102
Marcos André Torres de Souza
Camilla Agostini
Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes:
Some Correlations between
African Scariications and Pottery
Decoration in Eighteenth- and
Nineteenth-Century Brazil
ABSTRACT
Some aspects related to the dynamic of speciic signs repro-
duced in pots and pipes are similar to body scariications
carried by Africans. It is argued that these decorations were
appropriated, recontextualized, and sometimes resigniied by
Brazilian slaves, who used them in the construction of new
diasporic identities.
Introduction
In Cosmopolitanism, Kwame Appiah (2006)
dislocated the focus usually adopted in cultural
studies from differences between groups to the
role of coexistence in their interaction. In con-
sidering the context of the Atlantic World and,
more speciically, the context of slavery in the
Americas, this theme has a clear resonance.
Enslaved individuals originated from different
regions; individuals with different cultural back-
grounds were placed into direct contact, often
forcing them to ind paths for coexistence. From
this process, new communities were formed,
new senses of belonging forged, and new mate-
rial expressions created.
The present discussion focuses on some of
issues related to this process, examining the
potential replication of some patterns of African
body scariication on pottery and pipes, as well
as the potential correlation of this phenom-
enon with the development of new coexistence
mechanisms by slaves in 18th- and 19th-century
Brazil. Two examples of pottery decoration will
be examined and compared to scarifications
carried by African slaves, including the Yoruba
(known in Brazil as Mina or Nagô), Macuas
(included in the group known as Moçambique),
and Angolas.
Historical Archaeology, 2012, 46(3):102–123.
Permission to reprint required.
Discussion of this general topic is not new
in Brazilian archaeology. The first author to
approach this issue was Lima, who suggested a
possible correlation between some decorative pipe
patterns and African body scariications (Lima et
al. 1993:189). Similarly, Guimarães et al. (1990)
examined the potential ethnic identiication of
maroon communities. One of the current authors
(Agostini 1997, 1998) made the irst systematic
effort to address the issue, observing the diversity
and reproduction of certain patterns of pipe deco-
rations in southeastern Brazil as slaves’ expres-
sion of silent resistance and identity construction.
For the present case studies, discussions of a
more limited scope have previously appeared.
The decorations related to the Yoruba were
previously examined by de Souza (2000:75–
73), Symanski and de Souza (2001:164), and
Symanski (2006:223–227, this issue), while the
Macua and Angola cases have been discussed
by Agostini (2009a, 2011). In general, it has
become common in Brazil to point out cor-
relations between pottery decorations and body
scariication patterns. However, it is argued here
that, most of the time, these past studies lack
context-speciic analyses. The present discussion
deepens the examination of different sources,
including manuscripts, iconography, travelers’
accounts, periodicals, material culture, and eth-
nographic studies from both Brazil and Africa
in order to overcome this limitation.
The archaeological data used here come
from a number of different regions and proj-
ects. Assemblages of pottery and pipes come
from the São Francisco site, a 19th-century
property in the Brazilian southeast, investi-
gated by Bornal (1995, 2008) and currently
being studied by Agostini (2009a, 2011); Ouro
Fino, an 18th-century mining village in central
Brazil excavated by de Souza (2000, 2002); the
Casa da Fundição do Ouro de Goiás, a multi-
occupational site in central Brazil excavated
by Pardi and da Silva (1989); ive plantations
dating between the last quarter of the 19th
century and the early 20th century in western
Brazil investigated by Symanski (Symanski and
de Souza 2001; Symanski 2006, this issue; de
Souza and Symanski 2009); and urban deposits
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes 103

dating from between the 17th and 20th centuries
from the city of Salvador, in Brazil’s northeast,
that have been investigated by Najjar and Silva
(2008). These sites cover a considerable area
(Figure 1) and signiicantly different temporal,
economic, and social contexts, which provide
a methodologically useful comparable sample.
A key aspect in considering these contexts
involves the fact of their connection to different
patterns of slave demography. The geographi-
cal origins of slaves in these regions differed
signiicantly. As a consequence, they offer an
important opportunity for an examination of the
potential relationships between pottery decora-
tions and particular slave groups.
The pottery and pipes discussed here consist
of low-fired earthenwares that were produced
for internal markets in Brazil. Although the scale
of their production and distribution still needs
further study, both archaeological and historical
evidence (Mott 1976; Figueiredo 1993; Karasch
1996:85–89; Jacobus 1997; Agostini 1998, 2009a,
2011;) have suggested that these items were com-
mercialized in local or regional spheres. This is
true for both pottery, which was usually produced
by coiling and molding; and pipes, which could
be formed by modeling or molding.
A central issue here involves the creation
of trade identities among African slaves, and
mechanisms for creating new identities from
preexisting symbolic references (for a more
recent archaeological discussion on this topic,
see Fennell [2007]). For this discussion, two
key aspects will be considered. The irst aspect
involves the potential recontextualization of
African symbolic references and their adop-
tion in the new cultural and social meanings
in Brazilian diasporic contexts. The second
aspect involves the possibility of new diasporic
identities being expressed in and through pot-
tery and pipe decoration. A brief overview of
the meanings of body scariication in different
African contexts will be provided in order to
show that this practice, even if not adopted in
Brazil, was not ignored by enslaved Africans
and their descendents. Since, as will be dem-
onstrated here, Brazilian slaves reproduced these
scarification motifs in sculptures, pipes, and
other locally produced items, it is reasonable to
ask if some of these motifs were a reproduction
of signs or symbols that potentially changed in
meaning once brought to Brazil. Two examples,

BENIN NIGERIA
SIERRA
LEONE
Elmina
Bight of
Benin
Ouidah
Porto Novo
Badagry
Lagos
DR CONGO
BRAZIL

Mato
Bahia Lunda
Grosso Malawi
Chapada dos Guimarães Goiás Salvador ATLANTIC ANGOLA Messalo

Engenho Bom Jardim Ouro Fino OCEAN Benguela

Vila Boa Angoche
MOZAMBIQUE
São Paulo
São Francisco
Fazenda Santana
Rio de Janeiro
São Sebastião

COUNTRY
Region / State
City
Site

0 1000 km

FIGURE 1. Places mentioned in the text. (Map by Marcos A. T. de Souza, 2009.)

104
one from West Africa and another from Central
and East Africa, will help to demonstrate the
point. In the following discussions, the genesis
of diasporic identities and the manipulation of
certain signs from a preexisting symbolic reser-
voir will be examined, observing the complexity
of interaction in a process where people from
different cultural backgrounds were forced to
live together, inding paths for coexistence.
