International Journal of Intercultural Relations 92 (2023) 101742

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International Journal of Intercultural Relations

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel

A phenomenological study on the North Korean refugees’ trauma

experience and recovery process during the escape and
resettlement in South Korea
Hyosoon Kim a, Youjin Kim b, Jeonghwa Yoon c, JeeEun Karin Nam d,
Youngkeun Kim e, *
a
Department of Counseling and Psychology, Sejong Cyber University, Gunja-ro 121, Kwangjin-gu, 05000 Seoul, South Korea
b
Department of Psychology, Soongsil University GFI, 113, Computer B/D, 369, Sangdo-Ro, Dongjac-Gu, 06978 Seoul, South Korea
c
Daybreak University, 321 South State College Blve. Anaheim, CA 92806, USA
d
Ewha Womans University, Graduate School of Education, 52, Ewhayeodae-gil, Seodaemun-gu, 03760 Seoul, South Korea
e
Department of Counseling and Psychotherapy, Inje University, Gimhae, South Korea

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: This qualitative study aimed to uncover the meaning of the trauma experiences and recovery
North Korean refugees process of North Korean refugees. Ten North Korean refugees were interviewed, and the data
Escape from North Korea gathered was analyzed using Giorgi’s descriptive phenomenological method. Results included 2
Trauma experiences
main categories, 4 subcategories, and 11 meaning units. Core themes were ‘trauma experiences
Recovery process
Phenomenological study
during the escape’ and ‘trauma recovery process.’ Sub-themes were ‘life-or-death situations,’
‘emotional and psychological distress during the escape,’ ‘enduring pain and progressing toward
inner growth,’ ‘rebuilding a broken life through relational resources and support.’ Based on these
findings, the implications of North Korean refugees’ trauma experience and recovery process are
discussed.

The peaceful reunification of the divided Koreas is a shared aim pursued by both Korean governments, and a long-cherished
yearning of many Korean people. In order to prepare for unification, three fundamental issues must be addressed: political and
economic concerns, socio-cultural conflicts, and mental stress due to various changes prompted by unification. Unless these issues are
addressed well, unification may be a source of stress for Korea’s economy, society, and psychology, impacting people’s mental health
in the long run. While it is critical to deal effectively with issues that actually develop upon unification, mental health prevention
efforts should also be made in advance to prepare people psychologically (Chae et al., 2007). To put it another way, researchers need to
examine the mental health of current North Korean refugees in South Korea to better prepare for the possibility that unification will
negatively impact on people’s mental health. This effort will help assess the potential psychosocial impact of unification on North and
South Koreans and discuss interventions and coping strategies. In this light, North Korean refugees can be said to have experienced
unification ahead of others. In the process of escaping North Korea and settling in South Korea, they have already gone through the
process of resolving various sociocultural conflicts. Therefore, their experiences and insights can serve as a valuable asset that will

* Correspondence to: Department of Counseling and Psychotherapy, Inje University, 197, Inje-ro, Gimhae-si, Gyeongsangnam-do 50834, South
Korea.
E-mail addresses: neri9657@sjcu.ac.kr (H. Kim), jiny736@hanmail.net (Y. Kim), jeonghwayoon@daybreak.edu (J. Yoon), jkarin@ewha.ac.kr
(J.K. Nam), ykkim@inje.ac.kr (Y. Kim).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2022.101742
Received 22 January 2022; Received in revised form 6 November 2022; Accepted 2 December 2022
Available online 15 December 2022
0147-1767/© 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
H. Kim et al. International Journal of Intercultural Relations 92 (2023) 101742

