L2 Acquisition and Processing of Korean Direct Object and Oblique Relative Clauses by English Speakers

L2 Acquisition and Processing of Korean Direct Object and
Oblique Relative Clauses by English Speakers
Hyomin Min & Seung-Ah Lee*

Ewha Womans University
Abstract
This study examined the online comprehension of Korean direct
object and oblique relative clauses (RCs) by English-speaking
second language (L2) learners of Korean. A self-paced reading
task and a follow-up picture selection task were conducted
with adult English learners of Korean at intermediate and low
proficiency levels, together with a control group of adult native
Korean speakers. The results from the picture selection task
showed that oblique RCs were characterized by longer response
times and lower accuracy rates than direct object RCs reflecting
the noun phrase accessibility hierarchy effect. The outcomes of
the self-paced reading task, however, revealed that in the two
L2 learner groups, as well as the native speaker group, the total
reading time was longer for direct object RCs than for oblique
RCs (though the difference was statistically significant for learners
with low proficiency only). The longer total reading time for
the Korean direct object condition can largely be attributed to
the momentary processing difficulty of the oblique argument
marked by a postposition. This may be due to the possibility
that ditransitive constructions are more difficult to process than
transitive constructions.
Key words: Korean relative clauses, oblique relative clauses, noun

phrase accessibility hierarchy (NPAH), L2 comprehension, self-
paced reading, sentence processing, surprisal theory
Received 30 July 2023; Revised 19 September 2023; Accepted 20 September 2023

* Correspondence: seungahlee@ewha.ac.kr
Journal of Cognitive Science 24(3): 355-400 September 2023
©2023 Institute for Cognitive Science, Seoul National University
356 Hyomin Min & Seung-Ah Lee
1. Introduction
Cross-linguistically, relative clauses (RCs) have been regarded as complex

structures and received enormous attention in diverse fields including
typological linguistics and second language (L2) research. An issue of
particular interest to both language typologists and L2 researchers is the
noun phrase accessibility hierarchy (NPAH; Keenan & Comrie, 1977),
which predicts the relative ease or difficulty of relativization. Based on an
extensive typological study of relativization, Keenan and Comrie (1977)
classified restrictive RCs according to the grammatical function of the head
noun within the RC and proposed the following universal markedness
hierarchy:
(1) Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy (NPAH)

subject > direct object > indirect object > oblique > genitive >
object of comparison
(Keenan & Comrie, 1977, p. 66)
According to the NPAH, subject RCs, which are the least marked, occur
in all languages. The presence of direct object RCs in a language implies
the presence of subject RCs, but not vice versa. The term ‘oblique’ in (1)
is sometimes used interchangeably with the term ‘object of preposition’,
especially in languages such as English, as in Gass (1979), Keenan (1987),
and so on. Yet Keenan and Comrie’s (1977) term ‘major oblique case NP’ is
reserved for “arguments of the main predicate, as the chest in John put the
money in the chest” rather than NPs with “a more adverbial function like
Chicago in John lives in Chicago or that day in John left on that day” (p.
66). Languages vary with respect to how far down the hierarchy they allow
relativization. It is generally accepted that English can relativize all six
different NP types described in the NPAH, although object of comparison
L2 Acquisition and Processing of Korean Direct Object and Oblique Relative Clauses by English Speakers 357
RCs such as the man who Mary is taller than are “only marginally
acceptable” (Keenan & Comrie, 1977, p. 90). Unlike English, Korean can
relativize only the first four NP types in the hierarchy (Jeon & Kim, 2007;
Keenan & Comrie, 1977; Lee, 2005; O’Grady et al., 2003).
Keenan (1987) analyzed various English texts and found that the
frequency counts of the RC types conformed to the NPAH. In Keenan
(1987), indirect objects have been collapsed with obliques (i.e., oblique
case NPs). By conducting a psycholinguistic experiment with child and
adult native speakers of English, Keenan and Hawkins (1987) also found
support for the NPAH. More recent first language (L1) processing studies
supporting the NPAH include Kim (2016) and Kwon et al. (2010, 2013).
It should be noted that Keenan and Comrie (1977) remained strictly
noncommittal about L2 (Lee-Ellis, 2011; Shirai & Ozeki, 2007, among
others). Nonetheless, over the past decades, the NPAH has been applied to
L2 acquisition and processing studies (e.g., Doughty, 1991; Eckman et al.,
1988; Gass, 1979; Hwang, 2003; Kim, 2019; Lee-Ellis, 2011; O’Grady et al.,
2003; Shirai & Ozeki, 2007 and the articles in the same issue). In order to
distinguish the NPAH, in its original and strictly typological sense, from
its extended use in L2 research, we will employ the term ‘NPAH effect’
following Comrie (2007) and Lee-Ellis (2011), among others. In brief, the
NPAH effect refers to the phenomenon in which RCs of higher positions
in the hierarchy are easier to acquire or process than RCs lower in the
hierarchy.
Prior L2 studies on Korean RCs mostly have focused on addressing
the asymmetry of subject and direct object RCs. These studies found
that subject RCs were easier to acquire or process than direct object RCs.
This phenomenon was referred to as “NPAH effect”, “subject-object
asymmetry”, or “subject advantage” (Lee-Ellis, 2011, pp. 58-59). Unlike
the well-trodden discussions of subject-object asymmetry, the issue of
direct object-oblique asymmetry has been relatively under-researched. A
direct object advantage was found by Kim (2019), who investigated L2

processing of English direct object and oblique RCs using an online (i.e.,
real-time) self-paced reading task and a follow-up comprehension task
that consisted of yes-no or wh-questions. To the best of our knowledge,
however, few studies compared Korean direct object and oblique RCs based
on comprehension data from adult L2 learners of Korean. Therefore, it is
worthy to investigate the L2 comprehension of these constructions.
The direct object RCs employed in most previous studies on the subject-
object asymmetry contained verbs with two arguments (subject and direct
object). In contrast, the direct object RCs used in the present study involve
three-argument verbs. This allows a better comparison with the Korean
counterpart of the English oblique RC such as “the box which Pat brought
the apples in” (Keenan & Hawkins, 1987, p. 63). In short, in this study,
both direct object and oblique RCs involve three-argument verbs, as shown
in (2)-(3). In (2)-(3), an underscore indicates a gap (i.e., an unpronounced
syntactic category), which represents a position where the head noun of the
RC would normally occur in a declarative clause.1
(2) Korean direct object RC

[RC John-i [VP sangca-ey ___i neh-nun]] cangnankami
John-NOM box-in put-ADN toy
‘the toy which/that John puts in the box’
(3) Korean oblique RC

[[RC John-i [VP ___i cangnankam-ul neh-nun]] sangcai
John-NOM toy-ACC put-ADN box
‘the box which/that John puts the toy in’
1
In this paper, the following abbreviations are used in glossing Korean examples:
(i) ACC: accusative, (ii) ADN: adnominal, (iii) COP: copula, (iv) DECL: declarative,
(v) GEN: genitive (vi) NOM: nominative, and (vii) TOP: topic.
As is well-documented, animacy affects the processing difficulty of RCs

(e.g., Mak et al., 2002). Comparing direct object and oblique RCs makes
it possible to avoid the issue of animacy because both direct object and
oblique NPs typically have inanimate referents (Kim, 2016, 2019; Kim &
O’Grady, 2016). In both (2) and (3), the head noun is inanimate.
With this background, a self-paced reading task and a follow-up picture
selection task were conducted with adult English learners of Korean at
intermediate and low proficiency levels, together with a control group
of adult native Korean speakers. The research questions that guided this
investigation were as follows:
1) D
oes Korean proficiency affect the online comprehension of Korean
direct object and oblique RCs?
2) A
re Korean direct object RCs easier to comprehend than Korean
oblique RCs? That is, does an NPAH effect hold for the online
comprehension of Korean direct object and oblique RCs?
2. Literature Review
2.1 Characteristics of Korean RCs

Unlike Indo-European languages where RCs are postnominal, in East-
Asian languages such as Korean, RCs are prenominal. Furthermore, while
English employs relative pronouns (e.g., which, that, who, whom, whose,
zero relative pronoun) to introduce RCs, Korean marks relativization by
means of verbal suffixes such as -(u)n, -nun, and -(u)l.2 In this paper, these
suffixes will be referred to as adnominal (-ADN) markers, rather than RC
2
The form of these suffixes differs according to whether the preceding syllable
ends in a consonant or a vowel (e.g., -un versus -n). These suffixes also express
different tenses. For example, the suffix -(u)n expresses the past tense when
attached to a verb. The same suffix, however, expresses the present (non-past) tense
when attached to an adjective (Sohn, 1999).
markers, as they can occur not only in RCs but also in appositive clauses
such as the fact that-clauses (Kwon et al., 2013).
(4) Subject RC
[RC ___i Mary-lul hakkyo-eyse manna-n] sensayngnimi
Mary-ACC school-at meet-ADN teacher
‘the teacher who met Mary at school’
(Kwon et al., 2013, p. 13)
(5) Argument drop in a sentential complement clause