Trade Identities
Most ethnonyms given to slaves in the
slave-trade period, or used in self-reference,
represent either large regions of Africa or ship-
ment ports. They were not references to spe-
ciic linguistic or sociocultural groups (Lovejoy
1989:378; DeCorse 1999:135). These terms—
called “nations” in Brazil—suggested, during the
period of slavery, a place of origin that could
represent very generic European abstractions
such as “Angola” or “Moçambique.” Conversely,
they could be more objective references to
places, such as “Cassange” and “Boma” (both
inland markets in Central Africa); “Monjolo”
(the region of Monsol, in the Tio Kingdom);
“Cabundá (the Luanda region); or “Magange”
(the “lake people”) (Karasch 2000:481–495).
The concept of “nation” is an historically
located concept. It was used in Brazil to distin-
guish the African enslaved population and was
used by the Portuguese from the beginning of
their interaction with Africa. These terms func-
tioned as a means to organize the slave trade
and identify different peoples (Soares 2000:95).
Usually deined by slave traders and then rec-
ognized by European travelers, they contributed
to the abstraction to Europeans of the origin
of each slave. Oliveira (1997:41) notes that at
the very beginning of the slave trade not much
importance was given to the speciics of African
origins. But, as the centuries went by, slave
traders started to try to better identify these ori-
gins, since slave-labor-based societies tended to
prefer a speciic “kind of African” for speciic
activities. Eventually, these constructed European
references were adopted by enslaved Africans in
the formation of their own diasporic identities.
Douglas Chambers (2001) called attention to
the political fragmentation of precolonial Africa
and the presence of multiple small ethnic groups,
which explains the great variety of ethnonyms in
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
Atlantic Africa. Glimpses of such diversity during
the Atlantic slave-trade period may be found in
the Brazilian slaves’ origins listed by Mary Kar-
asch in an appendix of her Slave Life in Rio de
Janeiro, 1808–1850 (Karasch 1987), as well as
in the list of recaptured slaves that were landed
in Sierra Leone in the 1840s, organized by Sigis-
mund Koelle (Curtin 1969:289–298). A classic
historiography avoids approaching ethnicity in
precolonial African contexts. Authors such as Jan
Vansina (1990) and Joseph Miller (1988, 1995)
avoid dealing with categories such as “ethnic
groups” in precolonial African contexts because,
according to them, it would not be possible to
ind safe ethnonyms in the historical sources, and
also because they reject paradigms of objective
ethnicity created in colonial contexts.
Yet Chambers (2001:28–29) also noted the
possibility of approaching the formation of
Atlantic identities with the appropriation of
ethnonyms, the so called “nation names.” He
acknowledged that these diasporic terms usu-
ally did not refer to an ethnic group, being
frequently used as satiric or pejorative names
given by “others,” such as Europeans or other
Africans. For Chambers, the creation of identi-
ties related to these names was, in fact, related
to “affinity groups” and not necessarily to
ethnic groups. Chambers noted that most of
the Africans identified themselves, or were
identified by others, by a limited number of
generic ethnonyms. The author understood this
as a process of ethnogenesis, a creation of new
diasporic ethnicities (Chambers 2001:26–27).
Other examples help to illustrate some of these
processes; in situations characterized by personal
and social upheaval (Reis 1993), and the forma-
tion of religious brotherhood (Oliveira 1997;
Soares 2000; Reginaldo 2005), slaves developed
new forms of social and cultural identities using
the idea of “nation” as a central reference point.
An archaeological question emerges from this
discussion: Did these diasporic identities have
material expressions? As archaeological stud-
ies have shown, there is not always a positive
correlation between material culture and ethnic
afiliation or identity (de Souza and Symanski
2009:516–517). While this is an important con-
sideration, archaeological and documentary evi-
dence nonetheless points towards an important
material culture component in expressions of
African identity in Brazil.
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes
African Body Marks and Material Culture
The adoption of some form of body marking
is a widespread practice in Africa, including
those regions most closely associated with the
Atlantic slave trade. In describing its use in
Nigeria, Adepegba (1976:6) identified three
types of marks that are frequently found in all
regions. These were scariication, which involves
the simple production of scars by a variety of
cutting tools; keloids, which are represented
by raised scars; and tattoos, which include
colored markings usually produced by the use of
pigments and pricking or cutting tools.
The reasons these marks were adopted could
vary signiicantly. As ethnographic studies carried
out in different African regions have indicated,
they could be used for beautiication (Adepegba
1976:39; Bohannan 1987; David et al. 1988:370;
Drewal 1989:247), for indication of health
or social status (Adepegba 1976:29–30), for
FIGURE 2. Sculpture and pot with the reproduction of scariications. (Annales du Musée du Congo 1907:82).
105
indicating life-cycle stage (Berns 2000:262–265),
for initiatory rituals (Schneider 1973:26; Lincoln
1975:325; Robert 1987:46; Berns 2000:262),
for medicinal purposes (David et al. 1988:370;
Drewal 1989:245; Ojo 2008:367), for distinguish-
ing ethnicity (Law 1997:205; Ojo 2008:367), as
a sign of sorrow (Drewal 1987:83), for sexual
pleasure (Lima 1956; Adepegba 1976:39), and as
a sign of civilization (Vogel 1998:99).
As archaeological and ethnographical works
have shown, some of these scarification prac-
tices could be replicated in a variety of mate-
rial forms, including pottery (David et al.
1988:371–378; Fatunsin 1992:62–63; Pikirayi
1993:145–146; Barley 1994:128–136; Gosselain
1999:81). The example in Figure 2 comes from
an ethnographic account from the early-20th-cen-
tury Congo (Annales du Musée du Congo 1907)
and reproduces a human abdominal scariication
type on the bulge of a vessel. Probably the most
common replication of such marks occurred when
106
a vessel was created for ritual usage. This is
the case, for example, of vessels from northern
Nigeria that both represent deceased individuals
and recreate the facial marks they had while
alive. These vessels were believed to contain the
spirit of the deceased (Berns 2000:71). The rep-
lication of scariications for ritual purposes also
occurs among the Yoruba, whose divining trays
may feature a representation of the péle, one of
the most common types of Yoruba scariication
(Adepegba 1976:145).
Although the practice of body scariication was
not itself reproduced in Brazil, it was not totally
ignored by the enslaved population, who repro-
duced the marks using different media. Figure
3 shows two examples. The irst (Figure 3, left)
features a locally produced pipe from central
Brazil that belongs to a private collection. As can
be seen, the pipe presents a facial representation
with a number of facial scariications. The second
example (Figure 3, right) features a fragment of
a igurine from the 18th century found on a farm
in the Brazilian southeast that—as suggested by
his clothes—represented a slave. As can be seen,
scariications (in the form of vertical striations)
are present on his chest.