contribute to the social integration process after reunification (Han & Lee, 2015).
North Koreans experience various traumatic experiences, including hunger, beating, torture and forced labor, as well as the in­
jection of political ideas, brainwashing, and death of their families. As a result, some began to risk their lives to escape from the North
in search of a better life and a chance at survival. According to the Ministry of Unification, the number of North Korean defectors
increased dramatically after the death of Kim Il-sung, reaching 2914 in 2009. The number dropped to 1047 in 2019, although there are
still roughly 1000 every year.
Even during their escape, North Korean defectors face various terrible situations, including the loss of family members, torture, and
sexual assault (Chung & Bemak, 2002). From the process of leaving North Korea to staying in a third country to coming to South Korea,
their status is not properly guaranteed, and their basic lives are equally challenging. In the process of risking their life to flee North
Korea and join the South, many people suffer loss and estrangement from their families, including the death or repatriation of their
loved ones, and as being abused by brokers who assist them in their escape (Kim, 2013). Some even experience serious trauma such as
sexual violence (Jeon et al., 2005). They also live in constant terror and dread, knowing that they could be taken back to the North at
any time if someone reports them. Mental stress and problems, such as demonstrating difficulty in overall adaptability due to language
and cultural barriers, are also significant. In fact, 81.4% of defectors from North Korea reported experiencing traumatic events and
complex PTSD symptoms (Hong et al., 2006; Kim, 2012).
Other refugees also face conflicts, persecution, socioeconomic poverty, and hardships associated with leaving a familiar region
(Miller & Rasmussen, 2017), and individual coping ability play a significant role in regulating the psychological effects of the refugees
(Hooberman et al., 2010). Studies on other refugees indicate that the mental health outcomes were of refugees worse than that of the
general population (Fazel et al., 2005; Porter & Haslam, 2005). According to a Western meta-study, about 10% of refugees have PTSD
and 5% have major depressive disorder (Fazel et al., 2005).
The trauma experienced by North Korean refugees will have detrimental implications, such as an inability to adequately deal with
future challenges and stress, as well as heightened individual vulnerabilities. In other words, North Korean refugees suffer various
challenges as a result of trauma, in addition to difficulties adapting to social and cultural differences. They have reported experiencing
post-traumatic stress, anxiety, and depression during their transition (Keyes, 2000). In fact, Ha (2009) found that North Korean ref­
ugees had a less than 15% success rate in social adjustment due to various factors, including psychology, culture, economy, and
education. Many had difficulty building social interactions due to distrust or a cautious attitude to relationships (Jung et al., 2013).
Furthermore, the preconceived assumption that North Korean refugees are dejected and lack ability makes it difficult for them to stay
in one employment for long periods of time, causing them to become socially and economically marginalized (Yoon, 2004).
Trauma can be accompanied by a wide range of psychological issues, which vary from person to person and may even manifest
differently depending on the individual’s point of time (Smith & Frueh, 1996). Furthermore, potentially traumatic events do not al­
ways cause major problems, depending on a person’s psychological resources (Kim et al., 1997). Adverse events can generate problems
by presenting painful and pathological symptoms, but they can also lead to greater development by allowing people to reflect on and
reframe the problem (Joseph, 2013). Here, social support resources can be a very important protective factor (Cho & Haslam, 2010).
While North Korean refugees’ trauma can be negative and painful, it can also be beneficial to their personal growth and mental health
if properly recovered. Therefore, we sought to examine the trauma experience and recovery process of North Korean defectors.
Currently, various systems and services, centered on governmental agencies, are in place to assist North Korean refugees in settling
in, and relevant research is being conducted in various academic fields. However, due to the long-standing paradigm of adaptation-
maladaptation in settling North Korean defectors (Im, 2020), studies on North Korean defectors’ trauma experience and recovery
process are lacking. Because there are more people who overcome the trauma than those who do not (Eun et al., 2001), it is important
to examine the trauma experience and recovery process from an integrated perspective.
To this end, a qualitative research method that identifies the phenomenon as it is and prioritizes discovery seems appropriate.
Particularly, phenomenological research is a suitable way to uncover the meaning of North Korean refugees’ experiences since it aims
to understand the reality experienced by the subjects. Thus, this study uses phenomenology research to investigate the trauma ex­
periences and recovery process of North Korean refugees. This will reveal various meanings for the adaptation and recovery of North
Korean refugees and serve as the foundation for psychological and emotional stabilization in future Korea.

1. Methods

1.1. Participants

Researchers contacted the Hana Center and the Korean Christian Council for the Settlement of North Korean Refugees to explain
about the research and the participant selection criteria, and received recommendations for potential participants. The following were
the criteria used to select participants in the study: North Korean refugees who 1) have experienced traumatic experiences between
leaving North Korea and settling in South Korea, 2) have overcome adversity and are adjusting to life in South Korea, and 3) are able to
verbally convey their conscious experiences. Only those who have agreed to participate after hearing a thorough explanation were
included. The 10 selected participants were on average 59.5 years old and had lived in South Korea for 12.4 years. Among them, only
one was male and nine were females. According to the 2021 Settlement Survey of North Korean Refugees in South Korea (Korea Hana
Foundation, 2022), men make up 24% of the population of North Korean refugees in South Korea, while women make up 76%. The
survey findings also showed that female North Korean refugees had overall higher stress levels than male refugees. In contrast to 47.7%
of male refugees, 61.1% of female refugees reported general daily life stress. 15.1% of women, compared to 7.8% of men, reported
having suicidal thoughts. Given these numbers, it makes sense that there were more women participants in this study. Table 1 shows

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detailed demographic information of the participants.