[ ___ Mary-lul hakkyo-eyse manna-n] sasil
Mary-ACC school-at meet-ADN fact
‘the fact that (someone) met Mary at school’
(Kwon et al., 2013, p. 13)
In Korean RCs, case markers and postpositions are omitted along

with “the noun coreferential to the head noun” (Jeon & Kim, 2007, p.
255). For example, sensayngnim-i (‘teacher-NOM’) is deleted in (4) and
cangnankam-ul (‘toy-ACC’) is deleted in (2). In the same vein, postpositions
or the markers for oblique such as -ey (‘in’) are deleted or suppressed in
Korean oblique RCs, as in (3). In English, however, prepositions remain
both in preposition stranding constructions (e.g., the box which/that John
puts the toy in) and pied-piping constructions (e.g., the box in which John
puts the toy).
English allows only head-external RCs in that the head of the RC always
occurs to the left of the RC. Korean, on the other hand, has both head-
external and head-internal RCs. In Korean head-external RCs, the head of
the RC appears to the right of the RC, as in (6). By contrast, as shown in (7),
“the head-internal relative has its lexical head in the RC and is marked by
the complementizer kes” (Jeon & Kim, 2007, p. 253).
(6) Direct object RC

[RC Mary-ka ___i mek-un] sakwai
Mary-NOM eat-ADN apple
‘the apple that Mary ate’
(Lee, 2005, p. 407)
(7) Head-internal RC
[RC Mary-ka sakwa-(lul) mek-un] kes
Mary-NOM apple-ACC eat-ADN thing
‘the apple that Mary ate’
(Lee, 2005, p. 409)
Head-internal RCs will not be of further concern in this study.

Indirect object RCs, but not oblique RCs, involve ditransitive verbs such
as give. Another difference between the two lies in the animacy of the head
noun. Whereas indirect object RCs show a strong tendency to have animate
heads, oblique RCs tend to have inanimate heads, as illustrated in (8)-(9).
(8) Indirect object RC

[RC John-i ___i chayk-ul cwu-n] namcai
John-NOM book-ACC give-ADN man
‘the man to whom John gave a book’
(Park, 2019, p. 148)
(9) Oblique RC
[RC John-i ___i chayk-ul sa-n] secemi
John-NOM book-ACC buy-ADN bookstore
‘the bookstore at which John bought the book’
(Jeon & Kim, 2007, p. 256)
As stated in the introductory section, Korean can relativize only subjects,

direct objects, indirect objects, and obliques. Korean disallows relativization
of genitives on the grounds that it requires a resumptive pronoun (Jeon &
Kim, 2007; Keenan & Comrie, 1977), as in (10)-(11).
(10) [caki-uy kay-ka chongmyengha-n] namca

self-GEN dog-NOM smart-ADN man
‘the man whose dog is smart’
(Keenan & Comrie, 1977, p. 74)
(11) *[ ___i kay-ka chongmyengha-n] namcai

dog-NOM smart-ADN man
‘the man whose dog is smart’
(Lee, 2005, p. 408)
There is a long-standing consensus that the differences between L1

and L2 cause problems in second language acquisition (SLA). Due to
the aforementioned peculiarities of Korean RCs, L1-English L2-Korean
speakers may experience difficulties when processing Korean RCs (Yeon
2012).
2.2 Previous L2 Studies of Korean RCs

As pointed out by Shirai and Ozeki (2007), inter alia, English is the
most researched target language in the application of the NPAH to L2
acquisition. Thanks to numerous such studies dealing with L2 English, a
general consensus has been reached on the validity of the NPAH effect in
L2 English. More recently, an emphasis on the L2 acquisition of RCs in
East-Asian languages has emerged, largely due to the special issue on “the
acquisition of RCs and the NPAH in SLA” (Shirai & Ozeki, 2007, p. 159).
Mixed results have been reported as to whether the NPAH effect holds for
East-Asian languages.
Previous representative studies on adult L2 acquisition of Korean RCs
have focused on subject and direct object RCs. A subject advantage was
found based not only on production data (Jeon & Kim, 2007) but also on
comprehension data (O’Grady et al., 2003). Jeon and Kim (2007) collected
experimentally elicited oral production data, whereas O’Grady et al. (2003)
used an off-line picture selection task.
While there have been adult L2 studies that examined Korean oblique
RCs, the difficulty order of different RC types has not been consistently
reported across studies. Kim (2010) analyzed spoken corpus data produced
by Chinese learners of Korean and found that the frequency order of RC
types showed evidence for the NPAH effect, with subject RCs (82.6%)
being the most frequent, followed by direct object RCs (10.6%), and then
oblique RCs (6.6%). With respect to frequency order, similar results were
observed in another learner corpus research conducted by Huh (2015).
Huh (2015) examined oral production data produced by adult L2 learners
of different L1 backgrounds (English, Chinese, Japanese, and Cantonese)
as well as adult heritage learners of Korean. Among the head-external
RCs, subject RCs (58.1%) were most frequently observed, followed by
direct object RCs (38.8%), and then oblique RCs (3.0%). The accuracy rate
data also confirmed that the learners produced subject RCs (73.3%) most
accurately. The analysis of the accuracy rate, however, revealed that oblique
RCs (57.1%) were more accurately produced than direct object RCs (49.5%).
According to Huh (2015), this cannot be counterevidence to the NPAH
effect due to the small number of oblique RCs (49 out of 1,622; 3.0%) in the
corpus.
Unlike Kim (2010) and Huh (2015), Kim and Kim (2016) reported
findings inconsistent with the NPAH effect. Kim and Kim (2016) examined
elicited production (both oral and written) data collected from intermediate
L2 learners of Korean. They observed that although subject RCs were the
most frequent, oblique RCs were more frequent than direct object RCs.
This frequency order was the same irrespective of the mode (oral versus
written) and the learners’ L1 (i.e., English, Japanese, and Chinese). Kim
and Kim (2016) suggested that the reason for their findings was due to
the data collection method used in the study. In order to elicit oral and
written production data, the researchers asked the participants to watch a
10-minute video titled ‘Mr. Bean’, which contained many scenes where the
title character not only moved from place to place but also used various
instruments. According to them, this might have facilitated the production
of oblique RCs.
As noted above, most previous studies dealing with adult L2 acquisition
of Korean oblique RCs were based on production data. However, relying
on the frequencies of RCs may not provide a comprehensive picture of
their acquisition order and processing difficulty. For one thing, Kim and
Kim (2016) did not consider the accuracy of the production data. In order
to examine the L2 comprehension of Korean RCs, Yeon (2012) conducted
a reaction time experiment in which participants saw two pictures on
each trial and were instructed to select the correct picture after hearing a
Korean RC (e.g., uyca-eyse wu-nun aki ‘the baby who cries in the chair’).
The two pictures depicted the same head noun (e.g., aki ‘baby’). He tested
three groups of adult Korean learners from typologically different L1
backgrounds (English, Japanese, and Chinese) along with a control group
of adult native Korean speakers. He concluded that native Korean speakers
as well as the three L2 learner groups showed little or no NPAH effects,
but without providing a statistical analysis of his data. To address these
limitations, the current study aims to examine the online L2 comprehension
of Korean direct object and oblique RCs.
3. Research Method
In psycholinguistics, prolonged reading times are interpreted as processing

difficulty, whereas faster reading times are indicative of facilitation in
language processing. In order to explore the online L2 comprehension of
Korean RCs, in this study, a self-paced reading task was used because “the
time constraints of on-line processing presumably allow less room for the
application of explicit grammar rules” (Jegerski, 2014, p. 28). For a better
analysis of the real-time comprehension, a follow-up picture-selection task
was also conducted online.
3.1 Participants
A total of 45 subjects participated in the present study. Fifteen native
Korean speakers were recruited from a large university in Korea, and they
were all undergraduate or graduate students at the time of participation.
Thirty native English speakers learning Korean were recruited across
the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Korea. All L2
participants were non-heritage Korean learners. The L2 participants were
taking intermediate or advanced Korean courses at the time of participation
or had recently taken the corresponding courses in their colleges or the
official language centers located in Korea. The L2 learners were divided
into two groups (intermediate and low) according to their scores on a
Korean C-test (Lee-Ellis, 2009). The original C-test, which was developed
to measure the proficiency of Korean, contained five cloze test passages
in which test takers were asked to write in the missing letters (Lee-Ellis,
2009). In order to shorten the test time, the final optional passage was
deleted in the current study. The intermediate-level group consisted of
15 participants whose C-test scores were in the range from 47.5 to 82.5,
whereas the low-level group was composed of 15 participants whose C-test
scores were in the range from 12 to 41. All participants were told that the
purpose of the study was to identify the relationship between linguistic

expressions and color perception. They were also given an honorarium for
their participation. Table 1 contains more detailed information about the
participants in this study. It should be noted that the labels ‘intermediate’
and ‘low’ in Table 1 are relative terms, not absolute terms.
Table 1. Participants’ Characteristics
Years of Years of
Group Age learning residency C-test score
Korean in Korea
Native 24.3 (4.0) - - -
Intermediate 23.3 (4.0) 3.7 (1.4) 1.4 (1.9) 63.3 (11.8)
Low 20.4 (3.4) 2.6 (1.8) 0.3 (1.0) 32.3 (8.6)
Note. V
alues are presented as mean (standard deviation). The highest possible score for C-test was
100.
3.2 Stimuli and Tasks

