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Title: Books and their makers during the Middle Ages


A study of the conditions of the production and
distribution of literature from the fall of the Roman
Empire to the close of the seventeenth century, Vol. I

Author: George Haven Putnam

Release date: September 1, 2023 [eBook #71536]

Language: English

Original publication: New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1896

Credits: Charlene Taylor, Eleni Christofaki and the Online


Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
(This file was produced from images generously made
available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOOKS AND


THEIR MAKERS DURING THE MIDDLE AGES ***
Transcriber’s note

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation


inconsistencies have been silently repaired. The index appears in the second
volume. A list of the changes made can be found at the end of the book.

BOOKS AND THEIR MAKERS


DURING THE MIDDLE AGES,
Vol. I

BOOKS AND THEIR MAKERS DURING THE MIDDLE


AGES
summary of contents of volume ii.
The First Printer-Publishers of France.—The Later
Estiennes and Casaubon.—Caxton and the Introduction
of Printing into England.—The Kobergers of
Nuremberg.—Froben of Basel.—Erasmus and his Books.
—Luther as an Author.—Plantin of Antwerp.—The
Elzevirs of Leyden and Amsterdam.—Italy: Privileges
and Censorship.—Germany: Privileges, and Book-Trade
Regulations.—France: Privileges, Censorship, and
Legislation.—England: Privileges, Monopolies,
Censorship, and Legislation.—Conclusion. The
Development of the Conception of Literary Property.—
Index to the Work.
BOOKS AND THEIR MAKERS
DURING THE MIDDLE AGES

A STUDY OF THE CONDITIONS OF THE PRODUCTION AND


DISTRIBUTION OF LITERATURE FROM THE FALL OF
THE ROMAN EMPIRE TO THE CLOSE OF
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

BY
Geo. Haven Putnam, A.M.
AUTHOR OF “AUTHORS AND THEIR PUBLIC IN ANCIENT
TIMES”
“THE QUESTION OF COPYRIGHT,” ETC.

VOLUME I.
476-1600

G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
NEW YORK LONDON
27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD 24 BEDFORD STREET,
STREET STRAND
The Knickerbocker Press
1896
Copyright, 1896
by
G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
Entered at Stationers’ Hall, London

The Knickerbocker Press, New Rochelle, N. Y.

to
The Memory of My Wife
who served me for years both as eyesight
and as writing-arm
and by whose hand the following pages
were in large part transcribed
this work is dedicated
PREFACE.

