigious of which is the University of Tokyo.
Recent reforms have helped modernize Japan’s highly respected national universities. The
National University Corporation (NUC) Act [108] , implemented in 2004, reorganized this HEI
category, which had previously been managed directly by MEXT, transforming national
universities into public corporations, a move that expanded their autonomy in academic,
budgetary, and other matters. The NUC reforms also empowered national university presidents,
allowing them to make important organizational, strategic, and academic decisions without
statutory or MEXT approval.
Still, despite its size and diversity, higher education in Japan remains more challenged than any
other stage of the country’s educational system. Problems include quality concerns, growing
inequality, and shrinking enrollment. Japan’s population decline has meant that fewer and fewer
students graduate from senior high school and that fewer are eligible to enroll in universities.
Although the population of 18-year-olds has remained more or less steady for the past decade,
MEXT projects that from 2021 onward, the decline, which was uninterrupted from 1991 to 2009,
will begin again. The decline has had and will likely continue to have far-reaching ramifications in
the higher education sector. As mentioned above, the decline has also prompted the Japanese
government, universities, and higher education associations to look overseas for students to fill
empty university seats. It has also driven some universities to ease admissions standards [109],
replacing strenuous entrance examinations with interviews and student essays.
Educators have long been concerned with the quality, rigor, and purpose of education at Japanese
universities. In contrast to the rigor of secondary education, university studies are typically
considered easy [110], with students sailing through the first two and a half years before focusing
on the job search in their final year and a half. The unique Japanese system of shūshoku katsudō
[111] (job hunting), long the country’s predominant recruitment practice, has meant that
university education and the job market are more intimately connected in Japan than they are
almost anywhere else in the world. Under the system, companies recruit exclusively from among
new or soon-to-be university graduates, rarely hiring older job seekers. Once hired, these new
university graduates often remain at the same company for life, with pay highly correlated with
seniority, a system of employment known as shūshin koyō. As new graduates typically have little
to no practical experience, recruiters place enormous emphasis on the prestige of a job seeker’s
university and senior high school. Top employers, such as the Japanese government and the
country’s largest companies, hire almost exclusively from Japan’s most prestigious universities.
Job seekers who do not have a university education, and students attending an overseas
university that follows a different academic calendar, face extreme difficulties obtaining
employment.
The importance of a university education is reflected in employment rates. According to a 2012
OECD study [112], the employment rate for both men and women who hold a university
education is significantly higher than for those with just an upper secondary education. The study
also revealed a large gap in employment between men and women. Among men, 92 percent of
those with a university education and 86 percent of those with an upper secondary education
were employed, compared with just 68 and 61 percent of women with a university and an upper
secondary education, respectively. Gender inequality [113] is a widely recognized issue

throughout Japan, not only in the workplace, but also in higher education. In a series of
investigations, beginning at Tokyo Medical University [114] in 2018, found that a handful of
universities were systematically manipulating their entrance examination scores, lowering the
test scores of women to ensure that they made up only a small minority of all admitted students.
After the scandal forced Tokyo Medical University to make corrections, more women than men
[115] passed the entrance examination.
Japan’s singular reliance on private sources to fund higher education further exacerbates
concerns about unequal access to a university education. As students at all universities, whether
national, public, or private, pay tuition fees, private sources [116], such as students and their
parents, fund a comparatively large share of Japanese higher education. The share of private
expenditure on higher education, reaching nearly 69 percent in 2017 [72], is among the highest
in the OECD. Additionally, few scholarships or grants are available to students who need them,
and a large proportion of Japanese students take out private or government-sponsored loans
[117] to fund their studies, raising concerns about the ability of less well-off individuals to obtain
a university education and a comfortable post-graduation career.
Critics have also highlighted a mismatch between the education and skills imparted at the
country’s universities and those needed to prosper in the modern world. In response,
policymakers in Japan have called for the “internationalization” (kokusaika) of universities to
better prepare students to navigate and succeed in an interdependent global economy. In many
cases, these internationalization efforts have gone furthest in private universities, while national
and public universities have struggled to adapt. In a 2008 survey conducted by MEXT [118], only
5 percent of faculty members in Japan’s most prestigious public institutions came from overseas.
University Admissions
“Thus there is a general belief that a student’s performance in one crucial examination at about
the age of 18 is likely to determine the rest of his life. In other words: the university entrance
examination is the primary sorting device for careers in Japanese society. The result is not an
aristocracy of birth, but a sort of degree-ocracy.”
Despite the passage of half a century, those words, written [119] in a review of Japan’s national
education policies that was published by the OECD in 1971, still ring true today. Attending a
prestigious university has a direct impact on one’s employment and life prospects, making the
university admissions process one of the most significant stages of Japan’s educational system.
While MEXT encourages universities to consider a range of factors when making admissions
decisions, such as interviews, essays, and secondary school grades, entrance examinations are
far and away the most important factor.
Students with a Senior High School Graduation Certificate who want to enroll at public
universities or certain private universities typically take two entrance examinations: the National
Center Test for University Admissions (daigaku nyūshi sentā shiken), more often referred to
simply as the National Center Test or Center Test; and a university-specific entrance examination.
National Center Tests, administered by the National Center for University Entrance Exams [120],
are held annually over two days in January. There are 30 tests total, all multiple-choice, in six
subjects [121]: geography and history, civics, the Japanese language, foreign language, science,
and mathematics. Students can sit for up to 10 examinations over the two days, typically
choosing subjects required by their preferred universities for admission.
Institution-specific examinations at prestigious universities are often even more difficult than the
National Center Tests. Students often elect to sit for multiple institution-specific examinations at
several universities in case they do not get in to their preferred university. Prior to both
examinations, universities distribute booklets to students to help them prepare for the subject
examinations.
Criticism and Reform: The Common Test for University Admissions