Minas and Nagôs
The first case study of scarification in rela-
tion to pottery decorations involves the Yoruba
FIGURE 3. Left: pipe from a private collection from Goiás, Brazil, with scariication representation. (Photo by Marcos A.
T. de Souza, 2008.) Right: sculpture from Fazenda Santana with scariication representation. (Fundação São Sebastião
Collection; photo by Camilla Agostini, 2008.)
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
ethnolinguistic group. The Yoruba language is
a member of the Defoid language subgroup of
the Niger-Congo family (Pulleyblank 1987:971;
Owolabi 2006:735). Although the exact location
of the Yoruba in Africa before the 19th century
is still the subject of some controversy (Childs
and Falola 2004:4–5), their original area may
be roughly related to modern Yorubaland, which
comprises the present-day southwest of Nigeria
and part of Benin. Despite some internal diver-
gences and political fragmentation during most
of the 18th century, the Yoruba shared some
common cultural practices. After the end of the
18th century, the building of a common culture
was intensified, and internal differences were
minimized (Ojo 2008:349–363).
During the slave trade, Yoruba were mostly
shipped from the Bight of Benin ports of West
Africa. They were also re-exported in smaller
numbers from ports such as Elmina (DeCorse
2001:27). As pointed out by Eltis (2004:32),
Yoruba made up less than 9% of Africans trans-
ported to the Americas but were very widely
distributed, from Chesapeake Bay to the Rio
de la Plata. One advantage in discussing this
group is that they were sometimes referred to
in the Americas by a distinctive name, which
simpliies their identiication within the African
diaspora. In Brazil, they could be included
in either the “Mina” or “Nagô” nations (Law
1997:208, 2005:247–248).
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes
Mina was the less specific of these terms
and included a number of different African
languages and ethnicities. Originally associated
with Africans shipped from the Elmina Fortress,
located on the Gold Coast, this term assumed—
at least in the Portuguese world—a broader
meaning, including all the slaves shipped from
the area between the Gold Coast and the Bight
of Benin (Reis and Mamigonian 2004:78;
Law 2005:259). In some circumstances, Mina
was combined with more speciic designations
in order to more closely identify the origin
of enslaved individuals. In the case of Rio de
Janeiro, Oliveira (1997) noted that the French
artist Jean-Baptist Debret used a series of
combined terms, including “Mina-Nejôs,” “Mina-
Mais,” and “Mina-Callava.” Soares (2000:189)
also found speciic references for the Mina in the
18th-century archives of the Santo Elesbão and
Santa Eigênia brotherhoods from Rio de Janeiro,
including “Mina-Sabaru” and “Mina-Maki.” An
important speciic designation was the “Nagô” (or
“Mina Nagô”), which was only used to designate
the Yoruba (Law 1997:208). A puzzling aspect
in the use of the terms Mina and Nagô to refer
to the Yoruba is that the adoption of one or the
other in historical documents was dependent upon
local contexts, and their use was not necessarily
mutually exclusive.
Facial scariication among the Yoruba involved
a limited number of patterns that were used,
in many instances, as a mechanism of group
identiication. In general, these patterns tended to
be composed of parallel vertical and horizontal
lines (Adepegba 1976:83; Drewal 1989:244).
One of the oldest and most comprehensive
descriptions of these scariications was carried
out by the Reverend Samuel Johnson (1921:104–
109) in the early 20th century. Although he
recognized the existence of slight differences
in scariication designs, he also identiied some
major types. The irst—and probably the most
widely known—was the abaja, which included
three or four parallel horizontal lines on each
cheek that could occur as a single or double set
of lines. Another type was known as péle, which
had a similar arrangement of lines, but they were
placed vertically. Occasionally, a combination
made by the arrangement of these two types
could also be used; in a description of Yoruba
facial scariications from 1888 (Archaeological
Review 1888:402), as well as in contemporary
107
accounts (Adepegba 1976:86), a scarification
type is described that features the enlargement
of the horizontal lines in combination with the
traditional short vertical lines. Another type of
scariication described by Johnson (1921) was
ture, which consisted of alternating vertical short
and long lines. A last type was known as keke,
which consisted of four or ive perpendicular
and horizontal lines on each check, along with
the additional placement of either a set of
horizontal lines or one single line (Figure 4).
Although these scariications were only sys-
tematically described in the early 20th century,
their existence had been known since at least
the 19th century. According to the account of
Osifekunde (Lloyd 1967:217), who was enslaved
on the Nigerian coast and sent to Brazil in the
early 19th century, the people from the King-
dom of Oyo—a Yoruba empire built between
the early 17th century and early 19th century—
had four horizontal cuts on either side of their
mouths and cheeks.
Scariication is also referred to in descriptions
of enslaved Brazilians. For example, the
American artist Alfred Agate (de Moura
a
b
c d
e f
FIGURE 4. Facial scariications from Yoruba: (a) abaja; (b)
péle; (c) combination of abaja and péle; (d) ture; and (e–f)
keke. (Johnson [1970:106–107], modiied by Marcos A. T.
de Souza, 2009.)
108
2000:484) illustrated the marks of Nagô slaves
from Rio de Janeiro that could be classiied in
Nigeria as a combination of the Yoruba abaja
and péle (Figure 4c). The German painter
Johann Rugendas also depicted an enslaved
Mina woman from Rio de Janeiro who had
what appear to be Yoruba scarifications. In
this case the slave had a combination formed
by the abaja oluwu on her cheeks and a péle
on her forehead (Figure 5). In describing the
different slave groups who lived in Salvador
in the mid-19th century, de Castelnau (1851:7)
characterized the Nagôs as having three deep
lateral marks on each check. In discussing the
rebellion by the Malês (Islamized Yoruba) in
Salvador during the year 1835, Reis (1993)
described the leaders of the revolt and, among
them, some who also had Yoruba facial
scariications. This was the case with Ahuna,
the most-wanted leader of the rebellion. Ahuna
was described in accounts as a Nagô who had
“four scars on each cheek.” The enslaved Nagô
FIGURE 5. Mina slave from 19th-century Rio de Janeiro,
partial reproduction from the Johann M. Rugendas 1835 litho-
graph: Cabinda, Quiloa, Rebolla, Mina (Rugendas 1989).
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
Pacíico Licutan was also described as having
“perpendicular and horizontal marks on his face”
(Reis 1993:129–136).