1.2. Data collection

This study was approved by the IRB. Interviews for data collection were conducted over a three-month period. Each in-depth
interview lasted 1.5–2 h and was conducted at a time and place that was convenient for the study participants. Prior to the inter­
view, the researcher explained the purpose of the study to the participants and let them know that they may opt not to participate for
various reasons, such as discomfort during the study. The interviews began after the study participants thoroughly understood the
relevant content and signed the consent form. All interviews were audio-recorded and subsequently transcribed immediately after.
Researchers repeatedly listened to the audio recording and read the transcripts, and took notes about their thoughts, feelings and
questions. In a semi-structured format (Table 2), participants responded to the questions focused on investigating their trauma and
recovery experiences during the defecting process.

1.3. Data analysis

The phenomenological approach describes the shared meanings of multiple persons’ experiences regarding a concept or phe­
nomenon (Creswell, 2015). Thus, researchers sought to reflect on the structural and thematic aspects of the study participants’ ex­
periences (Shin et al., 2005). Data were analyzed using Giorgi (1975)’s data analysis procedures. Phenomenology relies on empirical
data generated from objective research procedures by suspending the researchers’ judgment via bracketing. As the first step in
descriptive phenomenology, the participant statements were thoroughly read to gain a grasp of the overall context. Second, meaning
units centered on the phenomenon of interest were identified, expressed in the participant’s own words. Third, the researcher’s
reflection and imagination are used to transform the obtained meaning units into focal meanings. At this point, the participants’
experiences were integrated into broader, general structures.

1.4. Validity assessment

Lincoln and Guba (1985) evaluative criteria, namely credibility, transferability, confirmability, and dependability, were utilized to
assess the study’s validity. These criteria are widely acknowledged as standards for establishing the reliability of qualitative in­
vestigations. In the process of data gathering and analysis, researchers attempted to utilize various data sources such as interview
transcripts and researcher memos. In addition, multiple analysts, including one professor in counseling and two PhDs with extensive
qualitative research experience, jointly reviewed the data classification, coding, and categorization in order to avoid personal
subjectivity. Moreover, the researchers avoided using direct and induced questions that would solely ask about their trauma expe­
rience and recovery process.

2. Results

The study’s findings yielded 11 meaning units, 4 subcategories, and 2 main categories, as shown in Table 3.

3. Trauma experiences during the escape

3.1. Life –or-death situations

Participants recalled going back and forth between third countries after leaving North Korea, encountering unanticipated mishaps,

Table 1
Participant information.
No. Gender Age Years in South Years in a third Cohabiting Remaining family in North Korea or Trauma experience during the
Korea country family third country escape

1 F 62 18 4 husband child(ren), sibling(s) Extreme tension, fear

2 F 40 15 1 husband mother, sibling(s) Extreme anxiety, fear
3 F 50 4 12 none child(ren) Risk of death
4 F 57 11 2 none child(ren), sibling(s) Relationship loss, anxiety,
fear
5 M 76 17 3 none child(ren) Family separation
6 F 80 15 1 none child(ren) Extreme fear
7 F 54 4 1 husband, sibling child(ren) Imprisonment, torture
(s)
8 F 57 15 1 husband none Anxiety, fear
9 F 38 10 none husband, child parents, sibling(s) Fear, family separation
(ren)
10 F 47 14 1 husband, child none Risk of death
(ren)

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Table 2
Semi-structured interview questions.
1. What made you decide to move from North to South Korea?
2. What were some of the challenges you faced while in North Korea?
3. How was the process of moving from North Korea to South Korea?
4. What was the most difficult part of the defection process?
5. What meaning/significance do the difficulties you had in defecting process currently have for you?
6. How did you feel when you finally came to South Korea?
7. What challenges did you have adjusting to life in South Korea?
8. How did the difficulties in the defection process differ from the difficulties faced in South Korea?
9. How were you able to overcome those difficulties?
10. What was the most helpful in the process of defecting from North Korea and settling in South Korea?