I n a previous volume I undertook to describe, or rather to indicate,


the methods of the production and distribution of the earlier
literature of the world and to sketch out the relations which existed
between the author and his public during the ages known, rather
vaguely, as classic, that is, in the periods of literary activity in Greece
and ancient Rome. The materials for such a record were at best but
fragmentary, and it was doubtless the case that, in a first attempt of
the kind, I failed to get before me not a few of the references which
are scattered through the works of classic writers, and which in any
fairly complete presentation of the subject ought to have been
utilised.
Imperfect as my study was, I felt, however, that I was justified in
basing upon it certain general conclusions. It seems evident that in
Greece, even during the period of the highest literary development,
there did not exist anything that could be described as a system for
the production and distribution of books. The number of copies of
any work of Greek literature available for the use of the general
public must at any time have been exceedingly limited, and it would
probably be safe to say that, before the development of Alexandria
as a centre of book-production, no such thing as a reading public
existed. The few manuscripts that had been produced, and that
possessed any measure of authenticity, were contained in royal
archives or in such a State collection as that of Athens, or in the
studies of the small group of scholarly teachers whose fame was
sometimes in part due to the fact that they were owners of books.
The contemporary writers, including the authors of works
treasured as masterpieces through all later ages, were not only
content to do their work without any thought of material
compensation, but appear to have been strangely oblivious of what
would seem to us to be the ordinary practical measures for the
preservation and circulation of their productions. The only reward for
which they could look was fame with their own generation, and even
for this it would seem that some effective distribution of their
compositions was essential. The thought of preserving their work for
the appreciation of future generations seems to have weighed with
them but little. The ambition or ideal of the author appears to have
been satisfied when his composition received in his own immediate
community the honour of dramatic presentation or of public
recitation. If his fellow citizens had accorded the approbation of the
laurel crown, the approval of the outer world or of future generations
was a matter of trifling importance. The fact that, notwithstanding this
lack of ambition or incentive on the part of the authors, the non-
existence of a reading public, and the consequent absence of any
adequate machinery for the production and distribution of books, the
knowledge of the “laurel-crowned” works, both of the earlier poets
and of contemporary writers, should have been so widely diffused
throughout the Greek community, is evidence that the public interest
in dramatic performances and in the recitations of public reciters
(“rhapsodists”) made, for an active-minded people like the Greeks, a
very effective substitute for the literary enlightenment given to later
generations by means of the written or the printed word.
A systematised method of book-production we find first in
Alexandria, where it had been developed, if not originally instituted,
by the intelligent and all-powerful interest of the Ptolemaic kings, but
there appears to be no evidence that, even in Alexandria, which for
the greater part of two centuries was the great book-producing mart
of the world, was there any practice of compensation for authors. It is
to be borne in mind, however, in this connection, that, with hardly an
exception, the manuscripts produced in Alexandria were copies of
books accepted as classics, the works of writers long since dead.
For the editors of what might be called the Alexandrian editions of
Greek classics, compensation was provided in the form of honoraria
from the treasury of the Museum library or of salaried positions in the
Museum Academy.
In Rome, during the Augustan period, we find record of a well
organised body of publishers utilising connections with Athens, with
Asia Minor, and with Alexandria, for the purpose of importing Greek
manuscripts and of collecting trained Greek scribes, and carrying on
an active trade in the distribution of books not only with the
neighbouring cities of Italy, of Spain, and of Gaul, but with such far
off corners of the empire as the Roman towns in Britain. There are
not a few references in the literature of this period, and particularly in
the productions of society writers like Martial and Horace, to the
relations of authors with their publishers and to the business
interests retained by authors in the sale of their books. This
Augustan age presents, in fact, the first example in the history of
publishing, of a body of literature, produced by contemporary writers,
being manifolded and distributed under an effective publishing and
bookselling machinery, so as to reach an extensive and widely
separated reading public. When the Roman gentleman in his villa
near Massilia (in Gaul), Colonia (on the Rhine), or Eboracum (in far
off Britain), is able to order through the imperial post copies of the
latest ode of Horace or satire of Martial, we have the beginnings of
an effective publishing organisation. It is at this time also that we first
find record of the names of noteworthy publishers, the bookmakers
in Athens and in Alexandria having left their names unrecorded. It is
the period of Atticus, of Tryphon, and of the Sosii. Concerning the
matter of the arrangements with the authors, or the extent of any
compensation secured by them, the information is at best but scanty