Other possible descriptions of Yoruba facial
scariications in Salvador come from runaway
slave notices, which usually mentioned the
“nation marks” of the individuals as a form of
primary identiication. This was the case with
Domingos Alves, an approximately 20-year-
old Nagô who ran away from his master in
1846 and was described as having “three large
cut marks in each side of his face” (Verger
1968:502). In both Rio de Janeiro and Salvador,
these facial marks continued to be used by
practitioners of the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé
religion, where, during initiation rituals, the
initiate has his face painted with three parallel
lines through the use of efum, a white powder
only employed during religious rituals (Lody
2003:137).
Certain vessels with incised lines from Ouro
Fino, an 18th-century gold-mining village in
Goiás State, central Brazil, that had a growing
population of enslaved Mina, offered one of
the irst opportunities to study the duplication
of facial scarification in pottery decoration.
During the second half of the 18th century,
two circumstances contributed to an increase
in the numbers of Yoruba living in this region.
The first involved a significantly increased
demand for enslaved labor in the region during
the second half of the 18th century (Palacin
et al. 1995:86–92). The second involved the
increased importation of enslaved Yoruba during
the same period due to a series of political and
economic events along the Slave Coast (Eltis
2004:27–28). As central Brazil had an important
commercial connection with Salvador (Karasch
2002:124–129), which was one of the most
important ports of arrival for the Bight of Benin
slave trade, it may be assumed that the arrival
of an increasing number of Yoruba was also
relected in the mining context of central Brazil.
This influx would diminish with a growing
tendency, after the last two decades of the 18th
century, of buying Central African slaves in
Rio de Janeiro (Karasch 2002:124–129). Data
from slave baptisms in the parish of Vila Boa
(Coleção de Registros de Batismos 1790), of
which Ouro Fino formed a part, conirm this
trend. Records for the period 1764–1771 indicate
that 47.05% of the baptized slaves were Mina
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes 109

and 3.92% Nagô. If only African-born slaves
are considered, these two nations comprised
the overwhelming majority of baptized slaves,
representing 81.25% of this population. This
correlation between the increasing numbers of
Yoruba and the presence of parallel lines in its
pottery decoration is an important point in the
current discussion.
At Ouro Fino, two types of pottery decora-
tions can be associated with Yoruba scariication.
A irst type consists of three or four parallel
lines placed vertically on vessels’ upper bulge or
neck, which may correlate with the péle (Figure
6a). A second type consists of sets of long and
short parallel lines placed on the upper bulge or
neck of the vessels, which may correlate with
the ture (Figure 6b). The vast majority of these
decorations appear on cooking pots. Although
the limited number of datable trade materials
in these deposits prevents the identiication of
a narrow time span, vessels with these types of
decoration were found in contexts dated between
1725 and 1810, a period in which slaves rep-
resented the majority of the region’s population
(de Salles 1981:88; Palacin et al. 1995:63; Kar-
asch 2002:119, 2004:164–167).
Decorations potentially related to Yoruba
scarification are also found in other Brazil-
ian regions. In rural sites from Chapada dos
Guimarães, Mato Grosso State, western Brazil,
these decorations are (as in Ouro Fino) mostly
represented as incised patterns on cooking
pots. At these sites, three and four parallel
lines analogous to péle scariication appear on
the upper bulge or neck of the vessels (Figure
6c–e). An additional secondary decorative type
seen at these sites is represented by three and
four vertical lines appearing as an addition to
the recurrent local motifs of diamonds and zig-
zags (Figure 6f).
In western Brazil, relevant pottery decorations
are more frequently seen in deposits dating
between 1780 and 1850, a period in which
slaves represented more than 60% of the local
population in the region, and when whites were
only about 6% of the population (Symanski
2006:149). A comprehensive study carried out
by Symanski (2006:129–141) involving the slaves
from Chapada dos Guimarães shows, as in the
case of Ouro Fino, a correlation between these
decorations and Yoruba groups. As his research
indicated, Mina slaves—a group in which there
were some Yoruba—represented the majority of
the African-born slave population of the region
between 1790 and 1829, when they comprised
between 34.86% and 28.01% of this population.
In addition, the Nagôs comprised between 4.58%
and 1.41% of this population in the same period.
As in the case of Ouro Fino, it is possible that
the increase in Yoruba enslavement had some
impact in this region during the period between
1780 and 1850. The increase of Yoruba popula-
tion in Mato Grosso during the irst half of the
19th century was accompanied by a progressive

a
b

f
e
c
d

FIGURE 6. Brazilian pottery decorations with three and four vertical parallel lines from cooking pots (a–e) and an alguidar
(f ) : (a–b) Ouro Fino site, Goiás, Central Brazil, ca. 1725–1810 (de Souza 2000:72); (c–d) Buritizinho site (former Engenho
Água Fria), Chapada dos Guimarães, western Brazil, irst half of 19th century; (e) Engenho do Quilombo site, Chapada
dos Guimarães, western Brazil, mid-19th century; and (f ) Taperão site (former Engenho do Rio da casca), Chapada dos
Guimarães, western Brazil, irst half of 19th century (not to scale) (Symanski and de Souza 2001).
110
increase in the ethnic and cultural diversity of
the region at a time when, according to de
Souza and Symanski (2009:541), there was an
emergence of new pottery decorations. At least
in this case, it is apparent that the possible use
of references derived from Yoruba scariication
was intertwined with considerable ethnic and
cultural diversity. A more detailed discussion of
African symbolism in Chapada dos Guimarães
can be found in Symanski’s contribution to the
present issue.
The city of Salvador, Bahia State, in the
Brazilian northeast, where the population of
enslaved Yoruba was also signiicant, offers a
constrasting case study. Investigations of the
historical district of Salvador carried out by
Najjar and Da Silva (2006:37–38) have shown
that undecorated pottery is the most common
type in this region between the 17th and 20th
centuries. This is in stark contrast to the sites
from the other regions considered here. The
main methodological reason for this phenomenon
was that Bahians opted to replace the typical
low-ired earthenware with low-ired lead-glazed
earthenwares that only occasionally featured
decorative elements.
In this region, however, a different material
category continued to be decorated: the locally
produced clay pipes. An examination of these
artifacts revealed the presence of three and four
incised lines on the surfaces of a number of
pieces dating from the 18th and 19th centuries.