Table 3
Major categories, subcategories, and meaning units.
Main categories Subcategories Meaning units

Trauma Experiences during the
Escape
Trauma Recovery Process
Life-or-death situations
Emotional and psychological distress during the escape
Enduring pain and progressing toward inner growth
Rebuilding a broken life through relational resources and
support
Felt life threatened at the edge of a cliff
Imprisoned after being discovered
Continued intense tension and anxiety as a fugitive
Interpersonal trauma
Suffering from stigma and hostility against North
Koreans
Acquired survival tactics by being sensible
Felt content with improved living conditions
Experienced growth through education
Relied on faith
Gained strength through support of family
Building a new life with the help of others

intense hunger or fear, and near death situations. They decided to flee North Korea in search of decent life, but they were forced to
confront other life-or-death situations and were put into excruciating anguish as they struggled desperately. Before arriving in South
Korea, some participants were discovered living in a third country and were interrogated or taken back to North Korea. In this process,
they faced life-threatening situations as a result of labor exploitation and interrogation in a coercive atmosphere.
I crossed the river. The river wasn’t deep. It was shallow, but it was very wide. But the day before, a paper factory in China had
let hot water out, and the ice had melted away. Thin ice. I swam across with my clothes set on my head. I was wearing only my
underwear and the thin ice cut me everywhere… When we arrived in China, and when they opened the trunk, they said I was
there lying down covered in half blood and half water. I was cut everywhere. Oh, I suffered a lot back then. (Participant 2)
I was on my way from Laos to China. When crossing the border in Laos, we went over a mountain by foot and then were on a
vehicle. Our car got into an accident. I also had an accident while climbing down the mountain. It was around midnight. I think
there was a hunter in the mountain. I was shot and was almost killed. I couldn’t get up. I went to Thailand for a temporary
surgery. It was a hunting gun. My liver was cut out. There’s still debris left in my body. (Participant 3)
They besieged the house and caught me. I was sent back to North Korea and I thought “Oh I am dead now.” On one hand, I said,
“I’m glad I get to meet my son,” but then on the other hand, I said, “I’m dead.” I was sent to a North Korean prison – the Kaechon
Concentration Camp. The first prison camp built in North Korea. I stayed there for a year and three months. (Participant 4)
It was scary back then. I got caught and was sent back once. I had a hard time. It sure was miserable. I was taken to the security
department, and because I was a party member, I even went to the city hall to be interrogated. So… If you go to a police station
here, there’s a detention center, right? I suffered for a month at the detention center of the security department, and then spent
another month at the detention center of Uiseong. (Participant 6)
I was crossing the Dumangang River, right in front of all the guards.1 Even then it was really hard. The water was coming all the
way to the tip of my neck and I was shaking… Even after arriving in China, the way to entering Yeongil was not easy either. The
guards avoid passing in front their posts.2 You know those mountains with no real paths. I walked over the mountains all night
long. Vey early morning, we saw a road. There we took a cab for a short while. The journey to Yeongil. We climbed mountains
nonstop. (Participant 8)

1
Most refugees cross the river after bribing the guards.
2
The guards deliberately avoid North Korean refugees when they are bribed.

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At the end of the day, we came across this dangerous cliff, where no one could possibly remain long. There was no guard post.
We passed through a very dangerous place. It was really steep. You would have fallen right off the cliff if you had taken a wrong
step. (Participant 9)
The thought of falling behind alone, in the middle of nowhere, is so scary that I lost my mind. I just kept on running mindlessly. I
didn’t know what direction, but I just kept on running… I wasn’t aware where I dropped my gloves, where I dropped my bag.
For several hours, I kept on running like a crazy woman, because I was on my own and I didn’t know when I could be killed.
(Participant 10)