The online experiment included a self-paced reading task, in which
participants pressed the space bar to read a sentence written in Korean, and
a follow-up picture selection task, in which participants pressed a key on
the number row (1-4) to select one picture that best matched the sentence
they had read in the previous task. The entire stimuli consisted of 10 target
sentences, 10 non-target sentences (i.e., fillers), and corresponding picture
stimuli.
Each sentence stimulus was presented in a segment-by-segment fashion.
In self-paced reading measures, a segment refers to a word or a phrase. In
this study, sentences were segmented into words. In agglutinative languages
such as Korean, a word segment encompasses a combination of a word and
grammatical elements, as well as a single word. Segments were presented
in a non-cumulative centered format to prevent participants from predicting
the length of the sentence (Rah & Adone, 2010).
The target sentences included a three-argument verb and comprised two

types: direct object RCs and oblique RCs. In contrast, the filler sentences
involved a two-argument verb and consisted of two types: subject RCs and
object RCs. The main purpose of fillers used in the present study was to
ensure that participants had the basic knowledge of Korean relativization.
Both target and filler sentences (as well as practice sentences) were
composed of six segments. All sentence stimuli (except for practice
sentences) start with a sentence-initial RC and end with an adjectival
predicate describing the color of the preceding noun (i.e., the head noun
of the RC). Based on feedback from pilot studies, an adverb denoting the
present moment (cikum ‘now’) was inserted so that each sentential stimulus
more closely portrayed its corresponding picture stimulus. A separate
group consisting of five Korean native speakers participated in an offline
acceptability rating and rated the naturalness of the target sentences on a
7-point scale (1 = most unlikely, 7 = most likely). Only target sentences
with a rating of 5 or higher were included in the study. The target sentence
stimuli in each condition are exemplified in (12)-(13).

[RC emma-ka cikum [VP posekham-ey ___i tam-nun]]
mom-NOM now jewelry.box-into put-ADN
mokkelii-nun noksayk-i-ta
necklace-TOP green-COP-DECL
‘The necklace which Mom is putting into the jewelry box is green.’

[RC emma-ka cikum [VP ___i cangnankam-ul neh-nun]]
mom-NOM now toy-ACC put-ADN
sangcai-nun phalansayk-i-ta
box-TOP blue-COP-DECL
‘The box which Mom is putting the toy into is blue.’
The full list of sentences used in the experiment is provided in Table 9 in

Appendix. As seen in Table 9, all head nouns of the target sentences were
inanimate. One sentence in the direct object condition contained the head
noun rose. In linguistics, plants are considered inanimate entities (Fauconnier
& Verstraete, 2010). As Cruse (2006) remarks, “the linguistic distinction
between animate and inanimate often does not match the scientific one” (p.
13). In the case of fillers, the offline acceptability rating was not conducted.
In addition, the animacy of the head noun, as well as sentence length, was
not controlled for fillers.
On the other hand, the length of the target sentences was controlled in
such a way that the number of characters of each sentence was the same
in both conditions (17, 19, 20, 18, and 19 in the order presented in Table 9).
In (2)-(3), the order of the double object (i.e., cangnankam ‘toy’) and the
oblique (i.e., sangca ‘box’) was switched. As shown in Table 9, the double
objects and the obliques in the target sentences were not counterbalanced
to occur in both conditions. This was because it was impossible to recruit
enough L1-English L2-Korean speakers who had a valid TOPIK (Test of
Proficiency in Korean, a standardized Korean proficiency test) score. In
other words, it was not possible to randomly assign half of the L2 learners
to one variant set of target sentences and the other half to another variant
set before dividing them into two proficiency groups.
Figures 1 and 2 represent six display screens of self-paced reading
and they illustrate the direct object condition and the oblique condition,
respectively. When participants pressed the space bar, a segment appeared
on the screen. As shown in Figures 1 and 2, each segment was presented to
participants one segment at a time in a non-cumulative centered format.
Figure
Figure 1. 1. Direct
Direct Object
Object Condition
Condition Example
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Figure 2. Oblique Condition Example (i.e., Sentence (13)) of Sequence

Figure
Figure2.2.Oblique in the Self-paced
Oblique Condition
Condition ExampleReading
Example (i.e., Task (13))
Sentence
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in
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two different entities (in the case of the target sentences, direct objects and
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Figure 3. Direct Object Condition Example (i.e., Figure 1) of the

Picture Selection Task (Correct Answer: 2)
Figure 3. Direct Object Condition Example (i.e., Figure 1) of the Picture
Figure 3. Direct Object Condition Example (i.e., Figure 1) of the
Selection Task (Correct Answer: 2)
Picture Selection Task (Correct Answer: 2)
Figure
Figure4. 4.
Oblique
ObliqueCondition
ConditionExample
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Figure 4. Oblique Condition Example (i.e., Figure 2) of the Picture
3.3Procedure
3.3 Procedure Selection Task (Correct Answer: 3)
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PsychoPy experiments. Participants were instructed to respond as quickly were
instructed to respond as quickly and accurately as possible by using their
and accurately as possible by using their dominant hand. All written

instructions were given in English to L1-English L2-Korean speakers and in
Korean to native Korean speakers.
Unlike the native speaker participants, who participated in the main
session only, in the case of L2 learners, the entire experiment consisted of
three parts, which were all conducted online and took place on one day.
The L2 learner participants first had a self-study session in which they
familiarized themselves with the key vocabulary used in the main session.
Then, they carried out a self-paced reading task together with a picture
selection task. After taking a 2-3 minute break, they completed a Korean
proficiency test, namely, a shortened version of the C-test, developed by
Lee-Ellis (2009). The instructions for the C-test were provided in English.
The vocabulary list used in the self-study session consisted of 28 words (10
color terms, eight verbs, and 10 nouns) that participants would encounter
in the main session. The list was provided to ensure that participants’
performance on the two tasks was not affected by their vocabulary
knowledge. Thus, in the self-study session, the L2 learner participants
were asked to study the list for themselves and complete a check-up
questionnaire. They could proceed to the next part (i.e., the main session)
only if they provided correct answers to all check-up questions.
All 20 sentences (10 target and 10 non-target materials) were pseudo-
randomized so that sentences that belong to the same type were not
presented consecutively. There were two practice trials prior to the main
trials, and feedback was provided for the practice trials only. Each sentence
was preceded by a fixation point (i.e., a plus symbol), which appeared in the
center of the screen for three seconds to indicate the start of a new trial.
3.4 Data Analysis