A sample of 431 complete pipes was recovered
from ill dating from about the mid-18th cen-
tury. Among these are 48 items with decorations
comprised of three incised lines, and 6 items
with four incised lines. Combined, these objects
comprise 12.54% of this assemblage. In two
other smaller deposits associated with separate
domestic refuse areas and dating from the irst
half of the 19th century, the sample consists
of 32 complete pipes. Among these, four have
three vertical lines and one has four vertical
lines. Combined, they represent a slightly higher
percentage of their assemblage, comprising
15.63% of the domestic refuse deposits. The
occurrence of such decorations on pipes is not
exclusive to Salvador. In the Casa de Fundição
de Goiás, a multi-occupational site from the city
of Goiás, central Brazil, where initial occupation
took place around 1725, the pipe assemblages
include 11 fragments of pipes decorated with
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
three incised lines, which represent fully 40%
of this assemblage (Wust 2006:63–65).
The presence of Yoruba in Salvador occurred
through the profitable commercial connection
between this city and the Bight of Benin, which
involved the exchange of Bahian tobacco for
enslaved Africans (Verger 1968). Coming from
the ports of Ouidah, Porto Novo, Badagry,
and, especially, Lagos, the number of Yoruba
gradually increased toward the end of the 18th
century, which led to a particularly strong demo-
graphic presence in Salvador and the surrounding
region during the irst half of the 19th century
(Verger 1964:33; Schwartz 1988:282). According
to different estimates, the Yoruba increased from
16% of the local enslaved population in 1820
to 76% in the 1850s (Reis and Mamigonian
2004:80). The existence of so many Yoruba in
Salvador created some speciic regional phenom-
ena, such as the exclusive adoption of the term
Nagô as a Yoruba descriptive during the 19th
century (Law 2005:260). Another peculiarity
was the creation of strongly bonded Nagô com-
munities, which were at times seen as a threat
to the local status quo. Unlike other Brazilian
cities, Salvador was shaken by successive slave
rebellions that had signiicant Nagô participation,
including the infamous rebellion of 1835. In this
rebellion, about 64% of the imprisoned rebels
were Nagô, and if the freedmen are excluded
from these igures the Nagôs involvement would
jump to about 77% (Reis 1993:140).
As parallel lines appear on smoking pipes in
Salvador, it is interesting to note that two of
the seven most-wanted Muslim leaders of the
1835 rebellion worked on a tobacco roller. The
latter probably served as a meeting place for
enslaved workers, who often smoked. One of
these tobacco-roller workers was the inluential
Pacíico Licutan, a man who, as noted before,
had both perpendicular and horizontal marks
on his face. Another leader was Luis, who was
also known as Sanim in his community. A close
friend of Pacíico, Sanim was described as a
Muslim “prayer teacher” who used to “gather
people around his door” (Reis 1993:130–133).
In considering the different contexts examined
here, it is noticeable that decorations with three
and four vertical lines were subject to different
local agencies and adaptations. These artifacts
were related to different types of social encoun-
ters and interaction networks that may have
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes
inluenced the creation of these slightly differ-
ent local expressions. Despite these variations,
it is signiicant that they were, in some way
or another, adopted in these different contexts,
which have some correspondence with the near
omnipresence of the Minas and Nagôs through-
out Brazil.
Among the decorative patterns examined here
and potentially related to the Yoruba there is a
predominance of vertical parallel lines identi-
fied with the scarification known as péle. In
fact, no examples of horizontal parallel lines
that could be associated with abaja scariication
were identiied in these assemblages. In trying
to advance the understanding of the adoption
of the péle vertical lines, it is signiicant that
Johnson (1921:107) noted that péle was not
particularly related to any Yoruba group, being
actually preferred by those who disapproved of
or rejected tribal distinctions. Several decades
later, this tendency was conirmed by Adepegba,
who mentioned that although some types of
facial scarification were adopted by particu-
lar groups in Nigeria, use of péle cut across
tribal boundaries (Adepegba 1976:142). Ojo
(2008:372) also argued that péle was a sign of
nondistinctive Yoruba groups.
Ojo’s (2008) study involved an historical
survey of the adoption of péle. He described
how the expansion of the Oyo Empire during
the 18th century promoted a “Yorubaniza-
tion” of different groups who belonged, at that
time, to multiple and opposing ethnicities. The
encounters fostered by the expansion of the
Oyo Empire triggered a process of genetic and
cultural syncretization that led to the creation
of pan-Yoruba identities. In this context, Ojo
pointed out that certain facial marks played an
important role in symbolizing these new identi-
ties. One of the most signiicant of these marks
was the péle. As the Oyo Empire collapsed and
an Islamic jihad spread throughout the former
Oyo territories after the 1820s, the péle gained
new life. After the introduction of new cultural
and religious practices through the expansion of
Islam in the region after the 1820s, the trans-
national appeal of the péle created a new wave
of sympathy for this type of scariication. For
this reason, it became highly fashionable with
both Muslims and non-Muslims (Ojo 2008:372).
With this in mind, it seems likely that péle
had some appeal for the enslaved Yoruba
111
brought to Brazil during the last decades of
18th century and, especially, the irst decades of
the 19th century. Living in an environment of
cultural and ethnic plurality, enslaved Yoruba—
as with other Africans—were forced to build
new cultural and social ties, to rethink their
sense of belonging, and to forge a new life in
a new community. In this context, the Nagô
nation was, like the péle mark, a pan-Yoruba
reference used for mutual cultural recognition.
As noted by Parés (2004:188), the Yoruba in
Brazil took this locally operative ethnonym from
the slave traders and masters, and adopted it
as a self-denomination that emphasized a new
collective identity. As a form of mutual iden-
tiication that obviously did not exclude ethnic
afiliations tied to Africa (Reis 1993:153–159),
this new identity congregated individuals related
by narrower afinities and served as a meaningful
mechanism for social and cultural identiication.
As examples from different Brazilian regions
indicate, many Nagôs tended to engage in social
gatherings that took place in commercial con-
texts and particular streets (Da Costa 1991:24;
Reis 1993:132–133). Although not closed to the
inclusion of other groups or to other forms of
interaction, they generally formed endogamous
unions (Schwartz 1988:319; Oliveira 1996:184;
Florentino and Góes 1997:151), and at times
chose to resist whites, mulattoes, and Brazilian-
born slaves (Reis 1993:121). Although the Mina
was a more inclusive nation, similar situa-
tions often occurred with this group (Karasch
2000:132,134; Soares 2000:92, 2005:139; Sweet
2003:44–48). Considering the clear desire of
Africans to create social bonds in Brazil, the
péle would have been an effective symbol of
Yoruba identiication that transcended the sub-
groups that existed in Africa. Locally produced
pottery and pipes offered a material medium
for furthering this identiication. Motivated by
the need to create new symbols of panethnic,
pancultural bonds, Yoruba slaves potentially
recontextualized a known reference in order to
cope with new social and cultural needs. In this
context, it bears repeating that these decorative
analogies of Yoruba facial scarification were
diasporic inventions. The pottery and pipes
discussed here bear no resemblance to those of
their contemporaries in different African regions,
including the Yoruba homeland (Anquandah
1967:171–176; Allsworth-Jones 1996; Usman
112
2000, 2003; Ogundiran 2001; Usman et al.