3.2. Emotional and psychological distress during the escape

Participants had chosen to flee their impoverished life in North Korea to gain freedom, but they admit that being chased around as
fugitives was a time of extreme fear and anxiety. Their vulnerable and anxious emotions persisted even after they reached South Korea
due to the intensive investigation process. Some participants often described themselves as wanderers and claimed that they had
loaded themselves with a fabricated pride to protect themselves as they moved from place to place. They continued to wander in
anxiety. Moreover, some participants experienced psychological pain as a result of their concerns and longings for their families left in
North Korea. Some also suffered interpersonal trauma as a result of events such as witnessing the deaths of people they were with
during the escape. Participants said they were subjected to ongoing discrimination and prejudice not only during their escape but also
while adjusting to life in South Korea. In other words, their traumatic experiences followed them into their post-North Korean life, and
similar situations left them feeling dejected, depressed, and difficult to adapt.
I finally arrived here after wandering around other countries. I have always been chased. China, Cambodia… I was also in a
prison camp through the broker.3 Then when the plane finally arrived at the Incheon Airport, I thought to myself, “I now don’t
have to run away anymore.” But I still couldn’t be completely at ease. Investigators used polygraph tests and didn’t believe what
I said. I think I had severe depression at the time… Back then, I had to go on living as a wanderer… I had to live in anxiety. I only
remember worrying about getting caught. I wandered around, then I came to China and still wandered around. North Koreans
live by their pride. Self-esteem and pride are different. Pride has a sense of inferiority in it… People didn’t like us because we
were “dangerous” North Koreans. You can’t imagine how badly the Chinese treated us. The sadness and hardships I suffered
there… It was really hard and difficult. Even when I came to Korea, I was still discriminated against. (Participant 1)
It was a life that showed everything that was disgraceful to me. This was the fate of asylum seekers. As I’ve seen many movies
about the fate of asylum seekers, only then I realized what my “motherland” was like. And now I want to go to the motherland
even after I die. I realized what ‘home’ was to me. I missed my hometown so much that I wanted to go back. In China, the whole
world seemed so evil. So I struggled a lot. How can I live in such an evil world? It’s so evil. (Participant 3)
I said “I have a son in North Korea.” So the translator told him, “This woman has a son in North Korea and misses him.” Through
the translator lady, he said to me, “Oh, don’t worry. Once we get settled a little, we will find the son and bring him here.” He
tried to console me like that. No matter what, a parent’s heart will always be where the child is… When I was sent back to the
North, I witnessed people die right in front of my eyes. I was in prison, and we were in an intensive care unit together. The kid
was gravely ill. But he died a day before his release. So, yeah. It was really hard. I really don’t want to talk about this, but when a
person dies, we need to bury him well, right? We need to leave his name. But when we let them know a person has died, then two
men come in… and woah, they just bend the person at his waist. Just snap! Just, right away. You hear the crackling sound,
right? Tied up with a rope … The shock at the time… After all these years, it’s still vivid. I really don’t want to relive that.
(Participant 4)
They think North Korean refugees are very shady. It doesn’t matter what high status I had in North Korea. Actually, it’s all my
ancestors’ home and I’m just going to my second country. But they treat us so badly. I used to take cabbage leaves from places
and grind them, and eat like a beggar. I couldn’t eat fruit as much as I wanted even during the fruit season. Fish products,
abalone or something. They brag on television all the time about how nutritious they are. But to be honest with you, I wish I
could eat as much as I wanted before I die. I’ve been treated poorly because I’m from the North. I was treated like a bum.
(Participant 5)
They said we could be caught by the embassy. That made my heart pound. Up to the moment we got to the plane, the moment
we got on the plane, I kept on thinking, “What if I get sent back to North Korea? Am I really going to South Korea?” I was nervous
and anxious all throughout the escape. I was scared because I suffered in North Korea, went to prison, and suffered human rights
abuses. In North Korea, we are traitors, rebels. (Participant 7)
I was so scared because I was the only woman with five men. I was fearful about how these people might hurt me or do
something to me. And then I was also afraid that I might get caught. (Participant 8)

3
During most of the escape process, brokers are accompanied. At times, brokers help the refugees to be accepted in the prison camp on the
Cambodian border so that they are not taken back to North Korea.

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But at that time, I had my first child and was going through depression. So I was having a really hard time mentally. But I was
going crazy mostly because of my child I left in North Korea. (Participant 10)