As stated in section 3.1, the Korean C-test used in the current study
consisted of four Korean passages, each of which contained 25 questions
(i.e., missing blanks). Consequently, the maximum score for the whole test
was set to 100. The scoring was done following Lee-Ellis (2009) and the 30
L2 learners were evenly divided into two proficiency groups, as explained
in section 3.1.
Fillers (i.e., non-target items) were excluded from statistical analyses.
In addition to their usual role of disguising the true purpose of the study,
filler items used in the present study acted as a pretest because they
showed whether L2 learners knew the Korean relativization rule. They
also demonstrated that participants understood the tasks correctly. All 45
participants correctly answered more than 60% of the 10 fillers, and 95.6%
of the entire participants correctly answered more than 80% of these non-
target items.
Statistical analyses were performed using IBM SPSS version 25.0. In
the case of the 10 target items, the independent variables were Korean
proficiency (native, intermediate, low) and the RC type (direct object versus
oblique). In order to assess the online comprehension of the two types of
RCs, three dependent variables were measured in this study: (i) reading
time (total reading time and/or reading time per segment depending on
research questions), (ii) response time, and (iii) comprehension accuracy.
In the self-paced reading task, participants had to press the space bar six
times to complete the reading of the whole sentence, which consisted of six
segments. Thus, in the present study, total reading time was defined as the
duration between the moment when segment 1 was shown to the participant
and the moment at which the participant pressed the space bar to end
segment 6 (i.e., the time spent for reading the whole sentence). Following
Jegerski (2015), the data from the self-paced reading task were cleaned such
that the reading time per segment that was longer than 5,000 milliseconds
(i.e., 5 seconds) was trimmed to 5,000, which affected 5% of our data.
Following Jegerski (2014) and Luce (1986), the unrealistic reading time of
less than 100 milliseconds (ms) was also modified to 100 ms, which affected
0.2% of the data. As Jegerski (2014) remarked, “[t]here is no single accepted

method for dealing with outliers in SPR [self-paced reading] data” (p. 40).
In this study, we followed one of the methods proposed by Jegerski (2014)
for handling outliers. First, we set absolute cutoff values (namely, 5,000
ms and 100 ms) to identify outliers. Second, we substituted the outliers
with more moderate values (i.e., the cutoff values) to mitigate their effects.
Excluding outliers would be less appropriate because the reading time
per segment that was longer than 5,000 ms “might reflect real processing
difficulty” (Jegerski, 2014, p. 40).
For the purpose of this study, response time was defined as the duration
between the instant when the picture stimulus (e.g., Figure 3 or Figure
4) was presented to the participant on the screen and the instant at which
the participant pressed the relevant key (1, 2, 3, or 4) to select one of the
four response options in the picture selection task. For each RC condition,
participants’ comprehension scores were 100% when they had five correct
answers. Total reading times and response times were calculated for both
correct and incorrect responses (i.e., for five target sentences per condition).
Finally, the average total reading time per participant per condition and the
average response time per participant per condition were calculated.
Non-parametric tests were used in this study because the assumptions
of normality and equal variance were not satisfied. First, a Kruskal-Wallis
H-test was performed to compare the three groups (native, intermediate,
and low). Subsequently, a Mann-Whitney U-test with Bonferroni correction
was carried out for post-hoc comparisons of group pairs. Finally, a
Wilcoxon signed-rank test was conducted to compare the two different RC
types (direct object versus oblique).
4. Results
4.1 Research Question 1

The first research question investigated the effect of Korean proficiency
on the online comprehension of Korean direct object and oblique RCs. As
our data were not normally distributed, the median (rather than the mean)
was used for statistical analyses (McCluskey & Lalkhen, 2007). The median
and interquartile range of total reading time, response time, and accuracy
rate can be found in Table 2, along with Kruskal-Wallis H-test results for
comparison of three groups.
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics and Kruskal-Wallis H-Test Results for

Comparison of Three Groups
Native Intermediate Low

χ2 p value
(n = 15) (n = 15) (n = 15)
Total 2562 8776 15179
DO 35.00 .000***
Reading (962) (3388) (5922)
Time 2235 7886 13998
(ms) OBL 33.52 .000***
(563) (2503) (7484)
1507 2987 3674
Response DO 29.27 .000***
(376) (987) (3161)
Time
(ms) 1638 4337 4961
OBL 22.88 .000***
(1047) (3382) (4385)
100 100 80
DO 8.28 .016*
Accuracy (0) (20) (40)
(%) 80 80 80
OBL 2.84 .242
(20) (0) (20)
Note. V
alues are presented as median (interquartile range, IQR).
DO = direct object RC, OBL = oblique RC
*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
Descriptive statistics in terms of mean and standard deviation are

additionally provided in Table 10 in Appendix. The findings are also
graphically illustrated in Figures 5, 6, and 7, where DO stands for direct

object and OBL for oblique. The results of the post-hoc Mann-Whitney
U-test are presented in Table 3.
Table 3. Post-Hoc Mann-Whitney U-Test Results for Group Comparisons
Mann-
Z p value
Whitney U
Native Inter 225.00 4.67 .000a
Total DO Native Low 225.00 4.67 .000a
Reading Inter Low 198.00 3.55 .000a
Time Native Inter 225.00 4.67 .000a
(ms) OBL Native Low 225.00 4.67 .000a
Inter Low 186.00 3.05 .002a
Native Inter 222.00 4.54 .000a
DO Native Low 222.00 4.54 .000a
Response Inter Low 156.00 1.80 .071
Time
(ms) Native Inter 211.00 4.09 .000a
OBL Native Low 212.00 4.13 .000a
Inter Low 126.00 0.56 .576
Native Inter 81.50 -1.85 .065
Accuracy
DO Native Low 57.50 -2.82 .005a
(%)
Inter Low 84.50 -1.30 .195
Note. D
O = direct object RC, OBL= oblique RC, Inter = intermediate
a
Bonferroni corrected significance level = .017
4.1.1 Total Reading Time

Figure 5 graphically illustrates median (Mdn) total reading time per group
and condition. As seen in Table 2, the comparison in the total reading time
indicated significant differences between the three groups in both conditions
(DO: χ2 = 35.00, p = .000; OBL: χ2 = 33.52, p = .000). Accordingly, post-
hoc comparisons were conducted using a Mann-Whitney U-test with a
Bonferroni adjusted significance level of .017, as shown in Table 3.
20000
Total reading time (ms)
15000
10000 Native
Intermediate
5000
Low
0
DO OBL
Types of relativization
Figure 5. Median
Figure Total Total
5. Median Reading Time per
Reading Group
Time and Condition
per Group and Condition
In the
In the direct
direct object
object condition,
condition, thethe pairwise
pairwise comparisons indicated that
comparisons indicated that
the native group (Mdn= 2,562) showed significantly shorter reading
the
timesnative
thangroup (Mdn= 2,562) group
the intermediate showed(Mdn a significantly
= 8,776)shorter
on thereading time
self-paced
than the intermediate
reading task (p = .000).group
The(Mdn = 8,776)
difference on the self-paced
between the nativereading
group andtaskthe
(p
low group (Mdn =15,179) was also significant (p = .000).
= .000). The difference between the native group and the low group (Mdn Likewise, the
differencewasbetween
=15,179) the two
also significant (p =L2.000).
learner groups
Likewise, the reached
differencestatistical
between
significance (p = .000).
theIntwo
theL2oblique
learner condition,
groups reached statistical
the native significance
group (Mdn =(p2,235)= .000).
displayed
In the oblique
significantly condition,
shorter readingthe native
times thangroup (Mdn = 2,235)
the intermediate displayed
group (Mdn =a
7,886) on the self-paced reading task (p = .000). Similarly,
significantly shorter reading time than the intermediate group (Mdn = the difference
between the native group and the low group (Mdn = 13,998) was
7,886) on the self-paced reading task (p = .000). Similarly, the difference
significant (p = .000). A statistically significant difference was also found
between
betweenthe thenative
learnergroup and(pthe= low
groups .002).group (Mdn = 13,998) was significant
(p = .000). A statistically significant difference was also found between the
4.1.2 Response
learner groups (pTime= .002).
Figure 6 shows median response time per group and condition. As
displayed in Table 2, significant differences between the three groups
4.1.2
were Response
found with Time
respect to the response time (DO: χ2 = 29.27, p = .000;
OBL:
Figure χ2 6= shows
22.88, median
p = .000). In the time
response directperobject
groupcondition, the native
and condition. As
group (Mdn = 1,507) responded more quickly than the
displayed in Table 2, significant differences between the three groups were intermediate
group (Mdn = 2,987) and the low group (Mdn2 = 3,674). A series of post-2
found with respect
hoc analyses to the response
revealed that the time (DO: χ =
difference 29.27, p the
between = .000; OBL:and
native χ
= 22.88, p = .000).
intermediate groups,In as
thewell
direct object
as the condition,
difference the native
between group and
the native (Mdn low=
1,507) responded more quickly than the intermediate group (Mdn = 2,987)
and the low group (Mdn = 3,674). A series of post-hoc analyses revealed
that the difference between the native and intermediate groups, as well as
the difference between the native and low groups was significant (p = .000).
No significant difference was observed between the intermediate and low
groups was significant (p = .000). No significant difference was observed
groups
between(pthe
= .071).
intermediate and low groups (p = .071).
5000
4000
Response time (ms)
3000 Native
Intermediate
2000
Low
1000
0
DO OBL
Figure 6. Median
Figure 6. Response Time per Group
Median Response andGroup
Time per Condition
and Condition
In the
In theoblique
obliquecondition,
condition,thethe native
native group
group (Mdn(Mdn = 1,638)
= 1,638) responded
responded more
more quickly than the intermediate group (Mdn = 4,337) and the low
quickly than the intermediate group (Mdn = 4,337) and the low group (Mdn
group (Mdn = 4,961). While there was no significant difference between
=the4,961).
two While
learnerthere was no
groups significant
regarding thedifference
responsebetween
time (pthe= two learner
.576), the
pairwiseregarding
groups comparisons with thetime
the response native(pgroup were
= .576), thestatistically significant
pairwise comparisons
(p = the
with .000).
native group were statistically significant (p = .000).
4.1.3 Accuracy Rate
4.1.3 Accuracy
Figure Rate median accuracy rate per group and condition. With
7 displays
regard
Figureto7 displays
the accuracy
medianrate, the results
accuracy rate per showed
group and significant
condition.group
With
differences only in the direct object condition (DO: χ 2
= 8.28, p
regard to2 the accuracy rate, the results showed significant group differences= .016;
OBL: χ = 2.84, p = .242). Further post-hoc 2
analyses conducted on 2the
only in the direct object condition (DO: χ =
direct object condition data revealed that the native 8.28, pgroup
= .016; OBL:
(Mdn χ =
= 100,
2.84,
IQR=p0) = .242). Further
performed at apost-hoc analyses
significantly conducted
higher on the
level than thedirect
low object
group
(Mdn = 80,data
condition IQRrevealed
= 40) onthatthe picture selection
the native grouptask
(Mdn(p ==.005). No other
100, IQR= 0)
significant differences were found in other pairwise comparisons.
performed at a significantly higher level than the low group (Mdn = 80,
IQR = 40) on the picture selection task (p = .005). No other significant
differences were found in other pairwise comparisons.
100
80
60
Accuracy (%)
Native
40 Intermediate
20 Low
0
DO OBL
Figure Figure
7. Median Accuracy
7. Median Rate per Rate
Accuracy Groupper
and Condition
Group and Condition
4.1.4
4.1.4 Summary
Summary
In summary, there were significant between-group differences in the
In summary,
total reading timethereand
werethesignificant
responsebetween-group
time in both differences in the total
RC conditions. All
reading time
pairwise and the were
comparisons response time in both
statistically RC conditions.
significant except forAllthepairwise
group
comparisons
comparisons between the intermediate
were statistically significantand lowfor
except groups in the
the group response
comparisons
time. Regarding the accuracy rate, a significant between-group
between the intermediate and low groups in the response time. Regarding
difference was observed only in the direct object condition, and the
the accuracy
difference wasrate, a significant
significant between-group
only between the nativedifference was observed
and low groups.
only in the direct object condition, and the difference was significant only
4.2 Research
between Question
the native and low2groups.
The second research question concerned the influence of the RC type
on the online comprehension of Korean direct object and oblique RCs. A
4.2 Research
Wilcoxon Questiontest
signed-rank 2 was conducted to determine whether the RC
type
Thehadsecond
an effect on total
research readingconcerned
question time, response time, andof
the influence accuracy
the RCrate.
type
Table 4 shows Wilcoxon signed-rank test results for within-group
on the online comprehension of Korean direct object and oblique RCs. A
comparisons according to direct object versus oblique RC types.
Wilcoxon signed-rank test was conducted to determine whether the RC type
had an effect on total reading time, response time, and accuracy rate. Table
Table 4. Wilcoxon Signed-rank Test Results for Within-group

