Po Leung Kuk Choi Kai Yau School Name:

IB Global Politics SL Class / Option:

Year 11 Exam Practice Teacher:

Paper 1 Skills

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Questions You Will Encounter

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Q1: Sovereignty
Read all the sources carefully and answer all the questions that follow.

Source A
Global Politics, a textbook for this course.

The state is a historical institution: it emerged in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe as a

system of centralized rule that succeeded in subordinating all other institutions and groups,
temporal and spiritual. [...] The classic definition of the state in international law is found in the
Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of the State (1933). According to Article 1 of the
Montevideo Convention, the state has four features: a defined territory, a permanent population,
an effective government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. [...] In the final
analysis, states are states because they are capable of exercising sovereign jurisdiction within
defined territorial borders, and so are autonomous and independent actors.

Source B

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Source C
An End to Doom and Gloom for the European Project?

The ghost of political union is haunting Europe. European Commission President Barroso’s State
of the Union address last week signalled a new direction in the debate on the future of Europe. He
called for a “decisive deal” to complete the economic and monetary union with a political union.
Similarly, Chancellor Merkel has spoken openly about the prospect of a political Europe, and this
week a group of eleven European Union foreign ministers delivered an important report on how to
overcome the crisis by deepening European integration.

There is a growing consensus that a political union will be the critical condition determining
whether Europeans matter together, or falter separately in the world. This message is not new, but
the context is. A new phase of euro crisis management may be starting, with the emphasis moving
from countering market threats to building political stability and growth. The European mood
seems to be shifting from indecisiveness and isolation to responsibility and even resolve.

Source D

FINANCIAL TIMES
Euro crisis fuels Spanish separatism
By David Gardner in London

Spain has entered a constitutional crisis. The decision of Catalonia’s nationalist government to call
a snap election in November – which in practice will amount to a referendum on independence –
has opened the way to Catalan secession. That decision, in turn, may give a lift to Basque
separatists, now running neck and neck with mainstream nationalists in regional government
elections due next month, after winning the largest number of Basque Country seats last year in
local and general elections.

As a Spain trapped in the eurozone crisis tries to battle its way through a wrenching recession, it
must now consider the real possibility that its pluractional state, which replaced the centralist
Franco dictatorship with highly devolved regional government, may break up. The eurozone crisis
that has brought down governments across Europe’s periphery now threatens the survival of a
nation-state.

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Questions

1. According to Source A, identify three characteristics of a state.

[3 marks]

+ 1 marks One mark is granted for every correct identification from the text
Common Error: If more than three points are stated, only the first three will be considered.

2. Explain the term ‘sovereignty’, using both the information in sources A and B and
examples you have studied.
[4 marks]

1 mark General idea of term is provided without linkage to any sources.

2 marks General idea of term is provided with weak linkage to some sources.
3 marks Clear explanation of term and its key features.
4 marks Clear explanation of term and its key features, including relevant examples.

3. Compare and contrast the views of sources C and D on the future of the nation-state in
the European context.
[8 marks]

How do you answer a comparative analysis question?

 Develop a thesis based on the relative weight of similarities and differences between the
two sources.
o Decide whether the similarities between the two sources on the whole outweigh the
differences or vice versa.
o Create a thesis statement that reflects their relative weights.

 Organization: In point-by-point or running contrast, you alternate points about A with

comparable points about B. (preferred format for IB exam)

+ 2 marks Two marks are granted for every effective point of contrast / comparison.

Detailed running elaboration, consisting of effective comparisons / contrasts.

8 marks ** If you have 4 effective points, you may still get 7 marks should your
explanation not be detailed and running.

Common Errors:
MAX 3 marks Only one source is discussed.
MAX 4 marks Views of sources are discussed separately with no linkage.
Focuses significantly on one source and neglecting the other.
MAX 5 marks
** This does not mean your answer has to be FULLY balanced.

