History of Bangladesh

History of the Emergence of Independent Bangladesh
ALOMGIR HOSSAIN
Lecturer
Department of Social Science
University of Global Village, Barishal.
Cell- 01738355061
Email- alomgir.hrp@gmail.com
This booklet is especially prepared for the student of University of

Global Village for partial fulfillment of syllabus of “History of the
Emergence of Independent Bangladesh”
Not for Sale

Table of Contents
Geographical features of Bangladesh ........................................................................................... 2
The Naming History of Bangladesh .............................................................................................. 6
Matsyanyayam .............................................................................................................................. 10
Pala Empire .................................................................................................................................. 11
Sena Rulers .................................................................................................................................. 14
Battle of Plassey (1757)................................................................................................................ 15
Battle of Buxar (1764) ................................................................................................................. 19
Permanent Settlement (1793) ...................................................................................................... 21
Sepoy mutiny (1858)..................................................................................................................... 26
Partition of Bengal (1905) ........................................................................................................... 29
Annulment of Partition of Bengal (1911) ................................................................................... 31
Partition of Bengal and Swadeshi Movement ............................................................................. 32
Lahore Resolution (1940) ............................................................................................................ 34
The two nation theory .................................................................................................................. 36
Disparity between East-West Pakistan since 1947...................................................................... 38
Language Movement.................................................................................................................... 46
Provincial Election of 1954 ......................................................................................................... 50
Twenty-One Point of United Front: Its Political Economy and Class Basis............................. 55
Six-point movement in 1966 ........................................................................................................ 59
Agartala Conspiracy .................................................................................................................... 64
Mass Uprising of 1969 ................................................................................................................. 66
The Election of 1970 .................................................................................................................... 68
Seventh March Speech of Bangabandhu.................................................................................... 70
Mujibnagar government .............................................................................................................. 73
Gallantry awards .......................................................................................................................... 76
The Contributions of Sheikh Mujib government (1972-75) ....................................................... 78
Reference ...................................................................................................................................... 80
Geographical features of Bangladesh

Geographical location of Bangladesh
Bangladesh is a country of South Asia and its location is in the Indian subcontinent. The
geographical location of Bangladesh is in 20034‘ north latitude to 26038‘ north latitude and 88001‘
east longitude to 92041‘ east longitude.
Boundaries of Bangladesh
Bangladesh has land borders with two countries; those are India and Myanmar.
In the north of Bangladesh there is West Bengal, Meghalaya and Assam provenance of India and
in the east, there is Assam, Tripura, Mizoram provenance of India and the country Myanmar and
in the west, there is West Bengal and Bihar provenance and in the south, there is the Bay of
Bengal.
The total length of the borderline of Bangladesh is 4711 kilometers. The total borderline with
India is 3715 kilometers and 280 kilometers with Myanmar and 716 kilometers is coastline on
the Bay of Bengal.
Size and Population of Bangladesh

The total area of Bangladesh is 1,48,460 square kilometers (57,320 square miles). According to
the population census of the Bangladeshi government total population is 169,356,251
The coastline of Bangladesh

In the southern part of Bangladesh, there is the Bay of Bengal. Its length is about 716 kilometers.
This coastline is between the southern parts of Coxes Bazar to the estuary of the river Roy
Mongol.
Physical features of Bangladesh

According to the configuration of the land, this country is divided into three parts. Those are
described below-
1. The plain lands of the low valley