4 shows Wilcoxon signed-rank test results for within-group comparisons

according to direct object versus oblique RC types.
Table 4. Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test Results for Within-Group Comparisons

According to Direct Object Versus Oblique RC Types
Wilcoxon’s Z p value
Native -0.45 .650
Total Reading
Intermediate -1.53 .125
Time (ms)
Low -2.16 .031*
Native -1.42 .156
Response Time
Intermediate -2.73 .006**
(ms)
Low -1.36 .173
Native -2.89 .004**
Accuracy
Intermediate -2.35 .019*
(%)
Low -1.09 .276
*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
4.2.1 Total Reading Time

As seen in Table 2 and Figure 5, for all three groups, the total reading
time was faster in the oblique condition than in the direct object condition.
As presented in Table 4, the results of a Wilcoxon signed-rank test showed
that this difference was statistically significant in the low group (Z = -2.16,
p = .031). However, there were no significant differences between the two
RC conditions in the intermediate group (Z = -1.53, p = .125) and the native
group (Z = -0.45, p = .650).
4.2.2 Response Time

As shown in Table 2 and Figure 6, the response time was faster in the
direct object condition than in the oblique condition for all three groups.
A Wilcoxon signed-rank test showed a significant difference between the
two RC conditions in the intermediate group (Z = -2.73, p = .006) only. No
significant differences were observed in the low group (Z = -1.36, p = .173)

and the native group (Z = -1.42, p = .156).
4.2.3 Accuracy Rate

As seen in Table 2 and Figure 7, in the case of the native and intermediate
groups, the accuracy rate was higher in the direct object condition
than in the oblique condition. A Wilcoxon signed-rank test revealed
that this difference was significant for both native (Z = -2.89, p = .004)
and intermediate (Z = -2.35, p = .019) groups. However, there was no
statistically significant difference in the accuracy rate of the low group (Z =
-1.09, p = .276) between the direct object condition (Mdn = 80, IQR = 40)
and the oblique condition (Mdn = 80, IQR = 20).
4.2.4 Interim Summary

To summarize the previous subsections, a statistically significant within-
group difference was found in the total reading time of the low group.
Although such a significant difference was not noticed in the other two
groups, the pattern of shorter reading times in the oblique condition
was consistent across the groups. Second, there was a significant within-
group difference in the response time of the intermediate group. No
such significant difference was found in the other two groups. However,
all three groups showed shorter response times in the direct object
condition compared to the oblique condition. Finally, significant within-
group differences were observed in the accuracy rate of the native and
intermediate groups, though not in the low group. Although the low group’s
median accuracy rate was the same for both RC conditions, the interquartile
range (i.e., the difference between the upper quartile and the lower quartile)
was greater for the direct object condition. The greater interquartile range
was due to the finding that high-accuracy-rate data were more frequent
in the direct object condition than in the oblique condition. Thus, the low
group also performed better in the direct object condition than in the
oblique condition.
4.2.5 Reading Times for Critical Regions

As examined in section 4.1.1, striking between-group differences were
found in the total reading time in both RC conditions. In contrast, as
addressed in section 4.2.1, statistically significant within-group differences
were not observed in the total reading time of the native and intermediate
groups. However, for all three groups, the total reading time was faster in
the oblique condition than in the direct object condition. In order to gain a
deeper understanding of the reading time differences between direct object
and oblique RC types, reading times per segment were analyzed with a
focus on critical regions.
In the present study, the self-paced reading task involved six segments, as
repeated in Table 5. Of these six segments, the critical regions were region
3 (oblique/direct object argument), region 4 (verb with an adnominalizing
suffix), and region 5 (head noun).
Table 5. Examples of Direct Object and Oblique RC Types
Ex 1 2 3 4 5 6
DO (12) 엄마가 지금 보석함에 담는 목걸이는 녹색이다
OBL (13) 엄마가 지금 장난감을 넣는 상자는 파란색이다
Note. D
O = direct object RC, OBL= oblique RC, Ex = example
The median reading times for each segment in each condition are
displayed in Table 6, as well as in Figures 8, 9, and 10, where the reading
times are reported in milliseconds (ms). Table 7 shows Wilcoxon signed-
rank test results for comparisons of critical region reading times according
to direct object versus oblique RC types.
Table 6. Median Reading Times (in ms) per Segment, Condition, and Group
1 2 3 4 5 6
540 317 380 349 375 496
DO
Native (168) (122) (141) (120) (140) (165)
(n = 15) 500 301 298 324 362 417
OBL
(219) (124) (124) (65) (180) (204)
1267 769 1612 1320 1336 1939
DO
Inter (556) (196) (976) (622) (707) (864)
(n = 15) 1184 822 1314 1103 1929 1825
OBL
(341) (175) (467) (464) (792) (849)
2114 901 3477 2418 2960 3215
DO
Low (1146) (351) (1660) (1211) (1196) (1683)
(n = 15) 2199 911 2243 2096 3173 2627
OBL
(1115) (546) (952) (1674) (1042) (803)
Note. V
alues are presented as median (interquartile range, IQR).
Inter = intermediate, DO = direct object RC, OBL = oblique RC
Table 7. Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test Results for Comparisons of Critical