Many Japanese policy experts have criticized the National Center Test, alleging that the test’s
outdated emphasis on rote memorization contributes to a lack of independent and critical
thinking in Japanese students. They also contend that the high-stakes nature of the test inflicts
significant psychological distress on students and their parents, even going so far as to assert
that the test reinforces a centuries-old cultural stigma that associates failure with being
ostracized. For example, a large number of students who fail to achieve scores high enough for
admission to their preferred university elect to retake the entrance examinations the following
year. These students, who made up one-fifth [122] of all students sitting for the National Test in
2011, are known as rōnin, a term that historically referred to wandering samurai stripped of their
social status by the loss of their feudal master. Rōnin opting to study in a Juku, or cram school
[123], which students can attend both before or after they sit for an entrance test, are typically
relegated to a specific section of the school, segregated from other students. There, they subject
themselves to long, grueling hours of study in hopes of raising their test scores high enough to
gain admission to the college of their choice.
The test has also been decried for its lack of accessibility. Test prices are high and can cost
students up to 18,800 Japanese yen [124], or around US$180, for just three subjects.1
[125] Cram schools can cost far more. Yobikō, which like Juku prepare students for entrance
examinations, can cost as much as a year of university tuition. These high costs exacerbate
economic inequality in an already-stratified Japanese society, stirring up tensions by furthering
the impression that only the most socially and financially fit will be admitted to top-tier
universities and, in turn, be guaranteed high-paying jobs in the future.
To address some of these issues, the Japanese government plans to replace the National Center
Test [126] with the Common Test for University Admissions, or Common Test, scheduled to be
held for the first time in 2021. MEXT hopes that the new Common Test will select “entrants [127]
based on a multifaceted methodology that ‘fairly’ evaluates the skills that individuals have built
up for themselves,” encouraging critical and independent thinking and deep analysis of problems
instead of rote memorization. One means of achieving these goals is the introduction of written
sections for mathematics and Japanese language tests. The significance of the new Common Test
is enormous. It not only reveals a willingness to adapt to the demands of an ever-more
globalized, knowledge-based world, but also signals a reevaluation of deep-seated cultural
values, especially those of success, fairness, and individuality.
Higher Education Institutions, Programs, and Degrees

The structure and requirements of Japan’s higher education programs strongly resemble those of
the U.S. The academic year for most HEIs is split into two semesters, April to September and
October to March, although some institutions operate on a trimester or quarter system. Although
the government and university officials in recent years have debated beginning the academic
year in the fall to better align with international practices, no nationwide action has yet been
taken. The language of instruction in most programs is Japanese, although a small number are
taught in English.
Junior Colleges (tanki daigaku)