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 Short conjunctions Longer conjunctions
Similarities Similarly, In the same way,
Likewise, X is similar to Y in that (they)
...the same... X and Y are similar in that (they)
...the same as... Like X, Y [verb]...
...also In like manner,
..., too One way in which X is similar to Y is (that)
both Another way in which X is similar to Y is (that)

Differences However, On the other hand,

In contrast, even though + [sentence]
By contrast, although + [sentence]
..., but whereas + [sentence]
..., yet unlike + [sentence]
nevertheless unlike ____, _____
to the contrary while + [sentence]
conversely nevertheless,
comparatively
nonetheless

4. Using the sources and your own knowledge, evaluate the claim that the nation-state is
no longer the dominant actor in global politics.
[10 marks]

Introduction. Almost invariably, the introduction will explain that yes, to a certain extent, the
assertion of the question is undoubtedly true. However, it is also important to consider several
other important aspects which also have an impact.

Paragraph 1 and 2. These are dedicated to proving, with detailed evidence, that the assumption
stated in the question is true, explaining how and why.

Linking sentence. This recaps the important points you have made in the first two paragraphs
and goes on to say that, on the other hand, it cannot be said that the question is completely true,
as there is an extent to which other aspects also come into play.

Paragraph 3 and 4. These paragraphs show the extent to which the assumption of the question is
not true. This can be achieved both by showing flaws in its logic and by offering alternatives.

Conclusion. Any ‘To what extent’ custom essay must end with a conclusion that answers the
question. Simply, recap the points that suggest it was true, and the points against, and then
conclude whether you agree the statement is true ‘To a certain extent’, ‘To a great extent’ or ‘To a
very small extent’. This must be backed up by a summary of the argument on both sides to prove
why you feel it to be weighted one way or the other.

Evidence: Use Source material and your own knowledge from case studies

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Question 4 Descriptor
• There is little relevant knowledge and a very limited awareness of the
demands of the question.
1–2 marks • There is little or no attempt to synthesize own knowledge and source
Poor material.
• Responses at this level are often largely descriptive and contain
unsupported generalizations.

• There is limited awareness of the demands of the question, or the

question is only partially addressed.
3–4 marks
Rudimentary
• There is some knowledge demonstrated, but this is not always relevant
or accurate, and may not be used appropriately or effectively.
• Responses at this level are often more descriptive than evaluative.

• The response shows some awareness of the demands of the question.

5–6 marks • Knowledge is mostly accurate and relevant, and there is some limited
Good synthesis of own knowledge and source material.
• Counterclaims are implicitly identified but are not explored.

• The response is focused and shows good awareness of the question.

7–8 marks • Relevant knowledge is demonstrated, there is some synthesis of own
Satisfactory knowledge and source material, and appropriate examples are used.
• The response contains claims and counter claims.

• The response is clearly focused and shows a high degree of awareness

of the demands of the question.
9–10 marks
• Relevant and accurate knowledge is demonstrated, there is effective
Excellent synthesis of own knowledge and source material, and appropriate
examples are used.
• The response contains clear evaluation, with well-balanced claims and
counter claims.
Common Errors:
MAX 6 marks Only source material or only own knowledge is used.

Note:
• The bullet points indicate possible areas candidates might cover in their answers.
• They are not compulsory points.
• Examiners should not expect all of the points and should be responsive to any other valid
points/arguments; for example, individual candidates may refer to their own experience of
NGO activities which is acceptable if used effectively and appropriately.

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Practice Questions
Read the extract Even Good Coups Are Bad and answer the question that follows.

Even Good Coups Are Bad

Omar Encarnación

To understand the swift and dramatic demise of Egypt’s first democratically elected leader and
what it might portend for the country’s future, it helps to take a broad comparative perspective. The
manner in which the country’s military deposed President Mohamed Morsi, of the Muslim
Brotherhood–affiliated Freedom and Justice Party, is by no means an isolated case. In fact, it fits
rather perfectly within the model of a civil society coup, a concept I first described in a 2002 World
Policy Journal essay that explained the brief removal from power of Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez by
a coalition of business, labour, and civic groups. Other scholars have subsequently applied the
idea to other coups, such as those in the Philippines in 2001, in Ecuador in 2002, in Thailand in
2006, and in Honduras in 2009. All of these cases show that civil society coups are not the fix for
democracy that they purport to be, which looks to be true in Egypt as well.

