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NOMADIC PASTORALISM

Pastoral Nomads are defined as those people who are chiefly dependent on their domesticated
animals for survival and living.

Pastoral Nomadism may exist along with agricultural production but it involves a specialised way of
life for a social group or a community under a wider mode of production (like agriculture). What this
means is that sometimes Nomadic Pastoralism and agricultural way of life co – exist. But, essentially
both, agriculturalists and Pastoral Nomads use different tools of production to support their
livelihood. Small number of animals may be kept by cultivators but that is not Nomadic Pastoralism.
For example, Pastoral Nomadism is a type of food producing system in which families and individuals
travel more or less continuously with herds of animals. A rise in the number of animals herded with
specialised forms of animal management and changes in household organisation give the full
expression to Pastoral Nomadism. Pastoral Nomadism was integral to the wider economy in West
Asia, primarily in Turkey and Iran.

The origins of Pastoral Nomadic societies deal with a ceaseless cycle of mobility but scholars have
great difficulty in pinning down ancient nomads. We are told that nomadic pastoral cultures are
hidden in mysterious tombs, in their weapons, even in their works of art. In the Taurus mountains of
Turkey their image is one of living in tents and tent sites associated with hearths, ash dumps, midden
deposits and so on. The sites are characterised with variations depending on the herd size and social
complexity of a nomadic community.

Landscape is important for this way of living. There are limestone hills running in an east – west
direction in the Taurus Mountains. These rise out of the sea along the coastline. Then in this region
there are cuts of deep gorges, water streams and valleys, surrounded by granite stones sloping into
the low foothills of the Anatolia Plateau. In this region there are also found Volcanic coves. In
western Iran the tectonic plates meet head on and engulf Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf. The
implications of such a landscape for human settlement are profound as the population concentrates
on the plateau or by coastal plain. Mountain chains are significant barriers for agricultural
settlements yet the same regions can be penetrated by Nomadic Pastoralists. They were
predominantly found in the mountain chains of West Asia which provided routes by which trade and
communication was carried on. More significantly, these also served as migration routes for nomads
herding animals while also bringing them into contact with sedentary agricultural society. It was
interactions of this kind that significantly affected the social structures of Nomadic pastoralists.

Nomadic Pastoralism is a dual concept as it involves two factors – pastoralism and mobility. The
greater the degree of pastoralism, stronger is the tendency towards nomadism. It is distinct from
agricultural settlements as the more animals the nomads have, the further they move. An example
from ancient Anatolia explains this – “We have only 20 goats so we stay around the village but cross
- eyed Ahmet has 100 goats and sheep so each summer he goes to far off areas like Sultan Dag. The
more animals you have, the further you have to move…” There are certain necessary causes for the
emergence of Nomadic Pastoralism. These include – suitable animal species, a suitable physical
environment, suitable social relations required for continuous herding of animals and also focus on
appropriate technology.

Nomads in West Africa are described as keeping large number of cattle, sheep, goats and asses.
These types of animals confirm a pastoral emphasis. A mural painting from the site of Beni Hasan is
said to portray a tribal chieftain with his kinsmen who are shown armed with throwing sticks and
spears along with trained asses – this could be a nomadic group in migration. We are told that
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ancient Amorites practiced sheep nomadism. This practice was similar to the one pursued by the
Bedouin in Arabia with camel and goat nomadism. We are also told that Nomadic Pastoralism is a
fluctuating and unstable phenomenon. It involves a heavy commitment towards animals.

West Asia is dotted with mobile pastoral groups. The term Baluchi was originally used to describe
“nomads” in the region by settled agricultural groups. However, it is said that an earliest record of
something resembling nomadism in West Asia is the use of a blanket term – Amorites. This
described a highly mobile people along the margins of the Fertile Crescent in the first half of the 2 nd
millennium BC. Interpretations of the period point towards a small kingdom (minus the king) which
derived its income from river trade in the upper Euphrates River valley based intensively on
pastoralism. Around 1750 BC the surrounding people of tribal character in the Euphrates Valley such
as the Haneans, Suteans and Jamenites seemed to have been under different kinds of political
control. According to scholars, the Haneans depicted semi – nomadic pattern of residence in
riverside villages. They cultivated during the summer months, migrating in the winters into the
Khabur valley with their herds. We are told that the other two groups were involved in more
extensive migrations. Within this region, large scale settlement could be possible only when raids
and incursions of nomadic pastoralists could be resisted.

However, little is known about the subsistence pattern of nomadic pastoralists in the regions of
Taurus and also Zagros Mountains of West Asia where most nomadic pastoral people appeared.
What is known more commonly about them is that large number of animals were taken by nomadic
people in Assyria and in Anatolia’s Hittite kingdom on trading expeditions. The people of the hills like
the Guttians, Kassites and Hurrians were believed to be victims of Assyrian nomad’s raids and
considered them as marauders. There were other groups of people known to have nomadic affinities
like the Scythians and Sarmatians. But not much significance is attached to them. For example,
Sarmatians were described as partly nomadic, the tent dwellers, while others as farmers.