Junior colleges (tanki daigaku), sometimes referred to in English as community colleges, offer
two- to three-year programs in a variety of fields. Two-year courses require the completion of a
minimum of 62 credits; three-year courses require a minimum of 93 credits. Between 1991 and
2005, junior colleges awarded their graduates the title of Associate. Since 2006, students have
been awarded an associate degree [128] (tankidaigakushi) which allows them to transfer to an
undergraduate program at a university. At times, credit exemptions are awarded.
The vast majority of students enrolled at junior colleges are women [129]. In 2009, women made
up nearly 90 percent of junior college enrollments [130]. With more and more women choosing to
study at four-year universities, however, enrollment at junior colleges has declined sharply.
Universities (Daigaku)
Universities offer bachelor’s degree programs [131] (gakushi) requiring a minimum of four years
of full-time study. They are offered in a variety of fields, including the humanities, social sciences,
sciences, engineering, and agriculture. Bachelor’s degree programs typically require the
completion of a general education component, which usually comprises 30 to 60 credits taken in
the first two years of the program. Students must earn a minimum of 124 credits to graduate.
Medicine, dentistry, pharmaceutical sciences, and veterinary sciences programs require six years
of study and between 182 and 188 credits.
Curricula in medical programs generally consist of subjects in biology, physics, mathematics, and
chemistry, with four years dedicated to academic study and two years dedicated to clinical
practice and training. Upon completion of the program, students are awarded a Bachelor of
Medicine. Graduates passing a national licensing examination [132] are legally authorized to
practice, beginning with a two-year rotating residency. A Bachelor of Medicine is required for
admission to a three-year Doctor of Medical Science program.
Master’s degrees [133] (shushi) typically require two years of full-time study and the completion
of 30 credits. Master’s degree programs are offered in a variety of subjects and consist of
coursework, a thesis, and an oral examination. Admission requires a bachelor’s degree or 16
years of school.
Doctoral degrees [134] (hakase) require three to five years of full-time study. Graduation from a
master’s or professional degree program is typically required, although some institutions also
demand that applicants pass an additional entrance examination. Students admitted to a doctoral
program with just a bachelor’s degree are typically required to complete 30 credits of coursework
in their first two years.
Both master’s and doctoral degrees are taught at graduate schools [135], which are usually
divisions of universities, although some are operated as independent institutions. Relatively few
Japanese students pursue graduate education, in part because of the perception among
employers that graduate students are not much more qualified than undergraduate students.
Unlike enrollment at the undergraduate level, where most students attend private institutions,
graduate level enrollments are concentrated in national universities.
National Institution for Academic Degrees and Quality Enhancement of Higher

Education (NIAD-QE)
Since 1991, the National Institution for Academic Degrees and Quality Enhancement of Higher
Education [136] (NIAD-QE), known prior to 2016 as the National Institution for Academic Degrees
and University Evaluation (NIAD-UE), has also awarded degrees on the basis of accumulated
credits [131] or the completion of a NIAD-QE-approved academic program. For example, a

graduate of an associate degree program who has earned at least 62 credits from a university
over a two-year period can apply to NIAD-QE, which, after evaluating and approving the
student’s academic coursework, awards a bachelor’s degree. NIAD-QE also awards bachelor’s,
master’s, and doctoral degrees to students completing a course of study at an educational
institution run by a government ministry [137], such as the National Defense Academy of Japan
[138] or the National Defense Medical College [139]. Students in master’s and doctoral programs
also sit for an examination conducted by a committee of experts convened by NIAD-QE.
Quality Assurance and Accreditation