4. Trauma recovery process

4.1. Enduring pain and progressing toward inner growth

Participants’ personal motivation and willpower for recovery appeared to play an important role in coping with the pain and
difficulty of the escape process. They demonstrated a survival instinct for preserving life as well as acceptance of the current reality
with the possibility of a better future. And many participants said that they relied on their faith/religion to find new methods to protect
themselves and endure pain in situations that they cannot control. The participants also claimed that enduring the traumatic expe­
rience of the escape was easier to bear than the extreme starvation and restricted life experiences they had while in the North. They
reported that they are not only content with their situation, but also grateful for their struggle to escape from the crises of poverty and
hunger, as well as the restricted freedom within the communist ideology. Additionally, several participants developed confidence and
satisfaction with themselves as a result of receiving education.
During the four years in China, I developed quick wits while living here and there. I quickly learned where I should be sitting,
standing, or lying down. It was difficult in China, but at the same time, I was able to stand through it all. I walked on eggshells as
people treated me with ambivalence. But these experiences somehow became a driving force in my life in South Korea… I’d
been through so much there that I felt confident I could handle anything here. Just as I had a better experience in China after
going though such a hard time in North Korea, I was no longer hungry, no matter how many times I still had to run away. I made
an effort to be more grateful. Instead of focusing on the negative, unfair, and uncomfortable elements, I began writing down
what I was grateful for. (Participant 1)
The Christian faith provides support in life. (Participant 2)
There’s no end to a man’s greed. I was greedy at first. Then I asked myself, “Why am I having a hard time?” I realized that it was
all because of money. I said to myself, “what is wrong with you?” So I let it go. It felt so much at ease. Since then, I just focused on
living with what I have… I could only go on because of my faith. I would not have done it if I looked to the world. My faith is
what keeps me going. Through my religious life, I learned about life, I learned about the world. I learned about why people were
suffering. I’m happy now. Oh, Gosh. (Tears) God led me to this Korean Peninsula. I’m so happy to be alive. (Participant 3)
I am currently taking a break. I’m trying to get a care worker certificate. That I am trying to get it through an international cyber
university, which is in Suwon. I plan to get a bachelor’s degree in social welfare and become Level 2 Social Worker, and then
strive to become a lifelong educator… Anyway, I am trying to live the best I can… If I didn’t have my faith, it would have been
harder. So because I worked to keep my faith, I was able to take root in this land and experience growth this much… (Participant
4)
Still, it became a new starting point, and until now I didn’t go astray and even met God on the way… Power of religion, power of
God… I think that was huge. (Participant 8)
I am so glad that I studied to get that license. I studied a lot to gain more knowledge then, and that helps me even now. For
instance, at my work, I know more than those who got their college degrees. So people don’t look down on me in my daily life.
My boss, when he has a question, he chooses to ask me instead of other colleagues. Whenever I tell him the answer, I am
recognized. (Participant 10)
North Korean refugees come here in a state of anxiety. It’s hard for them to gain stability and often get lost. I think it’s important
for them to do mind training. As we try to jump into the society and bump into people here, we get hurt. We need to train to take
care of ourselves and do self-consolation. It doesn’t have to be a church. It could be a shrine. But it’s important to rely on
something that can help you train your minds. (Participant 10)

4.2. Rebuilding a broken life through relational resources and support

Participants recalled important encounters with people who assisted them in leading new lives in the face of grave crises such as
human rights violations, labor exploitation, and death. In particular, they were especially appreciative for the encounters because they
treated them with respect and provided them with practical information and education that allowed them to acquire a new culture.
Furthermore, when they were going through difficult times due to cultural and language barriers, participants indicated that people
helped them recover from the agony and loneliness by being considerate of their situation and providing information on Korean
culture. In addition, some participants were making positive progress through family members who had already escaped North Korea
and settled in South Korea, or through newly formed families.
I hit the cultural barrier. I couldn’t understand what they were saying. A lot of written words were in English. I don’t know any
English. If I hadn’t met Korean missionaries or pastors, I would have had a harder time here. But through them, I was able to

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taste the difference in language and thoughts. I also heard a lot of information about capitalism in South Korea through them,
and quickly got used to the capitalist society by seeing the capitalistic side of China. (Participant 1)
My father taught me the real basics. (Participant 2)
I went to a Laos hospital. It was really bright at dawn. There I got my first aid. That afternoon, we crossed the order to Thailand.
The South Korean embassy came out and did everything for us. I’m so grateful for that. When I got into the hospital, the embassy
people were already there. They got me connected to the brokers. I thought to myself, I’m going to be okay now. They protected
me. I was so relieved. I was really scared I’d get caught, but they assured me that I won’t be caught. They protected me, and told
me what to do. They spoke out for me… I was shot and thought I would die. I felt a strange feeling when I entered the hospital in
Thailand. No one had to pay any attention even if I died. But these people, the way they treated me… Those people who came
from South Korea. I was so thankful and amazed that I met them. (Participant 3)
He asked, “where did you come from, granny?” and I said I came from North Korea. He was a churchgoer, and so was the owner.
The sales lady at the grocery store was his sister. If I paid 10,000 won, she would give me products that were a little bit damaged
or just a bit past the expiration date. Like bananas. She would give food to me saying that the expiration date is tomorrow. Yeah,
if I took 10,000 won, I’d carry out a backpack full of food and I would still carry some more in my hands like this. Everything was
cheap. It was 2000 won for one chicken, but 5000 won for two. Chicken this huge! Life was happy. (Participant 6)
I felt secure knowing that my parents were still both alive. I mean, my real parents in North Korea have passed away, but I had
my foster parents in South Korea. It felt quite good. They seemed genuine so I chose to have them as my foster parents.
(Participant 8)
Still, the neighbors who backed me up and helped me when I needed it gave me courage. They were also refugees from North
Korea. Because of those folks, I believe I was able to overcome obstacles. They were really like my parents and siblings. Last year
and this year, when my kids were not able to go to school due to the Covid-19 pandemic but I had to go to work, they would
come to my house and wake the kids up, take them to their place and feed them, play with them all day. They treated my kids as
if they were their own. It’s something to be grateful about. People who supported me when I was in trouble. People held my
hands. People who stood on my side when I was going through tough times… They were the biggest strength. (Participant 9)