2005). In this sense, it is our perception that
the precedent of replicating body scariications
in some circumstances may have inspired indi-
viduals who, dealing with the emergence of new
material forms, intended to create pan-Yoruba
forms of expression.
Macua or Angola?
A second example of a possible relationship
between pottery decoration and scarification
presents a contradiction that emerges from mul-
tiple sources. It points to the presence of slaves
in the southeastern region of Brazil from some
regions of Mozambique, known in Brazil as
Macua, and Angola. The ethnolinguistic group
known as Macua occupied, in the period of
the slave trade, a vast region in the north of
Mozambique. At the time, they occupied the
region from the Indian Ocean to the border
of modern Malawi, bounded to the north by
the Messalo and to the south by the Zambezi
(Pereira 2009:1). Although they were not homo-
geneous, they were recognized from the 15th to
19th centuries as an independent group of matri-
lineal and exogamic lineage traditions (Pereira
2009:1). In Brazil, they could be defined as
Macua or included in a major group simply
deined as “Moçambique” (the Portuguese spell-
ing of Mozambique).
A map by Machado (1968) divides the Macua
three smaller groups. These are the Macua
(Nhuarroni) in the north of the region of
Angoche; the Macua (Namanais) to the north
of Angoche; and the Macuas (Mugovolas) to the
west of Angoche (Machado 1968:61). This use
of different names in the identiication of the
Macua rests on several different factors. They
might refer to a subgroup that isolated itself
or migrated under a certain chief; they could
represent the power of a speciic lineage, the
political supremacy of a speciic lineage, or a
chief in a speciic period; they could also refer
to speciic locations (Machado 1968:111–112).
Florentino (1995:87) showed that the importa-
tion of East African slaves from Mozambique
and Quelimane increased by an astonishing
1,493%, based on data from the Rio de Janeiro
slave market after 1811. Suddenly slaves from
Mozambique became far more prevalent in Rio,
even though West and Central African slaves
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
were still in the majority, with Angolas (33.26%),
Benguelas (15.87%), and Congos (12.39%) the
dominant groups of enslaved Africans living in
the region. Slave registrations for the city of São
Sebastião (Lista de Matrícula de Escravos 1844)
indicate similar trends. In 1844, of 25 different
groups of African origin, those from Mozambique
are the fourth most-represented group, comprising
9.13% of the slaves living in the city.
The register of seized slaves from the illegal
period of the slave trade in Brazil (Raposo 1990)
helps to identify enslaved Macua. These lists of
slaves seized between 1839 and 1841 come with
drawings of the scariication and list the origin
of each slave. In this list a concentric semicircle
sign is identiied as the principal Macua scarii-
cation, found on the forehead and on the upper
area of the cheeks.
In trying to cross Central Africa from Angola
to Mozambique in 1852, Silva Porto (1938) fell
ill before arriving in the Macua region. His pom-
beiro—an African commercial agent—concluded
the trip, making notes in his diary. When he was
among the Macua, he noted that the men from
this group had a mark produced by the applica-
tion of a needle to their foreheads. No further
details of these marks are available, but it is
suspected that they were the same kind of sign
that appeared on the forehead of the individual
portrayed by Christiano Jr. in late-19th-century
Rio de Janeiro (Figure 7), as well as the same
kind that can be found in the lists described
above.
In 1882, Thomson identiied different “tribes”
on the east coast of Central Africa as the
Makonde, Matambwe, Maviti, Manyanja, Makua,
Mawila (Mabiha), and Wahyao (Wayao). He dis-
tinguished the “Makua” by a “horseshoe-shaped
mark on the[ir] brow, over the bridge of the
nose” (Thomson 1882:79). In the same year,
O’Neil (1882) identiied among the Macua four
great divisions: the Low Makua, the Lomwe or
Upper Makua, the Maua, and the Medo. Dein-
ing them by dialectical differences and sings, or
“tribal marks,” he observed:
The tattoo or distinctive tribal marks of the Makua vary
considerably amongst the different divisions of the race.
They are deepest and most marked in the Low Makua,
whose forehead is generally broadly gashed with a cres-
cent, having its points on each temple, and again at the
corner of the mouth are deep upright gashes of nearly
an inch in length. Groups of spots and short thick lines
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes 113

FIGURE 7. Slave from 19th-century Rio de Janeiro (Photo by Christiano Jr., second half of the 19th century).
114
upon the arms, stomach, and back, complete this strange
adornment. This crescent on the brow is wholly conined
to the men, and the marks upon the women are lighter
in character and less numerous. Amongst both sexes,
however, the tattoo becomes scarcer and less marked
as you penetrate westward, and many of the Lomwe
are to be seen with faces almost free from it [emphases
added] (O’Neil 1882:196).
This “crescent” or the “horseshoe-shaped mark”
on the foreheads of men suggests the continued
use of this scariication practice among certain
people of the east coast of Central Africa, prob-
ably during the entire 19th century. During the
20th century this speciic symbol seems to disap-
pear. As pointed out by Schneider (1973), among
the Macua
[t]he needle-puncture tattoos quickly form black or gray-
blue raised welts which are found on the cheeks and
foreheads of chiefs, counselors or other notable persons
as an insignia of nobility and rank. Men usually have a
straight single line, while aristocratic women have paral-
lel lines on the face or on the breast. Ordinary members
of the tribe are marked by a much greater variety of
designs, such as spider shapes or a labyrinth of curves
and rectangles. The impregnated tattoos usually found on
the shoulder blades or back were often an indication of
slavery, while members of secret societies, musicians and
dancers had tattoos of straight parallel or perpendicular
lines around the mouth and chin (Schneider 1973:26).
An archaeological assemblage from the São
Francisco site, on the north coast of São Paulo
(in the Brazilian southeast), is particularly
relevant in this context. This site was possibly
a clandestine property hidden in the forest. It
was placed in the midst of sugarcane and coffee
plantations, in a very strategic position on a
mountainside. The clandestine character of this
property (Bornal 2008; Agostini 2009a, 2011) is
FIGURE 8. Pots with the concentric semicircle motif in different compositions, from the São Francisco site of the irst half
of the 19th century. (Fundação Cultural São Sebastião Collection; photos by Camilla Agostini, 2008.)
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
reinforced by land registration documents that
show the owner was acknowledged as a neighbor
of several other persons, but that his own land
was unregistered (Registro de Terras da Província
de São Paulo 1854). The pottery assemblage
came from an area of the site associated with
the kitchen of the main house, located close to
the ruins of a chapel.