Japan’s current system of quality assurance and accreditation is complex. It consists of
government control over the establishment of new HEIs, external accreditation, and institutional
self-monitoring and self-evaluation.
MEXT has sole statutory power to charter new universities [140], with the decision of whether to
approve the establishment of a new university based on the outcome of a review conducted by
the Council for University Chartering and School Corporation, a MEXT agency. The council
evaluates the compliance of proposed universities in light of standards set by the government in
areas like the organization and administration of the university, staff qualifications, student-to-
faculty ratios, facilities, and educational programs, among others. After the institution has begun
operations and before the first cohort graduates, the council conducts a “Survey to Track
Implementation of University Foundation Plans” to ensure that the university has continued to
uphold the standards set by law.
Since 2004 [141], Japanese HEIs have been subject to the certified evaluation and accreditation
[140] (CEA) system. Under this system, all HEIs must undergo a comprehensive evaluation of
their education, research, and facilities by MEXT-approved CEA organizations at fixed time
intervals. As of 2020, MEXT had approved 15 CEA organizations [142], each of which develops
and applies its own evaluation criteria. CEA organizations are approved to evaluate only certain
institution types, such as universities or colleges of technology, or professional programs, such as
law and business management. While the CEA evaluation is mandatory, HEIs are free to choose
from among the list of approved CEA organizations. The evaluation results are published publicly.
All public and private universities, junior colleges, and colleges of technology are required to
undergo CEA evaluation once every seven years. Besides comprehensive institutional
evaluations, professional programs offered by PVJCs, PVUs, and professional graduate schools
are required to undergo evaluation once every five years. For universities, MEXT has approved
five CEAs, the largest of which is the NIAD-QE [142], which also maintains a searchable database
[143] of recognized HEIs and programs.
Universities, junior colleges, and colleges of technology are also required to conduct internal
quality assurance and self-assessment reviews, the results of which are published publicly.
Following the 2004 NUC reforms, national universities are subject to additional evaluations by
MEXT to monitor their progress in achieving previously determined goals. The results of these
evaluations determine the level of funding national universities receive from MEXT.
Grading Scales
Although grading scales [144] vary by institution, most national universities employ a variation of
a five-scale grading system, with most using letter grades ranging from S (superior) to F (fail).
Other universities use a numeric 0 to 100 grading scale, with a 60 being the minimum pass for
each course. Students performing at an inadequate level are given an F and are encouraged to
retake the same subject(s) in the following semesters. As of 2016 [145], most Japanese
universities had also adopted a grade point average (GPA) system.
[146]
Teacher Training
Despite Japan’s large student population, the country employs relatively few teachers. As
mentioned above, student-teacher ratios are well above the OECD average. Despite recent
attempts by MEXT to reduce these ratios, a national drive to cut public sector spending has
negatively impacted the hiring of new teachers. Between 2014 and 2015, the total number of
teachers declined [147].
Working conditions for teachers are also far from ideal. Teachers are overworked, employed for
an average of about 54 hours a week, and, as is the case for the rest of the Japanese workforce,
their terms of employment have become increasingly precarious. In 2012, around 16 percent of
Japanese teachers were employed on short-term or part-time contracts, up from less than 9
percent in 2005. Irregular employment often hinders teachers’ professional development, limits
the time available for lesson planning, and lowers morale, all of which can have a detrimental
impact on educational quality.
Outside of higher education, teachers at all educational levels must hold teaching certificates in
order to practice. Prefectural boards of education [148] issue these certificates to candidates who
have earned a minimum number of credits as set by MEXT-approved academic programs.
Candidates typically study at general universities and junior colleges, although graduate schools
of education have recently been established to provide advanced teacher education and training.
Academic teaching programs include courses on pedagogy as well as those related to the
subjects that prospective teachers intend to teach.
A separate teaching certificate is required to teach in different stages or types of education—

kindergarten, elementary, lower secondary, upper secondary, and special needs teachers must all
obtain different teaching certificates. Three different classes of certificates are awarded—
advanced, class I, and class II—and each requires different academic credentials. A master’s
degree is needed to earn an advanced teaching certificate, a bachelor’s degree for a class I
certificate, and an associate degree for a class II certificate. The class II certificate is not an
option for teachers at the upper secondary level, and those teachers who hold a class II
certificate at other levels are urged to continue their studies and obtain at least a class I
certificate. Teachers are required to renew their licenses every 10 years by completing a set of
courses developed by MEXT and taught at MEXT-approved universities or teacher training
institutions.
WES Document Requirements

Secondary Education
Academic transcript—issued in English and sent directly to WES by the institution attended
Graduation certificate—a clear, legible photocopy of the graduation certificate or diploma issued
in English by the institution attended
Higher Education
Academic transcript—issued in English and sent directly to WES by the institution attended
For completed doctoral degrees, a letter confirming the award of the degree—sent directly by the
institution attended
Sample Documents
Click here [149] for a PDF file of the academic documents referred to below:
Senior High School Graduation Certificate

Associate degree
Title of Associate (College of Technology)
Diploma (Professional Training College)
Advanced Diploma (professional Training College)
Bachelor’s degree
NIAD-QE bachelor’s degree
Master’s degree
Doctor of Philosophy
1. [150] University-specific entrance examinations raise costs even more, adding around 17,000
yen per exam to a student’s total expenditure.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily
reflect the official policy or position of World Education Services (WES).
Article printed from WENR: https://wenr.wes.org
URL to article: https://wenr.wes.org/2021/02/education-in-japan
URLs in this post:
[1] Image: https://wenr.wes.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/WENR-02-18-2021-