Most of the area of BD is under this region. This area is covered with the rivers Padma,
Meghna, Jamuna, Brahmaputra, etc. Those rivers bring alluvium which is the main feature
of the soil of this area. Those rivers, their tributary and distributary river are covered almost
all the areas of this country like a web. Those rivers make transportation easier; goods and
peoples can transport within low cost using the water transportation system. The lands of
those areas are fertile for agriculture. Rice, jute, sugarcane and other agricultural products
are grown here. Those areas are overpopulated because of high yield. The forest, Sundarban
is under this area which is not favorable to agriculture. We collect wood and honey from
this forest and Royal Bengal Tiger is the main attraction of this forest.
2. The eastern hilly area
This area belongs to Chattogram hill tracts, north of Cumilla, the eastern part of Shylet and
the northern part of Mymensing. Small and medium hills are everywhere in this area. Those
hills are parts of Lushai of Assam and Arakan of Myanmar. The average height of those
hills is about 2000 feet. The hills of Cumilla, Shylet and Mymensing have a lower height
than those of Chattogram. Except for winter, heavy rainfall occurs in this area in all seasons.
So this area belongs to some rivers. This region is not suitable for agriculture. Some farmers
cultivate here on hills and on their valley they called it zoom. Plenty of tea harvested from
this area. This area has minerals like natural gas, limestone etc.
3. The northwest high lands
This area is divided into two parts, one is Barind tract and the other is Madhupur and
Bhawal gara. Barind tract belongs to Rangpur, Dinajpur, Rajshahi and Bogura. The color
soil of this area is red and those are not suitable for agriculture. The total size of this area is
9320 square kilometers. The total area of Madhupur and Bhawal gara is 4103 square
kilometers.
Rivers of Bangladesh
Bangladesh is a country of rivers. Many rivers, their tributary and distributary rivers are flowing
here like the web. Most of the important rivers of this country are Brahmaputra, Padma, Meghna,
Karnafuli etc. The importance of rivers in the economy of Bangladesh is more than we thought.
Climate and Rainfalls in Bangladesh