and often confusing. It seems evident, however, that, apart from the
aid afforded by imperial favour, by the interest of some provincial
ruler of literary tendencies, or by the bounty of a wealthy private
patron like Mæcenas, the rewards of literary producers were both
scanty and precarious.
With the downfall of the Roman Empire, the organised book-trade
of Rome and of the great cities of the Roman provinces came to an
end. This trade had of necessity been dependent upon an effective
system of communication and of transportation, a system which
required for its maintenance the well built and thoroughly guarded
roads of the empire; while it also called for the existence of a wealthy
and cultivated leisure class, a class which during the periods of civil
war and of barbaric invasions rapidly disappeared. Long before the
reign of the last of the Roman emperors, original literary production
had in great part ceased and the trade in the books of an earlier
period had been materially curtailed; and by 476, when Augustulus
was driven out by the triumphant Odovacar, the literary activities of
the capital were very nearly at a close.
In the following study I have taken up the account of the
production of books in Europe from the time of the downfall of the
Empire of the West. I have endeavoured to show by what means,
after the disappearance of the civilisation of the Roman State, were
preserved the fragments of classic literature that have remained for
the use of modern readers, and to what agencies were due the
maintenance, throughout the confusion and social disorganisation of
the early Middle Ages, of any intellectual interest or literary activities.
I find such agencies supplied in the first place by the scribes of the
Roman Church, the organisation of which had replaced as a central
civilising influence the power of the lost Roman Empire. The
scriptoria of the monasteries rendered the service formerly given by
the copyists of the book-shops or of the country houses, while their
armaria, or book-chests, had to fill the place of the destroyed or
scattered libraries of the Roman cities or the Roman villas. The work
of the scribes was now directed not by an Augustus, a Mæcenas, or
an Atticus, but by a Cassiodorus, a Benedict, or a Gregory, and the
incentive to literary labour was no longer the laurel crown of the
circus, the favours of a patron, or the honoraria of the publishers, but
the glory of God and the service of the Church. Upon these agencies
depended the existence of literature during the seven long centuries
between the fall of the Western Empire and the beginning of the
work of the universities, and, in fact, for many years after the
foundation of the universities of Bologna and of Paris, the book-
production of the monasteries continued to be of material importance
in connection with the preservation of literature.
In a study of the organisation of the earliest book-trade of Bologna
and Paris and of the method under which the text-books for the
universities were produced and supplied, I have attempted to
indicate the part played by the universities in the history of literary
production. In a later chapter I have presented sketches of one or
two of the more noteworthy of the manuscript dealers, who carried
on, for a couple of centuries prior to the invention of printing, the
business of supplying books to the increasing circles of readers
outside of the universities.
In 1450 comes the invention of printing, which in revolutionising
the methods of distributing intellectual productions, exercised such a
complex and far-reaching influence on the thought and on the history
of mankind. I have described with some detail the careers of certain
of the earlier printer-publishers of Europe, and have been interested
in noting how important and distinctive were the services rendered
by these publishers to scholarship and to literature.
The concluding chapter sketches the growth of the conception of
the idea of property in literature, and the gradual development and
extension throughout the States of Europe of the system of
privileges which formed the precedent and the foundations for the
modern system of the law of literature and of interstate copyright
legislation. I have taken pleasure in pointing out that the
responsibility for securing this preliminary recognition of property in
literary productions and of the property rights of literary producers
rested with the printer-publishers, and that the shaping of the
beginnings of a copyright system for Europe is due to their efforts. It
was they also who bore the chief burden of the contest, which
extended over several centuries, for the freedom of the press from
the burdensome censorship of Church and State, a censorship
which in certain communities appeared likely for a time to throttle
literary production altogether. I can but think that the historians of
literature and the students of the social and political conditions on
which literary production is so largely dependent, have failed to do
full justice to men like Aldus, the Estiennes, Froben, Koberger, and
Plantin, who fought so sturdily against the pretensions of pope,
bishop, or monarch to stand between the printing-press and the
people and to decide what should and what should not be printed.
I have thought it worth while, in giving the business history of
these old-time publishers, to present the lists of their more
characteristic publications,—lists which seem to me to possess
pertinence and value as giving an impression of the nature and the
range of the literary interests of the time and of the particular
community in which the publisher was working, while they are also,
of course, indicative of the personal characteristics of the publisher
himself. When we find Aldus in Venice devoting his presses almost
exclusively to classical literature, and in the classics, so largely to