Japan-CP-740x440-iStock-962959458.jpg
[2] women: https://www.brookings.edu/research/lessons-from-the-rise-of-womens-
labor-force-participation-in-japan/
[3] Statistics Bureau of Japan: https://www.stat.go.jp/data/jinsui/2019np/index.html
[4] Image: https://wenr.wes.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/WENR-1220-Japan-
CP-Infographic-scaled.jpg
[5] refrain from hiring new regular workers:
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-13-2632-5_10
[6] warning: https://www.cnbc.com/2020/04/07/japans-economy-has-been-dealt-
the-final-blow-by-the-coronavirus-pandemic.html
[7] China succeeded Japan as the world’s second-largest economy:
https://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/16/business/global/16yuan.html
[8] increased its military presence around the strategically important Senkaku Islands, or as they
are known in China, Diaoyu Islands: https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-
tracker/conflict/tensions-east-china-sea
[9] Japan ranked second in science and fifth in math among 72 participating countries and
regions: https://www.oecd.org/pisa/pisa-2015-results-in-focus.pdf
[10] Fundamental Law of Education:
https://web.archive.org/web/20160331133057/http:/www.mext.go.jp/english/lawa
ndplan/1303462.htm
[11] 9 percent of variation: https://www.oecd.org/japan/46623994.pdf
[12] Western education systems came to influence Japanese education:
https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201103EJPP.pdf
[13] German university model: http://hdl.handle.net/10315/2809
[14] principal role:
https://www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/hakusho/html/others/detail/1317571.htm
[15] Japan’s economic slowdown and growing integration in the global economy:
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007%2F978-3-030-41882-3_4
[16] Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology:
https://www.mext.go.jp/
[17] Education Policy in Japan: Building Bridges towards 2030:
http://www.oecd.org/education/education-policy-in-japan-9789264302402-en.htm
[18] even out: https://wenr.wes.org/2017/08/global-mobility-japan-malaysia-taiwan-
and-south-korea-seek-to-shift-student-mobility-by-2025
[19] MEXT’s 2013 National Education Reform Plan:
https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/koutou/houjin/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2019/06/17/1
418116_01.pdf
[20] a goal of doubling the number of Japanese students studying abroad:
https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/culture/people/student/index.html
[21] 300,000 international students by 2020:
https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/koutou/ryugaku/081210/001.pdf
[22] central to the nation’s economic development plans:
https://monitor.icef.com/2015/11/signs-of-strengthening-demand-for-study-abroad-
in-japan/
[23] Study in Japan Global Network Project:
https://www.mext.go.jp/en/policy/education/highered/title02/detail02/1373922.ht
ml
[24] CAMPUS Asia: https://www.campusasia.kr/index.do?lang=eng
[25] Global 30 Project: https://www.osaka-u.ac.jp/en/international/action/global30
[26] Top Global University: https://tgu.mext.go.jp/en/
[27] a graduation requirement: https://thepienews.com/news/japan-hei-makes-study-
abroad-compulsory/
[28] According to JASSO: https://studyinjapan.go.jp/en/_mt/2020/08/date2019z_e.pdf
CP-01.jpg
[30] Japan’s inbound mobility rate: http://data.uis.unesco.org/index.aspx?queryid=3809
[31] Several obstacles: https://info.japantimes.co.jp/ads/pdf/20190627-
G20_Osaka_Summit_Special.pdf
[32] defines: https://ryugaku.jasso.go.jp/first/
[33] Japan Association of Overseas Studies: https://www.jaos.or.jp/about-eng
[34] the top three destinations:
https://www.studyinjapan.go.jp/ja/_mt/2020/08/date2017n.pdf
[35] Per the UNESCO Institute of Statistics: http://data.uis.unesco.org/index.aspx?
queryid=3806
[36] a nexus of factors: https://d-nb.info/1078441235/34
[37] China’s cultural and physical proximity:
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2015/04/22/issues/culture-cost-
proximity-draw-chinese-students-japan/#.Xp3ZkchKjIU
[38] According to JASSO:
https://www.jasso.go.jp/en/about/organization/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2020/09/03/e
2020_a4_0727s_3.pdf
[39] less than 1 percent of all Japanese tertiary students:
http://data.uis.unesco.org/index.aspx?queryid=3810
CP-02.jpg
[41] study overseas at far higher levels: https://www.insidehighered.com/blogs/world-
view/recent-trends-japanese-students-studying-abroad-welcome-news-canada
[42] Some Japanese experts:
https://www.jasso.go.jp/ryugaku/related/kouryu/2014/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2015/1
1/18/201407otahiroshi.pdf
[43] German universities have greatly increased the number of master’s and doctoral programs
taught in English: https://wenr.wes.org/2021/01/education-in-germany-2
CP-03.jpg
[45] according to IIE Open Doors data: https://opendoorsdata.org/data/international-
students/leading-places-of-origin/
[46] Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan:
https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/q&a/ref/1.html
[47] educational exchange programs: https://jp.usembassy.gov/open-doors-report-
highlights-japan-u-s-student-exchange/
[48] TOMODACHI Initiative: http://usjapantomodachi.org/
[49] enrolled at the undergraduate level: https://opendoorsdata.org/data/international-
students/academic-level-and-places-of-origin/
[50] most popular field of study for these students:

https://opendoorsdata.org/data/international-students/fields-of-study-by-place-of-
origin/
CP-04.jpg
[52] negatively judged: https://doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2011.64.8558
[53] According to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada:
https://www.cic.gc.ca/opendata-
donneesouvertes/data/IRCC_M_TRStudy_0009_E.xls
CP-05.jpg
[55] Previous WES research: https://wenr.wes.org/2019/08/international-student-
views-on-gun-violence-and-safety
[56] the U.S.: https://wenr.wes.org/2018/06/education-in-the-united-states-of-
america
[57] OECD’s 2018 PISA: https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?
primaryCountry=JPN&treshold=10&topic=PI
CP-06.jpg
[59] Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology:
https://www.mext.go.jp/en/
[60] the 1947 Fundamental Law of Education:
https://www.mext.go.jp/en/policy/education/lawandplan/title01/detail01/sdetail01
/1373817.html
[61] basic outlines: https://web-japan.org/factsheet/en/pdf/e37_education.pdf
[62] comparisons with other OECD countries:
http://www.oecd.org/education/talis/TALIS2018_insights_and_interpretations.pdf
[63] At the prefectural level: https://ncee.org/what-we-do/center-on-international-
education-benchmarking/top-performing-countries/japan-overview/japan-system-
and-school-organization/
[64] issued in 2017:
https://www.mext.go.jp/component/a_menu/education/detail/__icsFiles/afieldfile/
2019/10/11/1401777_002.pdf
[65] Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare: https://www.mhlw.go.jp/english/
[66] measures: https://doi.org/10.2304%2Frcie.2007.2.2.88
[67] waitlists for day care facilities:
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/09/06/national/japan-day-care-waiting-
record-low/#.Xt0LojpKjIV
[68] compulsory subjects:
https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201109BE.pdf
[69] English: https://www.theguardian.com/education/2011/mar/08/japan-launches-
primary-english-push
[70] Since 2020: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/10/23/national/required-
english-from-third-grade-eyed/
[71] moral education course:
https://www.mext.go.jp/en/policy/education/brochure/title01/detail01/__icsFiles/a
fieldfile/2018/10/09/1409899-01.pdf
[72] OECD standards: https://gpseducation.oecd.org/CountryProfile?
primaryCountry=JPN&treshold=10&topic=EO
[73] standard national curriculum:
https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201203LSJ.pdf
[74] examination hell:
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2015/02/15/issues/spare-a-thought-for-
the-junior-high-students-going-through-exam-hell/
[75] Experts have long criticized: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2632-5_1
[76] learning space: https://asiasociety.org/global-cities-education-network/japan-
recent-trends-education-reform
[77] 2003 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study:

https://timss.bc.edu/PDF/t03_download/T03INTLMATRPT.pdf
[78] Per MEXT:
https://www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/shingi/chukyo/chukyo3/siryo/attach/1325908.ht
m
[79] unified junior high and senior high schools:
https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201209SE.pdf
[80] Since reforms introduced in 2010:
https://web.archive.org/web/20191130233640/http:/www.mext.go.jp:80/b_menu/
hakusho/html/hpab200901/detail/1305888.htm
[81] the senior high school curriculum:
https://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/daily_life_in_japanese_high_schools
[82] a minimum of 74 credits:
https://www.kyoiku.metro.tokyo.lg.jp/en/about/files/curriculum/p05.pdf
CP-07.jpg
[84] 2017 MEXT white paper:
https://warp.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/11293659/www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/hakusho/
html/hpab201801/1407992_012.pdf
[85] First introduced in 1976: https://www.niad.ac.jp/english/overview_jp_e_ver2.pdf
[86] Three categories of specialized training colleges exist:
https://www.mext.go.jp/component/english/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2011/03/07/1303
013_002.pdf
[87] minimum quality requirements:
https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shougai/senshuu/06082502.htm
[88] approval to operate:
https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/shougai/senshuu/pamph/001/010.pdf
[89] general vocational subjects:
https://www.mext.go.jp/component/a_menu/education/detail/__icsFiles/afieldfile/
2017/03/31/1332361_6.pdf
[90] eight fields of study:
https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201403SMG.pdf
[91] diploma: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#senmonshi
[92] advanced diploma: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#kodosenmonshi
[93] struggled to maintain enrollment levels:
https://web.archive.org/web/20090308054525/http:/sankei.jp.msn.com/life/educati
on/071027/edc0710271108003-n1.htm
[94] around 15 percent to 20 percent of senior high school graduates:
https://web.archive.org/web/20191204121803/http:/www.mext.go.jp:80/b_menu/t
oukei/chousa01/kihon/kekka/k_detail/1388914.htm
[95] professional and vocational junior colleges:
https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-system/hei.html
[96] associate degree (professional): https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#tankidaigakushi(professional)
[97] professional and vocational universit: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/hei.html#senmonshokudaigaku
[98] bachelor’s degrees (professional): https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#gakushi(professional)
[99] Professional Graduate Schools: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/hei.html#senmonshokudaigakuin
[100] graduate professional degrees: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#senmonshokugakui
[101] at least three years of post-secondary education and training:
https://www.nurse.or.jp/jna/english/pdf/nursing-in-japan2016.pdf
[102] 3.9 million students enrolled in post-secondary education:
http://data.uis.unesco.org/index.aspx?queryid=3811
[103] a total of 2.9 million students:

https://www.mext.go.jp/component/b_menu/other/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2018/12/2
5/1407449_1.pdf
[104] according to MEXT:
https://www.mext.go.jp/en/about/pablication/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2019/03/13/137
4478_001.pdf
[105] private institutions enrolled nearly four-fifths of all higher education students:
https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=EAG_ENRL_SHARE_INST
[106] RU11: http://www.ru11.jp/eng/about.html
[107] National Seven Universities:
https://www.studyinternational.com/news/prestigious-imperial-universities-best-
japan-rankings/
[108] The National University Corporation (NUC) Act:
https://www.oecd.org/education/skills-beyond-school/35747684.pdf
[109] ease admissions standards: https://www.nippon.com/en/features/h00095/
[110] university studies are typically considered easy:
https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/5-ways-college-life-is-different-
in-japan-and-u-s
[111] shūshoku katsudō: https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20190731-why-japans-
shkatsu-is-disappearing-for-japanese-youth
[112] According to a 2012 OECD study: https://www.oecd.org/education/EAG2012%20-
%20Country%20note%20-%20Japan.pdf
[113] Gender inequality: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-11-09/gender-bias-at-
tokyo-medical-university-not-isolated-case/10478764
[114] beginning at Tokyo Medical University:
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/03/world/asia/japan-medical-school-test-
scores-women.html
[115] more women than men:
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/05/21/national/women-pass-scandal-hit-
tokyo-medical-universitys-entrance-exam-higher-rate-men/
[116] private sources: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/05/21/national/pay-
higher-education-japan-public-parents-students/
[117] a large proportion of Japanese students take out private or government-sponsored loans:
http://www.cadtm.org/IMG/pdf/student_debt_in_japan.pdf
[118] In a 2008 survey conducted by MEXT: https://doi.org/10.2304%2Frcie.2009.4.4.384
[119] written: https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201103DFJE.pdf
[120] National Center for University Entrance Exams: http://www.dnc.ac.jp/
[121] six subjects: https://www.dnc.ac.jp/albums/abm00033004.pdf
[122] one-fifth:
https://web.archive.org/web/20120123063019/http:/www.dnc.ac.jp/modules/cente
r_exam/content0321.html
[123] Juku, or cram school: http://www.ascd.org/publications/educational-
leadership/feb93/vol50/num05/Japan
[124] 18,800 Japanese yen:
https://allabout.co.jp/gm/gc/12104/#:~:text=%E5%A4%A7%E5%AD%A6%E5%8F
%97%E9%A8%93%E6%96%99%E3%81%AF%E7%A7%81%E7%AB%8B5,%E3%8
1%A717%E4%B8%875000%E5%86%86%EF%BC%81&text=%E5%9B%BD%E5%8
5%AC%E7%AB%8B%E3%81%A8%E7%A7%81%E7%AB%8B%E3%81%9D%E3%8
2%8C%E3%81%9E%E3%82%8C%E3%81%AE%E5%A0%B4%E5%90%88%E3%81
%A7%E3%81%BF%E3%81%A6%E3%81%BF%E3%81%BE%E3%81%97%E3%82
%87%E3%81%86%E3%80%82&text=%E3%82%BB%E3%83%B3%E3%82%BF%E
3%83%BC%E8%A9%A6%E9%A8%93%E3%81%AE%E5%8F%97%E9%A8%93%E6
%96%99,%E7%A8%8B%E5%BA%A6%E3%81%A8%E3%81%AA%E3%81%A3%E3
%81%A6%E3%81%84%E3%81%BE%E3%81%99%E3%80%82
[125] 1: #_ftn1
[126] replace the National Center Test: https://www.nippon.com/en/japan-
data/h00596/japan-to-introduce-new-university-entrance-exam-in-2021.html
[127] entrants:
https://www.mext.go.jp/component/english/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2015/03/31/1353
908_1.pdf
[128] associate degree: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#tankidaigakushi
[129] women: https://doi.org/10.1080/02776770290041855
[130] women made up nearly 90 percent of junior college enrollments:
https://www.nier.go.jp/English/educationjapan/pdf/201109HE.pdf
[131] bachelor’s degree programs: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#gakushi
[132] national licensing examination:
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4363931/
[133] Master’s degrees: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#shushi
[134] Doctoral degrees: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/qualification.html#hakase
[135] graduate schools: http://global.chuo-u.ac.jp/english/unicms/wp-
content/uploads/2014/03/Graduate_Schools.pdf
[136] National Institution for Academic Degrees and Quality Enhancement of Higher Education:
https://www.niad.ac.jp/
[137] an educational institution run by a government ministry:
https://www.niad.ac.jp/english/adegrees/aod/scheme2.htm
[138] National Defense Academy of Japan: https://www.mod.go.jp/nda/english/
[139] National Defense Medical College: http://www.ndmc.ac.jp/
[140] new universities: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-system/quality.html
[141] Since 2004: https://www.niad.ac.jp/english/unive/cea/
[142] 15 CEA organizations:
https://www.niad.ac.jp/english/unive/cea/organizations.html
[143] searchable database: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/
[144] grading scales: https://www.nicjp.niad.ac.jp/en/japanese-
system/assessment.html
[145] As of 2016:
https://www.mext.go.jp/a_menu/koutou/daigaku/04052801/__icsFiles/afieldfile/20
19/05/28/1417336_001.pdf
CP-08.jpg
[147] the total number of teachers declined:
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-13-2632-5_6
[148] Prefectural boards of education: https://ir.lib.hiroshima-
u.ac.jp/files/public/4/41644/20170124132645718381/BullGradSchEducHU-
Part3_65_19.pdf
[149] here: https://wenr.wes.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Japan-Sample-
Documents.pdf
[150] 1.: #_ftnref1
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10/20/23, 1:08 PM WENR Education in Japan