Endemic to new democracies, civil society coups entail the removal from power of an elected
leader through sustained protest, usually with the aid of the military. Indeed, it is the partnership
between civil society and the military -- not usually known for acting in concert -- that distinguishes
a civil society coup from an ordinary one. More often than not, those behind the coup justify it by
claiming that they intend to rescue democracy, which is paradoxical since they are, in fact,
uprooting it. This is Tocqueville’s civil society gone rogue; rather than working patiently and
discreetly toward improving the quality of democracy, it turns angry and restless and plots for
sudden and radical political change.

In my original essay on Chávez’s removal from office, I identified three preconditions for a civil
society coup. The first is the rise to power of a leader whose commitment to democracy is at best
suspect. The second is a political apparatus that fails to meet public expectations about economic
growth and stability, usually because of its corruption, incompetence, and neglect of the country’s
basic needs. The third is the emergence of civil society actors – trade unions, religious
associations, and civic groups -- rather than formally organized political forces, which have either
disintegrated or which never fully developed in the first place, as the main opposition to the
government. The combined result of these conditions is the emergence of an adversarial
relationship between an invigorated civil society and a delegitimized political system against a
background of widespread societal discontent and the collapse of the rule of law. Under such
conditions, disputes and political crises are solved on the streets rather than in the legislature.

All of these conditions materialized in Egypt. Once in office, Morsi wasted very little time showing
his ambivalence toward democracy. Last November, he attempted to give himself extrajudicial
powers that would have essentially put him above the law. He claimed that he needed these

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powers to get around a hostile judiciary that remains staffed primarily by holdovers from the
previous regime. But Egyptians saw it as nothing more than a power grab.

The following month, when Morsi pushed through a new constitution that dialed back women’s
rights and enhanced the military’s power, among other things, many Egyptians felt betrayed.

Morsi’s brief time in office was also marred by economic turmoil. Living conditions in Egypt are
worse now than they were under Mubarak. According to the IMF, before the revolution, 40 percent
of the country lived in poverty. Now, 50 percent do. And in the weeks leading up to the coup, acute
shortages of food, fuel, and other basic necessities followed one on top of the other. To be sure,
Morsi inherited a very troubled economy. As Ibrahim Saif, an economist at the Carnegie
Endowment, put it, the revolution left “a hostile environment for private-sector investment,” fueled
by “a perceived risk of expropriation,” as well as damaging “taxation, stringent regulations, export
and production subsidies, and high transaction costs associated with red tape.” At the same time,
however, Morsi’s policies aggravated political instability and uncertainty. That, in turn, made it
nearly impossible to restore the once vibrant tourist sector, shore up investor confidence, or
convince international donors, such as the IMF and the World Bank, that the new democracy was
on firm footing.

Finally, for the past year and a half, it has been difficult to discern who, exactly, comprises the
opposition. That is a common characteristic of democratic transitions engineered from below,
which tend not to generate a unified political opposition but, rather, a constellation of opposition
groups whose divisions are bigger than whatever difference they may have with the government.

That makes it hard to forge compromises between the government and its discontents, and even
harder to construct a loyal opposition that counterbalances the party in power but channels
people’s grievances through the political system. The emergence of a loyal opposition is just as
important to democratic consolidation as an effective democratic leader. The disorganized nature
of the Egyptian opposition was on full display during the protests that led to the military’s
intervention, as a motley crew of pro-democracy groups came together with no more common
purpose than driving the Muslim Brotherhood out of power.

There is an inherent tendency to view civil society coups as good coups (as opposed to bad ones
masterminded by the military without the support of the masses). After all, civil society coups hold
the alluring promise of resetting the democratization process by flushing out an experiment with
elections gone awry and creating a tabula rasa upon which to create a new democracy. That is the
view adopted by Egyptian liberals, who have been at pains to even avoid using the word “coup.”
Mohamed El Baradei, the Nobel-laureate diplomat, former Director of the International Atomic
Energy Agency, and Egypt’s most prominent liberal, told The New York Times that “Morsi had
bungled the country’s transition to a inclusive democracy.” He added, “As Yogi Berra said, it’s déjà
vu all over again, but hopefully this time we will get it right.”