Region Reading Times According to Direct Object Versus Oblique RC
Types
Wilcoxon’s Z p value
Native -3.12 .002**
Region 3 Intermediate -3.41 .001**
Low -3.35 .001**
Native -0.45 .650
Region 4 Intermediate -0.45 .650
Low -2.44 .015*
Native -0.45 .650
Region 5 Intermediate -3.12 .002**
Low -1.59 .112
Note. p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
Native Group
As presented in Table 7 and Figure 8 (as well as Table 6), in the case of
the native group, the results of a Wilcoxon signed-rank test revealed that
oblique RCs were processed significantly faster than direct object RCs at
region 3 (Z = -3.12, p = .002). At regions 4 and 5, the same pattern was
observed, but the difference did not reach the statistical significance (Z =
-0.45, p = .650; Z = -0.45, p = .650).
600
500
Reading time (ms)
400
300 DO
OBL
200
100
0
1 2 3 4 5 6
Figure 8. 8.Native
Figure NativeGroup’s
Group’sMedian
MedianSelf-Paced
Self-paced Reading Time for
Reading Time for Each
Each
Segment Segment
IntermediateGroup
Intermediate Group
Asseen
As seenin in Table
Table 7 and7 and Figure
Figure 9 (as 9well
(asaswell
Tableas6),
Table 6), intermediate
intermediate learners
learners processed oblique RCs faster than direct object RCs at region 3
processed oblique RCs faster than direct object RCs at region 3 (Z = -3.41, p
(Z = -3.41, p = .001) and at region 4 (Z = -0.45, p = .650). However, the
=significant
.001) and region 4 (Z =was
difference -0.45, p = observed
only .650). However, a significant
at region differenceto
3. In contrast
was only 3observed
regions and 4, at region 3. Inlearners
intermediate contrast read
to regions
faster3 in
andthe
4, direct
intermediate
object
conditionread
learners thanfaster
in thein oblique condition
the direct object at region 5,than
condition andinthe
thedifference
oblique
between these two conditions was significant (Z = -3.12, p =
condition at region 5, and the difference between these two conditions was.002).
significant (Z = -3.12, p = .002).
2500
2000
Reading time (ms)
1500
DO
1000 OBL
500
0
1 2 3 4 5 6
Figure
Figure9.9.Intermediate
IntermediateGroup’s
Group’Median
MedianSelf-Paced
Self-pacedReading
ReadingTime
Timefor
forEach
Segment Each Segment
Low
LowGroup
Group
Lastly,
Lastly, as
asseen
seenininTable
Table6 6and
andFigure
Figure10, 10,low-level
low-levellearners
learners exhibited
exhibited
similar processing patterns as intermediate learners in critical regions.
similar
Both processing
groups showed patterns as intermediate
a longer reading time learners in critical
for direct regions.
object RCs Both
at
groups showed
regions 3 and 4a and
longer reading
shorter time for direct
processing time object RCs at
for direct regions
object RCs3 and
at 4
region 5. The low group processed oblique RCs significantly faster
and shorter processing time for direct object RCs at region 5. As presented in than
direct object RCs at regions 3 and 4 (Z = -3.35, p = .001; Z = -2.44, p
Table 7, the low group processed oblique RCs significantly faster than direct
= .015). By contrast, the low group processed direct object RCs faster
objectoblique
than RCs at regions
RCs at3 region
and 4 (Z5,= although
-3.35, p = .001; Z = -2.44, significant
a statistically p = .015). By
difference was
contrast, the lownotgroup
foundprocessed
(Z = -1.59, p =object
direct .112). RCs faster than oblique RCs
at region 5, although a statistically significant difference was not found (Z =
-1.59, p = .112).
4000
Reading time (ms) 3500
3000
2500
2000 DO
1500 OBL
1000
500
0
1 2 3 4 5 6
Figure 10. Low Group’s Median Self-Paced Reading Time for Each
Figure 10. Low Group’s Median Self-paced Reading Time for Each
Segment Segment
Summary
Summary
As
As noted
noted in
in section 4.2.1,for
section 4.2.1, forall
allthree
threegroups,
groups,the
thetotal
totalreading
readingtime
timewas
was longer for direct object RCs than for oblique RCs, although the
longer forwas
difference direct object
only RCs than
significant for low
for the oblique RCs,
group. The although
analysisthe difference
of reading
times for critical
was only regions
significant for turned
the lowout to beThe
group. more complex
analysis of than thattimes
reading of thefor
total reading time. Table 8 summarizes the results presented in section
critical regions turned out to be more complex than that of the total reading
4.2.5.
time. Table 8 summarizes the results presented in section 4.2.5.
Table 8. Summary of the Analysis of Reading Times for Critical
Regions
Table 8.the Analysis
Summary of of
theReading
AnalysisTimes for Critical
of Reading TimesRegions
for Critical Regions
Region 3
Region 3 Region
Region 4 4 Region
Region 5 5
(OBL/DO
(OBL/DO (Verb-ADN)
(Verb-ADN) (Head Noun)
(Head Noun)
Argument)
Argument)
DO RC longer
Native DO RC longer DO RC longer
DO RC (significant)
longer DO RC longer DO RC longer
Native (si RC longer
(significant)
DO OBL RC longer
Intermediate (sig DO RC longer
DO RC (significant)
longer DO RC longer OBL (significant)
RC longer
Intermediate
(significant)
DO RC longer DO RC longer (significant)
Low OBL RC longer
Low (significant)
DO RC longer (significant)
DO RC longer OBL RC longer
Note. O
BL = oblique, DO = direct object, ADN = adnominal, RC = relative clause
5. Discussion
5.1 General Discussion

The goals of this experimental study were twofold: 1) to investigate
to what extent Korean proficiency would influence participants’ online
processing performance during the comprehension of Korean direct object
and oblique RCs; and 2) to examine whether the RC type would affect their
online processing performance. To address these goals, this study included
15 native Korean speakers, as well as 30 English-speaking learners of
Korean. The L2 learners were evenly divided into a group with intermediate
Korean proficiency (i.e., intermediate group) and a group with low Korean
proficiency (i.e., low group) based on their scores on a Korean C-test (Lee-
Ellis, 2009). Online processing performance was measured in terms of
reading time (total reading time and/or reading time per segment depending
on research questions), response time, and accuracy rate by utilizing a self-
paced reading task and a follow-up picture selection task.
The answers to the first research question can be summarized as follows.
First, in both direct object and oblique conditions, a higher level of Korean
proficiency facilitated the speed of reading and responding, with the native
group being the fastest and the low group being the slowest. All pairwise
comparisons with the native group (i.e., control group) were statistically
significant. As for the group comparisons between the two L2 learner
groups, significant differences were only observed in the total reading time,
but not in the response time. Second, a higher level of Korean proficiency
increased the accuracy rate only in the direct object condition, although
the difference was significant only between the native group and the
low group. With regard to the accuracy rate in the oblique condition, the
group comparisons between the three groups demonstrated no significant
difference. These accuracy rate results suggest that oblique RCs are hard to
comprehend irrespective of Korean proficiency.
Turning to the second research question, the results were multifaceted.

First, the response time and accuracy rate data revealed that Korean direct
object RCs were easier to comprehend than Korean oblique RCs. This
tendency applied to all three groups.3 Although there were some differences
in significance levels, overall native speakers and L2 learners of Korean
all exhibited a shorter response time and higher accuracy rate in the
direct object condition compared to the oblique condition. These findings
support the NPAH effect. Second, contrary to the direct object-over-oblique
advantage found in the response time and accuracy rate data, the total
reading time data showed an oblique-over-direct-object preference in that
all three groups took a longer time to read direct object RCs than oblique
RCs. Although the difference was only significant in the low group, the
overall tendency was observed for all three groups.
5.2 NPAH and Linear Distance Accounts

The NPAH effect found in the response time and accuracy rate data can
be supported by an account that capitalizes on the linear distance of a filler-
gap dependency. According to linear distance accounts, the longer the
filler-gap dependency, the higher the processing cost (e.g., Gibson, 1998;
Hawkins, 1989; Kim, 2019; Tarallo & Myhill, 1983). As shown in (2)-(3),
in Korean RCs, the linear distance (i.e., the number of words) between the
gap and the filler (i.e., the head noun) is one word (neh-nun) in the direct
object condition, but two words (cangnankam-ul, neh-nun) in the oblique
condition. Thus, Korean direct object RCs are easier to process than Korean
oblique RCs.
On the contrary, a competing structural distance account, which resorts to
“the depth of embedding of the gap”, cannot predict a processing advantage
3
It should be recalled that although the low group’s median accuracy rate was the
same for both RC conditions, the interquartile range (i.e., the difference between the
upper quartile and the lower quartile) was different.
for Korean direct object RCs over Korean oblique RCs if we assume binary
branching structures (O’Grady et al., 2003, p. 435; and the references cited
therein). This is because for subject-object-verb (SOV) languages such
as Korean, the oblique is in a higher position of the phrase structure than
the direct object (Kim & O’Grady, 2016). Assuming this “widely accepted
structural template for SOV languages”, the examples in (2)-(3) are
represented as follows (Kim & O’Grady, 2016, p. 1064):4