5. Discussion

This research was conducted on 10 North Korean refugees using Giorgi’s phenomenological method to examine their trauma
experiences and recovery. As a result of analyzing the statements of the participants, the 2 main categories were named ‘trauma
experiences during the escape,’ and ‘trauma recovery process.’ They comprised of 4 subcategories and 11 meaning units. Based on
these findings, we hereby discuss the trauma experiences and recovery process of North Korean refugees.
Trauma events are occurrences that bring substantial risks or discomfort beyond what humans normally experience in their lives
(Breslau et al.,1998), and when they occur, people involved experience post-traumatic stress. Individuals react differently to trauma,
but most people feel intense fear, anxiety, depression, and helplessness when they experience or witness adverse events. While living in
North Korea, North Korean refugees had experienced hardships such as starvation, dissatisfaction with the regime, illness, and
imprisonment. Although they chose to flee from North Korea in search of a better life, the trauma they encountered along the escape
process was also severe. First, they experienced life threats. After directly or indirectly encountering acute life-threatening situations,
they were in physical and emotional distress related to death. They had to battle the cold and suffer frostbite and bodily pain in order to
cross the river and reach China. They also had to walk endlessly on mountain paths through the night alone, not knowing where they
were headed and in continual bodily pain. These traumatic experiences resulted in negative thoughts and emotional distress, which are
all symptoms of post-traumatic stress. North Korean refugees were also experiencing the damage linked with such stress, as stress has a
negative impact on daily functioning (Ehlers & Clark, 2000; Janoff-Bulman, 1992).
Some participants were enveloped by fear of death while being imprisoned after being discovered during the escape. North Korea
officially defines defectors as “traitors who have betrayed their people and the socialist regime’ (Yoon, 1998). When discovered, the
defectors are arrested by security guards and forced to return to North Korea, where they are often humiliated and physically tortured
in prison (Kim & Jung, 2012). As such, study participants had experienced various trauma due to life –or-death situations. This is
consistent with findings from a prior study (Eom, 2009), which found that North Korean defectors face trauma such as death crises in
jail, malnutrition, gunshot wounds, life-or-death escapes, and drowning moments.
Next, North Korean refugees were experiencing trauma caused by emotional and psychological pain during the escape. As fugitives,
they lived a life of intense stress and anxiety. (Kim, 2020) found that North Korean refugees face the risk of being killed while fleeing
North Korea, and anxiety about repatriation as well as their uncertain future until they settle in South Korea. In fact, the study par­
ticipants stated that they experienced severe tension, worry, and nervousness as a result of their dread of being discovered, and that
they rarely felt at ease. They continue to live insecure lives due to the threat of arrest and forced repatriation, resulting in psychological
instability and emotional suffering (Paek, 2002), which is compounded by everyday stress brought on by the threat of detection and
retaliation (Son, 2012).
Also, some participants were experiencing interpersonal trauma. Even if they managed to flee North Korea, they were left with
sentiments of longing and sorrow for their families who remained behind. In fact, the majority of North Korean defectors reported
feelings of loneliness and longing after splitting up with close family members, relatives, and friends. They were also suffering