But the notion that a civil society coup can restart democracy is wildly optimistic. Venezuela and
the Philippines suggest two likelier scenarios. In Venezuela, waves of strikes followed the
proposed nationalization of Venezuela’s national oil company (PDVSA). The military took Chávez
hostage for some 48 hours before withdrawing plans to install an interim president and to call new
elections, and accepting Chávez’s restoration. Forcing the military’s reversal was its realization
that it could not contain Chavismo, the best-organized political force in the country, which had
fierce loyalty to its founding leader -- a point driven home by violent counter-coup demonstrations
that left some 20 people dead. Chávez ruled Venezuela for another decade, until his death, earlier
this year, becoming more vengeful and authoritarian as he went. He also turned increasingly anti-
American, since he blamed the United States for his ouster. Although the evidence of American
participation in the Venezuelan coup is contested, the Bush administration did cheer Chávez’s
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ousting as “a victory for democracy” before correcting course after most Latin American
governments had denounced developments in Venezuela as a coup.

The parallels with Egypt are worth noting. As in Venezuela, the coup in Egypt pushed from power
the best-organized political force in the country, the Muslim Brotherhood. Unlike Chávez, of
course, Morsi is not seen by the Brotherhood rank and file as the very embodiment of the
movement. But so far the movement’s leadership is resolute in its insistence that Morsi be
returned to power, suggesting that his restoration cannot be ruled out. “There is no plan B,” a
spokesman for the Brotherhood said to ABC News, adding, “We either return the president back to
his rightful place or they are going to have to shoot us in the street.”

In the Philippines in 2001, the military ousted President Joseph Estrada after four days of intense
popular protests during the Second People Power Revolution, a name that paid homage to the
People Power revolution, which ousted strongman Ferdinand Marcos in 1986.

After giving Estrada the boot, the military installed Vice President Gloria Arroyo as the country’s
new leader. Arroyo, who served as president until 2010, had a rocky tenure. In no small part, that
was because she was tainted by the illegitimate manner in which her predecessor had been
deposed. She managed to survive several violent counterprotests by supporters of Estrada (who
himself became a shadow figure that haunted Arroyo’s entire presidency), including a massive
storming of the presidential palace by some three million protesters in 2001 who claimed to
represent the Third People Power Revolution. In Egypt, finding an acceptable replacement to
Morsi is already proving a challenge, as can be seen in the quick rise and fall of El Baradei as a
potential interim prime minister.

Civil society coups are seldom, if ever, a good thing for democracy. Indeed, Egyptians might have
been better off letting Morsi serve his full term in office rather than aborting his clumsy but
democratic tenure. For now, Egypt might be lucky to wind up like Venezuela or the Philippines,
since it could certainly chart a more tragic course -- a civil war -- a prospect that only looks likelier
as violence against Morsi supporters continues. If the last few decades have taught observers
anything, it is that democracy depends, in no small measure, on people waiting to defeat the
incumbent government at the ballot box rather than in the streets.

Questions:

1. Identify three rising factors that lead to society coups. [3 marks]

2. Explain the term ‘power’ with explicit reference to the information from the source. [4 marks]

3. Explain how Morsi got into power, using information from the source. [4 marks]

4. Compare and contrast the different political measures used to gain power in Egypt, the
Philippines and Venezuela. [8 marks]

5. To what extent is the Euromaidan coup that overthrew President Yanukovych similar to the
civil society coups in Egypt, Philippines, and Venezuela? Use information from the source
and your own knowledge to support your answer. [10 marks]

6. To what extent do you agree that any type of political measure can be adopted to reach
peace and solve rising conflicts in a region or country? Use information from the source and
your own knowledge to support your answer. [10 marks]

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