The pottery decorations considered in the
present analysis involve incised techniques char-
acterized by considerable decorative diversity.
However, despite this variation, certain motifs
recur in a variety of compositions, and on closer
examination these motifs suggest that they were
reproduced intentionally as signs or symbols.
Two motifs—or signs—are particularly expres-
sive: sinuous short lines and concentric semi-
circles. In the case of the semicircles (Figure
8), there is a clear resemblance to a scariication
adopted by the Macuas.
Scariication cannot always be related to people
so objectively. As previously noted, scariications
are not only a matter of group affiliation but
may be related to a variety of motivations. In
addition, similar patterns may be adopted by dif-
ferent people, as noted by Thomson who pointed
out that the Mawia tattooed themselves like the
Makonde (Thomson 1882:74):
They cover their faces and bodies with the most
inartistic tattooing in what we may call the bas-relief
style, forming zigzag lines, various geometrical igures,
such as squares, triangles, &c., and igures with a faint
resemblance to trees. The process must be extremely
painful. They irst make the required pattern by a series
of short cuts with a knife, rub charcoal into the wound,
and leave it to heal up. If now left alone it heals up,
and only shows the pattern by the color; but that is
not what is wanted, so the process is repeated a second
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes
time, and then a third, on which the pattern is shown
not only by the black color, but also by the raised skin.
It is thus that the negro lover delights to stroke the skin
of his mistress and praise the beauty of her markings,
when the moon is bright and pombe and the dance have
made his heart glad within him.
Despite the existence of many types of East
African scariication, the semicircle scariication
is described in different moments of the 19th
century—in Brazil and in Africa—as a spe-
ciically “Macua sign.” The crucial question in
this discussion regards whether the association
of these references with a group identity led
to their reproduction in pottery. This leads to
a consideration of who was manufacturing the
pottery and creating these decorations.
São Sebastião, where these pots were recov-
ered, was an important pottery-production center
from at least the 18th century until the irst half
of the 20th century. A consultation of the popu-
lation register for the years of 1800 to 1828 for
the city (Maços Populacionais 1800–1828) shows
that among the 416 paneleiras (pottery makers)
listed the great majority were women. Of these,
FIGURE 9. Pottery makers from the beginning of the 20th century in São Sebastião. (Comissão Geographica e Geológica
do Estado de São Paulo 1919).
115
46% were white and about an equal amount were
pardas (someone of mixed color), and about 8%
were Brazilian-born slaves; there were no indi-
viduals of African birth (Figure 9). Considering
the socioeconomic context of the region, as well
as the fact that these women were locally born,
they probably represented the caiçara population
(people who lived close to the sea practicing
ishing and agriculture).
Although very poor, some of these paneleiras
owned a small number of slaves who, despite
the occasional poverty of their masters, were
directly responsible for manual labor. Among
the 13 registered slaves, 11 were Angolas and 2
were Benguelas; none were Macua. This leads
to a consideration of whether the typically male-
associated East African Macua sign was produced
by the white and pardas caiçaras women, and/
or their West and Central African Angola slaves.
At least two complementary issues must be
considered here. The irst stems from the obser-
vation that the production of pottery on a com-
mercial scale could be oriented toward the prefer-
ences of the clients instead of the pottery maker.
The second issue involves the fact that the
116
commercial production did not represent the total
number of items produced and utilized. Although
there is as yet little data regarding the production
and circulation of these items in Brazil, the avail-
able evidence from plantation sites suggests that
some local pottery production was carried out for
consumption on those plantations (de Souza and
Symanski 2009:532). In this sense, despite the
signiicance of Angola potters in the region, an
interplay of different circumstances is involved
in the production and commercialization of these
artifacts beyond the cultural backgrounds of the
potters and their slaves.
Despite the association the concentric semi-
circle with the East African Macua, the authors
have identiied an identical scariication mark
in the mid-20th-century ethnographic accounts
of Mesquitela Lima (1956) from the heart of
Central Africa, in the Lunda region of modern
Angola. These marks, produced as scariications,
were only found on the bellies of women, who
considered them to be erotically stimulating.
As is the case with the pottery, a great deal of
FIGURE 10. Lunda scariications from the middle of the 20th century (Lima 1956:plates 65A,68A,70,71,74,75).
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
variety may be found in these scariications, as
shown in Figure 10.
Associated with the pots were about 20 fry-
ing-pan handles in the shape of penises, which
conceptually connected food consumption with
eroticism and/or fertility. An erotic connection
with the body and objects of daily and/or ritual
use is therefore relevant to this assemblage in
two ways. The first is via the 20th-century
concentric semicircle scariication found on the
bellies of Angola women; the second is via the
19th-century enslaved Angola women producing
the concentric semicircles on Brazilian pots.
At first glance, this discussion may seem
to be somewhat contradictory. The male 19th-
century “Macua sign” is not directly related to
the female Angola references associated with
the pottery makers. The 20th-century ethno-
graphic data though, seems close to the 19th-
century Brazilian indings here discussed, even
if the historiography shows that the majority of
the slaves that came from Central Africa (the
Angola region) to the Brazilian southeast during
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes
the slave-trade period did not come from the
deep interior (where the semicircles were found
in the ethnographic data), but from the territo-
ries close to the coast (Slenes 1999).
If the context of the São Francisco site is
expanded to other regions, this apparent contra-
diction becomes clearer. Contrary to the situation
with the Mina and Nagôs decorations discussed
earlier, the “Macua” semicircle is not geographi-
cally widespread. It does not appear at all in the
1725–1810 assemblages from Ouro Fino. In the
plantations from western Brazil, it only appears
in contexts dating between 1820 and 1852 (de
Souza and Symanski 2009:529–530). On these
sites, it appears predominantly in deposits of
the 1840s and 1850s from the Buritizinho site,
where concentric semicircles sometimes appear
as isolated or secondary elements of decoration.
In these two cases, a clear correlation with
the “Moçambique” emerges, that is, a larger
nation in which the Macuas could be included.
The irst case in point comes from Ouro Fino,
which provides negative evidence. On this site,
absence of concentric semicircles parallels the
absence of “Moçambique” slaves in the region.
Slave baptism records for the period 1764–1771
from the parish of Vila Boa indicate that 14%
of the African-born slaves living in the region
were from Angola, but none of them was from
Mozambique itself (Coleção de Registros de
Batismos 1790). This is not surprising as the
importation of enslaved workers from Mozam-
bique to Brazil only began to increase to a
signiicant level in the last decades of the 18th
century (Curtin 1969:242).