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psychologically because they felt guilty about the misery and dangers their family and friends were likely to face as a result of their
defection (Kim et al., 2018). Moreover, participants were frequently exposed to horrible situations during the escape, such as wit­
nessing the death of others. Trauma experiences such as death sightings coupled with feelings of guilt, anxiety, longing, and depression
can lead to mental health issues and adaptation difficulties (Jeon, 2000).
Finally, participants were subjected to the stigma, hostility, and unfair treatment because they were North Koreans. This is
consistent with a recent study (Kim et al., 2014), which found that North Korean refugees are commonly exploited due to their status,
subjected to unjust treatment and violence, and suffer from poor health.
Prior trauma experiences of North Korean refugees are re-experienced in the process of settling down and adapting to South Korean
life, causing a slew of adaption issues (Hong et al., 2010). On the other hand, trauma does not always result in issues; it can also serve as
a springboard for growth as people try to make sense of what happened to them. As a result, it is critical to consider the trauma re­
covery process.
In fact, study participants continued to make efforts to recover despite their traumatic experiences during the escape process.
Participants attempted to overcome the trauma of the escape through personal drive and will to recover. They were enduring agony in
their own ways in seemingly helpless situations; some relied on religion to overcome trauma and progress toward personal growth.
Survival in traumatic events implies both the positive aspects of growth and the pain of PTSD’s key symptoms (Schiraldi, 2000). It is
vital to wait for a period of self-healing and make careful observations to understand each person’s behavior during this time, in order
for trauma healing and growth to occur in accordance with individual traits and tendencies.
On the other hand, some participants’ memories of intense terror, survival crises, and stigmatization were still remembered as
painful subjective realities that continue to negatively impact their current lives. Thus, the significance of a trauma-focused psy­
chological counseling approach is emphasized in order to facilitate individuals heal and grow from their trauma experiences.
Currently, the Korea Hana Foundation runs a "North Korean refugee counseling" system to assist North Korean refugees with pro­
fessional psychological support, but most of them are limited to living guidance rather than psychological counseling (Kang & Sung,
2019). Thus, improving and reinforcing the South Korean government’s counseling system for North Korean refugees who complain of
psychological confusion, distress, and isolation is vital. Furthermore, the government should focus on reducing traumatic stress by
establishing a system that assesses the trauma experienced by North Korean refugees and swiftly initiates necessary care.
The interactions with persons who had dramatically aided in situations such as human rights abuses, labor exploitation, and death
crises in North Korea and a third country were particularly meaningful to the participants in this study. Participants also recalled the
hands that assisted them in learning South Korean culture and language, claiming that they were a critical factor in their recovery from
trauma and adaptation to South Korean society. Empathy and acceptance of "others" can be vital in the trauma recovery process (Park
& Ahn, 2016). Relationships are also important in the trauma healing process in that one confirms the significance of one’s existence
and goes on to reestablish oneself within a relationship (Rothschild, 2010; van der Hart et al., 1989). During their escape from North
Korea, some of the study participants encountered interpersonal trauma, and as a result, they struggled with mental health issues such
as depression and anxiety, and recurring social isolation and alienation. As a result, North Korean refugees with residual trauma
experiences require active assistance, coping strategies, and healing processes facilitated by healthy relationships.
This study is significant because it examined the trauma and healing of North Korean refugees in depth through the participants’
vivid voices. The findings can be used to develop a better counseling system and policies for North Korean refugees, as well as provide
guidance on trauma recovery and intervention. In addition, given the growing number of North Korean refugees, the findings of the
study may be used to assist them in adjusting to life in South Korea and improving their quality of life.
Based on the study participants’ trauma experiences and recovery processes, the following recommendations can be made. First,
trauma-induced aftereffects can have a significant impact on subsequent mental health and quality of life (Luxenberg et al. (2001)).
Thus, to fully comprehend and treat the trauma experiences of North Korean refugees, it is vital to look into how each sub-symptom,
personal personality characteristics, and environmental factors can be affected by trauma. Second, despite the fact that the study
participants’ trauma healing took place in the personal and relational realms, the recovery was insufficient in comparison to the
severity of the trauma. Given the higher frequency and severity of trauma experienced by North Korean refugees compared to other
refugees (Chang & Son, 2014; Kang, 2001), stronger trauma intervention initiatives for North Korean refugees are urgently needed. In
addition, customized counseling services and related studies based on the nature and severity of trauma will need to be actively
pursued. Third, efforts to comprehend the phenomena and processes of male North Korean refugees’ hardships, trauma experiences,
and adaptation to Korean society of are warranted. According to the male-female ratio of North Korean refugees entering South Korea,
the number of female refugees has been at least twice or at most five times the number of male refugees (Statistics Korea, 2021). In fact,
studies on North Korean refugees have primarily focused on the experiences of women (Lee, 2020). Future research should also look
into the trauma of North Korean refugees in greater depth, taking into account the length of the trauma event, the length of time spent
in third countries, and the type of trauma. Finally, because this study focuses on the recovery process of refugees who voluntarily
entered South Korea despite adversity, research on people who will experience social integration that does not align with their will or
political ideology during actual unification remains a post-unification task.

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