[RC John-i [VP sangca-ey [VP ___i neh-nun]]] cangnankami
John-NOM box-in put-ADN toy
‘the toy which/that John puts in the box’

[RC John-i [VP ___i [VP cangnankam-ul neh-nun]]] sangcai
John-NOM toy-ACC put-ADN box
‘the box which/that John puts the toy in’
According to structural distance accounts, the deeper the embedding of the

gap, the higher the processing cost. As shown in (14)-(15), the hierarchical
phrase-structural distance (i.e., the number of nodes) intervening between
the gap and the the head noun is three nodes (VP, VP, RC) in the direct
object condition, but two nodes (VP, RC) in the oblique condition. In short,
structural distance accounts do not adequately capture the direct object-
oblique asymmetry found in the response time and accuracy rate data. The
accuracy rate results in response to the first research question also suggested
a direct object advantage (rather than an oblique advantage), thereby
lending further support for linear distance accounts.
4
We remain agnostic about the categorical status of Korean RCs and use the
theory-neutral node RC (relative clause) to indicate this category.
5.3 Applicability of Surprisal-Based Accounts

One may argue that the longer total reading time for the direct object
condition (compared to the oblique condition) is counterevidence to the
NPAH effect. This section explores the possibility of invoking the theory
of surprisal (originally proposed by Hale, 2001) to account for the longer
total reading time for the Korean direct object condition. An account based
on Keenan and Comrie’s (1977) NPAH and a surprisal-based account are
not two sides of a coin. Rather, they are the earliest and later versions of
experience-based proposals (Gibson & Wu, 2013).
It has been proposed that longer reading times in self-paced reading
could be partially or entirely attributed to an effect of surprisal, caused
by the encounter of unexpected stimuli (Kleinman et al., 2015; Müller &
Mari, 2021). Surprisal occurs in language processing when a less expected
word appears in a given context, increasing the processing difficulty (Hale,
2001; Levy, 2008; Venhuizen et al., 2019). Previous studies have shown that
people can predict forthcoming information based on earlier information,
and this anticipatory processing is very common in online sentence
processing (Kamide et al., 2003; Lee, 2019; Yong & Lee, 2012). For
example, in online sentence processing, morphosyntactic information such
as case-marking can serve as a source for the prediction of an upcoming
argument (Lee, 2019). In addition, it has been claimed that L2 as well as L1
learners are initially attracted to a language’s canonical word order (O’Grady
et al., 2005).
Korean is a verb-final, morphologically rich language, in which
grammatical roles such as subject, object, etc. are represented by case-
markers such as nominative, accusative, etc. In the case of the direct
object condition, in the absence of any cues that an RC is starting, the
Korean word order comprising the ‘NP1NOM + adverb (cikum ‘now’)
+ NP2OBL’ sequence predicts a direct object NP. This is because the
canonical word order of Korean three-argument verb constructions is
‘NP1NOM + NP2OBL + NP3ACC + verb’ (Kwon et al., 2013). Contrary to the

expectation, however, a verb with an adnominalizing suffix is encountered,
which results in surprisal, hence a longer reading time. In contrast, in the
oblique condition, the Korean word order consisting of the ‘NP1NOM +
adverb (cikum ‘now’) + NP2ACC’ sequence predicts a transitive verb, and
therefore, the surprisal of a three-argument verb with an adnominalizing
suffix is lower relative to the direct object condition. This line of argument
is consistent with the explanation offered for the temporary structural
ambiguity found in Korean sentence-initial RCs in general. As Kwon et
al. (2010) put it, “a sentence-initial RC [in Korean] may be interpreted as a
main clause rather than as a subordinate clause before the parser reaches the
verb with the adnominal marker, leading to a potential garden-path effect” (p.
548).
On the basis of this line of reasoning, the disambiguating region was
region 4 (RC verb). As observed in section 4.2.5, in all three groups,
reading time was longer for direct object RCs than for oblique RCs at
region 4, supporting the surprisal-based analysis presented in this paper.
The difference at region 4, however, was statistically significant only in
the low group (see Tables 7 and 8). This result was consistent with the
result obtained by the total reading time data (see Table 4). These are not
unexpected findings. Just as recovery from misanalyses of garden-path
sentences is contingent on L2 proficiency (Lim & Jang, 2017), the surprisal
of an unexpected stimulus may be higher for comprehenders with lower-
level L2 proficiency, resulting in a longer reading time of both segment 4
and the whole sentence.
5.4 An Argument Structure-Based Account

With respect to the results of the analysis of reading times for critical
regions, the most striking finding was obtained with region 3 rather than
region 4. The difference at region 3 was statistically significant for every
group (see Tables 7 and 8). All three groups showed a longer reading
time for direct object RCs at region 3 (see Figures 8, 9, and 10). Thus, the
longer total reading time observed in the Korean direct object condition
can largely be attributed to the momentary processing difficulty of segment
3 (i.e., the oblique argument marked by a postposition) in this condition.
Encountering the oblique argument at region 3 leads to a greater possibility
of a ditransitive construction. On the other hand, in the Korean oblique
condition, the direct object argument at region 3 may be indicative of a
transitive construction, as well as a ditransitive construction. On the basis of
these considerations, one may conclude that ditransitive constructions are
more difficult to process than transitive constructions. This was empirically
supported by Korean learners of English (Lee & Kim, 2011).
Admittedly, in order to more reliably attribute the asymmetrical
processing difficulty of direct object and oblique RCs to less expected
structures such as ditransitives, relative frequency of Korean transitive
and ditransitive constructions should be investigated in future research.
Likewise, as pointed out by an anonymous JCS reviewer, in order to
fully support the surprisal effect, more empirical evidence showing the
infrequency of the Subject-Oblique-Verb structure is needed. Combining
corpus data and experimental data (as in Ronai & Xiang, 2023) may be a
solution to these problems.
There is yet another issue that deserves attention. Unlike the native group,
the two L2 learner groups exhibited a shorter reading time for the direct
object RCs at region 5 (head noun), though the difference was statistically
significant for the intermediate group only (see Tables 6, 7, and 8). In
direct object RCs, a direct object argument appeared at region 5, whereas
in oblique RCs, an oblique argument appeared at region 5. Although in
our study, both types of head nouns were marked by a topic marker, the
intermediate and low groups experienced more processing difficulty with
the oblique argument at region 5, as was the case with the oblique argument
marked by a postposition at region 3 in direct object RCs. That is, for the
two L2 learner groups, oblique arguments (more marked) are collectively
associated with longer reading times than direct objects (less marked)
irrespective of whether they are relativized or not. This leaves open the
question why the native group showed a different pattern. However, it
should also be noted that of the six regions, the native group’s reading time
differences between the two RC types were the least noticeable at region 5
(see Table 6 and Figure 8).
5.5 Concluding Discussion

As indicated in Table 4, the statistical analyses reveal significant within-
group differences: (i) in the total reading time of the low group, (ii) in the
response time of the intermediate group, and (iii) in the accuracy rate of
both native and intermediate groups. An explanation for the differences
between groups among the variables is in order.
First, the significant within-group difference observed in the total reading
time of the low group can be accounted for by surprisal- and argument
structure-based accounts. As briefly noted in section 5.3, the surprisal of
an unexpected stimulus (i.e., the RC verb at region 4) may be higher for
comprehenders with lower-level L2 proficiency, resulting in a longer total
reading time. In addition, the encounter of the oblique argument marked
by a postposition at region 3 adds to the processing difficulty for the low
group. Compared to the other two groups, the low group may experience
more difficulty processing ditransitive constructions (as opposed to
transitive constructions), which was empirically attested by Korean learners
of English (Lee & Kim, 2011).
Second, in the case of the intermediate group, the response time was
significantly affected by the RC type. It was significantly faster in the direct
object condition than in the oblique condition for the intermediate group.
Although the direct object-over-oblique advantage was also found in the
response time data of the other two groups, the NPAH effect was most
apparent in the intermediate group probably because the intermediate group
was in the middle of the developmental stages in acquiring Korean double
object and oblique RCs.
Finally, the lack of significant differences in the accuracy rate of the
low group is due to low accuracy rates in both direct object and oblique
conditions. By contrast, significant within-group differences were observed
in the accuracy rate of the native and intermediate groups, indicating that
oblique RCs are significantly harder to comprehend than direct object RCs
even for groups with higher Korean proficiency.
6. Conclusion
The present study tested 30 adult L1-English L2-Korean speakers,