For the western Brazil sites, the increasing
popularity of semicircle decorations during the
19th century correlates with the period in which
enslaved workers from Mozambique began to
arrive in the region. According to the probate
inventory survey carried out by Symanski
(2006:129–141), slaves from Angola had been
living in the region since the last quarter of
the 18th century. As his research indicates, this
group was more signiicant before 1809, when
they comprised 6.09% of the slave population
from Mato Grosso. After this period, the demo-
graphic presence of this group progressively
dropped until it represented only 1.42% of
the slave population in the period 1850–1869.
While the percentage of Angola slaves dropped
throughout the 19th century, the population from
117
Mozambique increased significantly. The first
Mozambique slaves only appeared in inventories
after 1830. In the following two decades they
comprised 5.97% of the region’s slave popula-
tion. Over time, the number of enslaved work-
ers of Mozambique origin gradually increased,
reaching its peak in the period 1850–1869 when
they represented 7.8% of the slave population.
In excavations carried out by Suzana Hirooka
(Luis C. P. Symanski 2009, elec. comm.) in the
senzalas of the Engenho Bom Jardim plantation
in Mato Grosso State, western Brazil, pottery
decorations appear that may correlate with the
Macua sign. This decoration is comprised of a
semicircular pattern composed of three paral-
lel lines. As in the case of other sites from
western Brazil, this type of decoration appears
in a deposit dating from the mid-19th century.
In the 1855 probate inventory from of one of
the owners of this plantation individuals from
Mozambique appear as the dominant enslaved
group.
This evidence (negative in the case of Ouro
Fino) supports the interpretation that the pattern
of concentric semicircles on vessels in western
Brazil most probably represents a replication of
scariication from Moçambique slaves. However,
the possible correlation of this pattern with
the Angola in Salvador and the Moçambique
in western Brazil indicates that comparisons
between body scariication and pottery decoration
in Brazil cannot be monolithic in interpretation.
Although some of these patterns may have
been intentionally produced as a replication of
speciic body scariication patterns, they were
potentially influenced by different agencies
and interpretations by enslaved Africans with
different points of origin.
In this discussion, it is useful to return to the
Buritizinho site (Engenho Água Fria), where a
signiicant number of semicircular representa-
tions were found. As an 1847 probate inventory
from the owner of this plantation indicates,
there were three slaves from Mozambique
living on this plantation at that time, along
with 55 other individuals of highly diverse
geographical origins, ethnicities, and colors.
These included West Africans (four Hausas, two
Minas, two Tapas, one Beni and one Nagô),
Central Africans (ive Congos, three Casanges,
one Angola, one Benguela, and one Songo), and
one East African (one Baca). There were also
118
Brazilian-born slaves (14 crioulos, 14 mulatos,
and 1 Cabra) (Symanski 2006:171). The diver-
sity of slave origins at this site is not unusual
in the Brazilian context (or in other regions in
the Americas). It was in diverse environments
like these that slaves’ material expressions
gained form. In this sense, it cannot be ignored
that some of their self-created material expres-
sions could be open to different agencies and
disparate inluences.
One of the major points in Appiah’s (2006)
discussions about coexistence is that sharing
does not necessarily mean agreement. Individuals
may find similar points for conversation, or
connect based in common references. This does
not mean, however, that they will attribute
similar meanings to the same references or
agree on the ideas attached to them. It is in this
sense that Appiah (2006:135) pointed out that
human connections may not necessarily happen
through identity but, in fact, despite difference.
In discussing cultural and ethnic references
adopted by slaves in different Brazilian contexts,
it cannot be ignored that “communication
despite difference” inevitably occurred. In its
material expressions, this could lead to disparate
agencies and readings of material culture, as
may have occurred with the supposedly Macua
pattern of semicircles examined on the sites
here examined.
Conclusion
The symbols used in facial scariication by
Yoruba and Macuas were reproduced in pottery
and pipe decorations from Brazil during the
18th and 19th centuries. These decorations were
appropriated, transformed, and recontextualized
by slaves brought from Africa and were used
for the creation of new diasporic identities. The
case studies lead to two primary conclusions.
With the Yoruba, the extensive adoption of
decorations similar to pelé scarification may
be related to the creation of inclusive material
expressions open to a broad group of individuals
and based in pan-Yoruba references. For the
decorations potentially related to the Macuas,
an important point may be made about the
resigniication of decorations inspired by African
references. Since the Macua sign could be
potentially recognized by members of other
nations—most particularly the Angolas—as
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 46(3)
having different meanings depending on the
producer and observer, they could be subject
to multiple interpretations. In this sense, the
Angolas could recognize some of the Macua
decorative patterns as familiar, but disagree
about their meaning.
As pointed out by Chambers (2001:26), the
diasporic contexts in the Atlantic World involved
the creation of new realities and the transforma-
tion of old ones, as well as the emergence of new
ethnic identities. This assumption correlates with
the inluential work of Mintz and Price (1992)
that argued that the African cultural references
used by slaves were subject to signiicant change
in the New World. It is in this sense that these
authors argued that terms such as “creating” or
“remodeling” would be much more appropriate to
deine the African experience in the Americas than
the term “borrowing” (Mintz and Price 1992:83).
When put in contact with fellow enslaved Africans
from different regions and cultures, slaves used,
adapted, and resigniied their cultural references.
It is therefore not surprising that a search for
“intact,” unchanged material culture analogies from
Africa are at best problematic.
Faïk-Nzuji (1992:7) noted that while Europeans
historically developed a theoretical cultural interest
in symbols, sub-Saharan Africans developed a
more practical one. He argued that function
and eficiency in religious and social life were
what mattered for Africans. Despite the very
different social context in which enslaved Africans
transported to Brazil found themselves, the intent
behind the reproduction of speciic motifs signiies
that a meaning was attributed to them, making
them a symbol, and not just a decoration, even
if the meaning of that symbol were subject to
transformation by the different Afro-Brazilian
groups with which it interacted.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the scholars who
kindly agreed to allow us to use information
from their investigations and promptly provided
us the data requested. We are especially grateful
to Cláudio Silva, Luis Cláudio Symanski, Maria
Lucia Pardi, Rosana Najjar, and Wagner Gomes
Bornal. We are in debt to our colleagues who
sent us comments on earlier versions of this
text. Maria Lúcia Agostini Argento and Carla
Springer helped in editing this text, for which
MARCOS ANDRÉ TORRES DE SOUZA and CAMILLA AGOSTINI—Body Marks, Pots, and Pipes
we are also grateful. Any shortcomings in the
discussion are solely our responsibility.
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