Greek; while in Basel and Nuremberg the early printers are
producing the works of the Church Fathers, in Paris the first Estienne
(in the face of the fierce opposition of the theologians) is multiplying
editions of the Scriptures, and in London, Caxton and his immediate
successors, disregarding both the literature of the old world and the
writings of the Church, are presenting to the English public a long
series of romances and fabliaux,—we may understand that we have
to do not with a series of accidental publishing selections, but with
the results of a definite purpose and policy on the part of capable
and observing men, a policy which gives an indication of the nature
and interests of their several communities, while it characterises also
the aims and the individual ideals of the publishers themselves.
Some of these earlier publishers were willing simply to produce the
books for which the people about them were asking, while others,
with a higher ambition and a larger feeling of responsibility, proposed
themselves to educate a book-reading and a book-buying public,
and thus to create the demand for the higher literature which their
presses were prepared to supply.
These earlier printer-publishers took upon themselves, in fact, the
responsibility which had previously rested with the universities, and,
back of the universities, with the monasteries, of selecting the
literature that was to be utilised by the community and through which
the intellectual life of the generation was to be in large part shaped
and directed. They thus took their place in the series of literary
agencies by means of which the world’s literature had been selected,
preserved, and rendered available for mankind, a chain which
included such diverse and widely separated links as the Ptolemies of
Alexandria, the princely patrons of Rome, Cassiodorus, S. Benedict
and his monasteries, the schools of Charlemagne and Alcuin, the
universities of Bologna and Paris, and, finally, the printer-publishers
who utilised the great discovery of Gutenberg.
The fact that, during both the manuscript period and the first two
centuries of printing, the writings of Cicero were reproduced far more
largely than those of any other of the Roman writers, is interesting as
indicating a distinct literary preference on the part of successive
generations both of producers and of readers. The pre-eminence of
Aristotle in the lists of the mediæval issues of the Greek classics
has, I judge, a different significance. Aristotle stood for a school of
philosophy, the teachings of which had in the main been accepted by
the Church, and copies of his writings were required for the use of
students. The continued demand for the works of Cicero depended
upon no such adventitious aid, and can, therefore, fairly be credited
to their perennial value as literature.
My readers will bear in mind that I have not undertaken any such
impossible task as a history of literary production, or even a record of
all the factors which controlled literary production. I have attempted
simply to present a study of certain conditions in the history of the
manifolding and distribution of books by which the production and
effectiveness of literature was very largely influenced and
determined, and under which the conception of such a thing as
literary property gradually developed. The recognition of a just
requirement or of an existing injustice must, of course, always
precede the framing of legislation to meet the requirement or to
remedy the injustice, and the conception of literary property and a
recognition of the inherent rights (and of the existing wrongs) of
literary producers had to be arrived at before copyright legislation
could be secured.
I have specified as the limit of the present treatise the close of the
seventeenth century, although I have found it convenient in certain
chapters to make reference to events of a somewhat later date. It
has been my purpose, however, to present a study of the conditions
of literary production in Europe prior to copyright law, and the
copyright legislation of Europe may be said to begin with the English
statute of 1710, known as the Act of Queen Anne.
I trust that in the near future some competent authority may find
himself interested in preparing a history of copyright law, and I shall
be well pleased if the present volumes may be accepted by the
historian of copyright and by the students of the subject as forming a
suitable general introduction to such a history.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface v
Bibliography xvii
PART I.—BOOKS IN MANUSCRIPT.
Introductory 3
I.— The Making of Books in the Monasteries 16
Cassiodorus and S. Benedict 17
The Earlier Monkish Scribes 30
The Ecclesiastical Schools and the Clerics as
36
Scribes
Terms Used for Scribe-Work 42
S. Columba, the Apostle to Caledonia 45
Nuns as Scribes 51
Monkish Chroniclers 55
The Work of the Scriptorium 61
The Influence of the Scriptorium 81
The Literary Monks of England 90
The Earlier Monastery Schools 106
The Benedictines of the Continent 122
The Libraries of the Monasteries and Their
133
Arrangements for the Exchange of Books
Some Libraries of the Manuscript
II.— 146
Period
Public Libraries 161
Collections by Individuals 170
The Making of Books in the Early
III.— 178
Universities
The Book-Trade in the Manuscript
IV.— 225
Period
Italy 225
Books in Spain 253
The Manuscript Trade in France 255
Manuscript Dealers in Germany 276
The Manuscript Period in England 302
PART II.—THE EARLIER PRINTED BOOKS.
The Renaissance as the Forerunner of
I.— 317
the Printing-Press
The Invention of Printing and the Work
II.— of the First Printers of Holland and 348
Germany
The Printer-Publishers of Italy, 1464-
III.— 403
1600
Aldus Manutius 417
The Successors of Aldus 440
Milan 445
Lucca and Foligno 455
Florence 456
Genoa 458
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