Among the Scythian tribes, there was considerable variation in their practice of Nomadic
Pastoralism. For instance, a form of Bedouin nomadism in the foothills of Taurus Mountains has
been documented in Roman times. During this time, the north – south migratory cycle in the Taurus
Mountains sometimes got interfered with the major trade routes running in the east – west
direction. Historical accounts provide evidence for substantial Nomadic presence in West Asia. Most
Nomadic Pastoralists were said to have a keen interest in trade. A picture emerges of Nomads as
active in long distance trade or Nomads following trade goods. However, this argument is not very
convincing as archaeological evidence does not show Nomads as the ideal medium for such
exchanges. Still, the rapid spread of burnished pottery of early Transcaucasian culture in the 3 rd
millennium BC has always been linked to Nomadic migrations.

Nomadic Pastoralism is understood as an alternate specialisation which arose under certain

economic and social conditions rather than through any trading or political system which indicates
towards a long – term interaction between sedentary and nomadic sectors. But it is important to
remember that Nomadic movement of pastoralists doesn’t have a fixed migration cycle nor can a
pattern be identified in their movement. The presence of a regular seasonal cycle of movement is
necessary but it is not the full expression of nomadic pastoralists. According to scholars there were
shifts in the migratory tracks of nomads in West Asia. It is not necessary that Nomadic Pastoralists
followed a well - defined migration route all the time. There were other Nomadic Pastoral sites for
example ceremonial sites, animal kill sites and hunting blinds where the nomads lived. Nomadic
Pastoralists also had rights for example rights in territory which Nomadic Pastoralists acquired
through succession or marriage, but, actual number of or composition of residential groups
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fluctuated according to seasonal density based on kinship connections and affiliations among the
Nomads. Changes in residences were also frequent, other than in base camps, for the exploitation of
resources -- these could be animals or even fish as marine resources around waterholes. Their
resource use schedule also constantly changed. Violent conflict was also part of Nomadic life as
some groups could be displaced by others. But according to scholars this is not easy to determine.

As pastoralists the nomads were not tied to a place, territory or sites. They invested in domestic
animals. As such their concept of territory was based on acquisition of pasture land rather than
establishing links between communities or between traders. Their consumption patterns were also
dependent on the search of pasture land or for the flock of right kind of animals. So, the territory of
a nomadic pastoralist might consist of a continuous strip of land over which a nomad or his
community may have temporary claim. The search for pasture provides the main stimulation. This is
dependent not only on the number of animals which may vary but also on such activities as milking,
processing and shearing of animals. The nomads also went from favourable years to disaster years.
When the animal productivity was down pastoralists required less pasture land. But such
fluctuations affected grazing rights, circulation of livestock and even dispersal of labour.

Sometimes the pastoral communities might have integrated at household level as some pastoralists
also practised agriculture, though seasonally and at a primitive level. For example, to take an
example from Pashtuns in Afghanistan, some families remained on land and indulged in cultivation
while others moved with the herds of animals. Some other nomadic communities alternated
between pastoral and agricultural cycle on an annual basis for example the Khurdish groups in West
Asia.

A highly packed column of sheep or black goats with a shepherd in West Asia ranged between 250 to
400. The choice of sheep or goat might have been guided by economic factors. Goats give higher
yields of milk and have shorter life cycle in flock demography. Their fertility and mortality remained
under cultural control. Around 5 to 6 years’ flocks were higher among flocks though their mortality
revolved around reproductive life, so the size of flocks fluctuated in the long run. The growth
potential of goat / sheep too varied as they were used in meat consumption or in sale of animals.
But generally, the tendency was towards expanding the size of the herd which was dependent on
ecological controls, carrying capacity of nomads and grazing stocks etc. According to scholars 2 out
of every 5 years in the region of Khurdistan in West Asia were disaster years affecting half of the
livestock holdings of a nomad. Disasters such as drought or epidemic, often in combination, or a
particularly severe winter, resulted in the loss of a large number of herds. In the Yoruks region of
southern Turkey such effects were considered profound. During severe winters in the region virtually
all households of nomadic pastoralists were affected, particularly of herders who were owners of
small number of animals.

For Nomadic Pastoralists in West Asia livestock wealth remained a fluctuating possession. Corelation
between wealth and household size always varied. Generally larger the herd size, smaller were the
households. The ratio of a nomad flock to a village flock was generally around 5:1. Optimal
household size depended on herd size, depending in turn on the size and consistency of pastoral
labour supply.

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