Sophia Chawala, Knowledge Analyst, WES

The Backdrop to Reform: Japan’s Educational Performance

Education Reform: Past and Present

Inbound Student Mobility

uncertainty surrounding the in-country employment pathways available to international students

Differing Measures of Student Mobility: Short Term vs. Full Time

Chinese Students in Japan

Outbound Student Mobility

Japanese Students in the U.S. and Canada

In Brief: The Education System of Japan

Administration of the Education System

Early Childhood Education

Elementary and Lower Secondary Education

Yutori Kyōiku: Compulsory Education Reform

Upper Secondary Education

Admission to senior high school is typically determined by three criteria: an entrance

Senior high schools use a numeric grading scale ranging from 1 to 5.

Technical, Professional, and Vocational Education

Specialized Training Colleges (senshu gakku)

Specialized Training College, General Course (senshu gakko ippan katei)

Specialized Training College, Upper Secondary Course (koto-senshu-gakko)

Professional Training College (senmon gakko)

Colleges of Technology (kōtō-senmon-gakkō or KOSEN)

Professional and Vocational Junior Colleges (tanki daigaku)

Professional and Vocational Universities (senmon shoku daigaku or PVU)

degrees (professional) [98].

Professional Graduate Schools [99] (senmon-shoku-daigakuin), which “specialize in fostering

The importance of a university education is reflected in employment rates. According to a 2012

secondary education, respectively. Gender inequality [113] is a widely recognized issue

Criticism and Reform: The Common Test for University Admissions

Higher Education Institutions, Programs, and Degrees

Junior Colleges (tanki daigaku)

National Institution for Academic Degrees and Quality Enhancement of Higher

credits [131] or the completion of a NIAD-QE-approved academic program. For example, a

Quality Assurance and Accreditation

teachers declined [147].

A separate teaching certificate is required to teach in different stages or types of education—

WES Document Requirements

Senior High School Graduation Certificate

Article printed from WENR: https://wenr.wes.org

URL to article: https://wenr.wes.org/2021/02/education-in-japan

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[1] Image: https://wenr.wes.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/WENR-02-18-2021-

[50] most popular field of study for these students:

[77] 2003 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study:

[103] a total of 2.9 million students:

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