along with 15 adult native Korean speakers, on an online experiment in
an attempt to shed light on the asymmetry between Korean direct object
and oblique RCs, a relatively underexplored topic in L2 acquisition and
processing. With respect to experimental methodology, the outcomes of
the present study demonstrate the importance of measuring the online
comprehension of Korean direct object and oblique RCs involving three-
argument verbs. This study derives the following interesting findings and
interpretations. First, the results from the online picture selection task
showed that Korean oblique RCs were characterized by longer response
times and lower accuracy rates than Korean direct object RCs. This finding
is consistent with the NPAH effect, according to which direct object RCs
are easier to acquire and process than oblique RCs. The direct object-over-
oblique advantage found in Korean RC processing is also compatible with
linear distance accounts.
Second, the outcomes of the online self-paced reading task revealed that
in the two L2 learner groups, as well as the native speaker group, the total
reading time was longer for direct object RCs than for oblique RCs (though
the difference was statistically significant for learners with low proficiency
only). The longer total reading time for the Korean direct object condition
(compared to the Korean oblique condition) should not be considered as
counterevidence to the NPAH effect. Rather, it is partly due to surprisal
caused by an unexpected stimulus (i.e., the Korean RC verb at region 4).
This line of explanation is possible due to the linguistic characteristics of the
Korean language. As is well-known, Korean is a head-final language having
prenominal RCs. It is also a verb-final, morphologically rich language, in
which grammatical roles such as subject, object, etc. are represented by
case-markers such as nominative, accusative, etc. Yet, there is another more
important factor at play. The longer total reading time for the Korean direct
object condition can largely be attributed to the momentary processing
difficulty of the oblique argument marked by a postposition (i.e., segment 3).
This may be due to the possibility that ditransitive constructions are more
difficult to process than transitive constructions.
In addition to those mentioned in the discussion section, there are some
other limitations in this study. The biggest problem is the generalizability
of the findings. Future research should conduct a more extensive study
with a larger number of participants and a larger number of test items
per condition. Despite its shortcomings and limitations, it is hoped
that this study has contributed novel findings to research on online L2
comprehension, as well as the NPAH effect.
Acknowledgements The authors would like to extend their thanks to two anonymous
JCS reviewers for constructive comments that have led to improvements in the present
version. We would also like to thank the participants for their invaluable contributions to
this study. All and any errors are the responsibility of the authors.
Declarations
Consent to Participate and Consent for Publication Data collection was done with
signed consent from the participants for participation and publication.
Conflict of Interest The authors have no conflict of interest to declare.
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Appendix
Table 9. Test Sentences Used in the Current Study
Type Sentence
단비가 지금 카트에 싣는 짐은 초록색이다.
주리가 지금 꽃병에 꽂는 장미꽃은 주황색이다.
Direct
민수가 지금 공책에 붙이는 스티커는 파란색이다.
Object
민아가 지금 컵에 따르는 음료는 초록색이다.
엄마가 지금 보석함에 담는 목걸이는 녹색이다.
한나가 지금 꽃을 싸는 종이는 분홍색이다.
엄마가 지금 장난감을 넣는 상자는 파란색이다.
Oblique 준호가 지금 마스크를 버리는 휴지통은 회색이다.
영희가 지금 리본을 다는 가방은 노란색이다.
오빠가 지금 외투를 거는 옷걸이는 검은색이다.
지금 하늘을 날고 있는 새는 빨간색이다.
지금 언덕을 달리고 있는 자동차는 노란색이다.
Filler
지금 간식을 던지고 있는 원숭이는 갈색이다.
(Subject)
지금 물에서 헤엄치고 있는 물고기는 주황색이다.
지금 공을 굴리고 있는 강아지는 검은색이다.
오빠가 지금 들고 있는 전화기는 검은색이다.
언니가 지금 밀고 있는 유모차는 파란색이다.
Filler
민호가 지금 먹고 있는 아이스크림은 노란색이다.
(Object)
나희가 지금 매고 있는 가방은 빨간색이다.
주리가 지금 입고 있는 옷은 분홍색이다.
수미가 분홍색 곰인형을 가지고 놀고 있다.
Practice
고양이가 검은색 강아지를 보고 있는 중이다.
Table 10. Descriptive Statistics in Terms of Mean and Standard Deviation
Native Intermediate Low

(n = 15) (n = 15) (n = 15)
Total DO 2513 (583) 9183 (2509) 14835 (4366)
Reading Time
(ms) OBL 2424 (637) 8810 (2370) 13702 (4357)
Response DO 1489 (290) 3148 (930) 5293 (4989)
Time
(ms) OBL 1798 (646) 4655 (2541) 5808 (5055)
Accuracy DO 98.7 (5.2) 90.7 (14.9) 81.3 (20.7)

(%) OBL 85.3 (14.1) 76.0 (17.2) 76.0 (18.8)
Note. V
alues are presented as mean (standard deviation).
DO = direct object RC, OBL = oblique RC

L2 Acquisition and Processing of Korean Direct Object and Oblique Relative Clauses by English Speakers

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L2 Acquisition and Processing of Korean Direct Object and

Oblique Relative Clauses by English Speakers

Hyomin Min & Seung-Ah Lee*

Key words: Korean relative clauses, oblique relative clauses, noun

Received 30 July 2023; Revised 19 September 2023; Accepted 20 September 2023

Cross-linguistically, relative clauses (RCs) have been regarded as complex

(1) Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy (NPAH)

direct object advantage was found by Kim (2019), who investigated L2

(2) Korean direct object RC

(3) Korean oblique RC

As is well-documented, animacy affects the processing difficulty of RCs

2.1 Characteristics of Korean RCs

(5) Argument drop in a sentential complement clause

In Korean RCs, case markers and postpositions are omitted along

(6) Direct object RC

Head-internal RCs will not be of further concern in this study.

(8) Indirect object RC

As stated in the introductory section, Korean can relativize only subjects,

(10) [caki-uy kay-ka chongmyengha-n] namca

(11) *[ ___i kay-ka chongmyengha-n] namcai

There is a long-standing consensus that the differences between L1

2.2 Previous L2 Studies of Korean RCs

In psycholinguistics, prolonged reading times are interpreted as processing

purpose of the study was to identify the relationship between linguistic

Table 1. Participants’ Characteristics

3.2 Stimuli and Tasks

The target sentences included a three-argument verb and comprised two

(12) Korean direct object RC

(13) Korean oblique RC

‘The box which Mom is putting the toy into is blue.’

The full list of sentences used in the experiment is provided in Table 9 in

participants one segment at a time in a non-cumulative centered format.

Figure 2. Oblique Condition Example (i.e., Sentence (13)) of Sequence

Figure 3. Direct Object Condition Example (i.e., Figure 1) of the

and accurately as possible by using their dominant hand. All written

3.4 Data Analysis

0.2% of the data. As Jegerski (2014) remarked, “[t]here is no single accepted

4.1 Research Question 1

Table 2. Descriptive Statistics and Kruskal-Wallis H-Test Results for

Native Intermediate Low

Descriptive statistics in terms of mean and standard deviation are

graphically illustrated in Figures 5, 6, and 7, where DO stands for direct

Table 3. Post-Hoc Mann-Whitney U-Test Results for Group Comparisons

4.1.1 Total Reading Time

Table 4. Wilcoxon Signed-rank Test Results for Within-group

4 shows Wilcoxon signed-rank test results for within-group comparisons

Table 4. Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test Results for Within-Group Comparisons

4.2.1 Total Reading Time

4.2.2 Response Time

significant differences were observed in the low group (Z = -1.36, p = .173)

4.2.3 Accuracy Rate

4.2.4 Interim Summary

4.2.5 Reading Times for Critical Regions

Table 5. Examples of Direct Object and Oblique RC Types

Table 7. Wilcoxon Signed-Rank Test Results for Comparisons of Critical

5.1 General Discussion

Turning to the second research question, the results were multifaceted.

5.2 NPAH and Linear Distance Accounts

(14) Korean direct object RC

(15) Korean oblique RC

According to structural distance accounts, the deeper the embedding of the

5.3 Applicability of Surprisal-Based Accounts

‘NP1NOM + NP2OBL + NP3ACC + verb’ (Kwon et al., 2013). Contrary to the

5.4 An Argument Structure-Based Account