The climate of this country is mild. Tropic of cancer went in the mid of this country. Sea and
monsoon bring heavy rainfall here. The weather in this country is neither too hot nor too cold.
The Naming History of Bangladesh
Ancient Bangladesh
The name Bengali is believed to have originated from Bengal. Many people think that Bengal is
the name of an ancient nation. The first mention of the name 'Banga' is found in the book
'Aitareya Aranyaka'. So the antiquity of the township is undoubted. In Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari,
it is mentioned that the word 'Banga' was added to the word 'Al' to make Bengal or Bangla. 'Al'
means limit or dam. In the past, the 10 cubits high and 20 cubits wide stack built at the foot of
the hill of 'Banga Pradhan' was called 'Bangla'. Niharranjan Roy said, in the country of Bengal,
'Al' that is in these areas was seen in abundance which attracted the attention of Abul Fazl. As a
result, he added the suffix 'al' to Bengal to the country Named Bengal. However, Ramesh
Chandra Majumdar instead says that two countries named Banga and Bengal are found in ancient
inscriptions. In this context, Dr. Niharranjan Roy in his book 'History of Bengali' says, ―The
Himalayas in the north and the states of Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan from the Himalayas, the
Brahmaputra valley in the north-east, the plains north parallel to the Bhagirathi up to Dwarbanga
in the north-west: Garo-Khasia-Jaintia-Tripura in the east- Chittagong Shail Range Bahia to the
South Sea, Rajmahal Santal Pargana-Chotnagpur-Manbhum Dhalbhum- Mayurbhanj rocky
forested plateau of Keoy in the west; Bay of Bengal to the south. Within this natural demarcated
tract of land are Gaud-Pur-Barendriya-Rahad-Sukshma-Tamralipti-Samatat-Banga-Bengal-
Harikel etc. townships of ancient Bengal. This is the boundary of ancient Bengal.
In the ancient times (from several centuries BC to the fifth century AD, in some cases to the
thirteenth century) uniform Bengal was not a single and integral state or kingdom like present-
day Bangladesh. Different parts of Bengal were then divided into many small townships or
regions. And the ruler of each region ruled in his own way.
From the fourth century Gupta era, post-Gupta era, Pala, Sen era etc. engraved inscriptions and
literary texts the names of towns of ancient Bengal are found. It is not possible to say exactly
where and how much area these towns were. However, a rough idea of their location can be
obtained from various historical materials obtained from ancient times. Namely:
Gauda
Although the name Gauda is well known, there are many differences of opinion as to which
region exactly Gauda meant in ancient times. And why the area was called Gauda or that region
was called by this name is not known exactly till today. Gauda is first mentioned in Panini's text.
Kautilya's 'Arthashastra' mentions many industrial and agricultural products of the Gauda
country. In the texts of Vatsayana, the luxury of the citizens of Gauda in the third and fourth
centuries is also found. Harshavardhana's inscriptions prove that 'Gaudesh' was not far from the
sea coast. From the account of Varaha Mihir, written in the sixth century, it can be seen that
Gauda was a separate town from other towns like Pundra, Banga, Samatata. In 'Bhavishya
Purana' it is described as the region south of the river Padma and north of Burdwan. The
description of the people of the seventh century has considerable parallels with this saying. In the
7th century Gaudara Shashanka's capital was Karnasubarna near Murshidabad. And why only
Shashank, later this Gauda was the capital of many others. During the period of the Pala kings,
the name of Gauda was the highest. In North India a vast territory was then included in the
Gauda. Being the center of the empire, its glory was irresistible. Later, as the fortunes of the Pala
Empire changed, so did the fortunes of the Gaudas. Gaudas range then becomes limited. Modern
Maldah, Murshidabad, parts of Birbhum and Burdwan are considered to be the boundaries of
Gauda. In the 7th century Gaudaraja Shashanka's capital was Karnasubarna in Murshidabad
district. At the beginning of the Muslim era, Maldah district was known as Lakshmanavati
Gauda. Later Gauda meant the whole of Bengal.
Banga
Banga is a very ancient town. In very ancient texts it is said to be the neighbor of Magadha and
Kalinga towns. From the references in Mahabharata, it is understood that Banga, Pundra,
Tamralipta and Suhma are adjacent countries. The inscriptions of Chandragupta, Vikramaditya,
Chanakya Deva or Kautilya and the Rashtrakutas and the books of Kalidasa describe this town.
A town called Banga was formed in the east and south-east of present Bangladesh. It is assumed
that a tribe called 'Banga' lived here. Hence the township came to be known as 'Banga'. Evidence
suggests that the region between the Ganges and the Bhagirathi was called Bengal. During the
reign of the Pala and Sena kings, the area of Bengal shrank. At the end of the Pala Dynasty in the
11th century, Bengal was divided into two parts, known as North Bengal and South Bengal. The
Padma was the northern limit of the northern region, the southern delta region was South Bengal.
Later, during the reign of Keshav Sen and Vishwarup Sen, two divisions of Bengal were also
observed. But this time the names are different - one is 'Bikrampur' and the other is 'Navya'. In
ancient inscriptions the names of two regions of Bengal are found as Bikrampur and 'Navya'.
Bikrampur was part of the present Bikrampur Pargana and with it the modern Idilpur Pargana.
Navya says no place currently exists. It is believed that Faridpur, Barisal, lower marshes of
ancient Patuakhali were included in this navigable area. Bengal was formed by Greater Bogra,
Pabna, western part of Mymensingh district, Dhaka, Faridpur, Kushtia, Greater Comilla and
parts of Noakhali. The 'Bengali' nation originated from 'Banga'.
Pundra
Pundra is one of the most important towns of ancient Bengal. It is said that a caste called 'Pundra'
built this township. This race is mentioned in Vedic literature and Mahabharata. Pundranagar
was the capital of the kingdom of Pundras. Later it was named Mahasthangarh. Perhaps during
the reign of the Maurya emperor Ashoka (273-232 BC), the ancient kingdom of Pundra lost its
independent existence. With increasing prosperity, it was transformed into Pundravardhana in
the fifth-sixth centuries. Pundravardhan at that time was spread over at least Bogra, Dinajpur and
Rajshahi districts. Almost all of northern Bengal starting from Rajmahal-Ganga-Bhagirathi to
Karatoa was probably included in Pundravardhan at that time. During the Sena period, the
southernmost limit of Pundravardhan was a mere gulf across the Padma (present Khari Parganas
of Twenty-four Parganas) and extended up to the sea coast of Dhaka-Barisal. Scholars speculate
that Mahasthangarh, seven miles from Bogra, is the remnant of the ancient city of
Pundravardhan. Puri was ancient in terms of traces of ancient civilization. The most prosperous
town in Bengal. Perhaps the oldest inscriptions found on stone discs found in Bangladesh have
been found here.
Harikela
Seventh century writers describe another town called Harikela. According to the Chinese traveler
Yi Tsing, Horicle was at the end of Eastern India. And in the inscriptions of some people, the
identity of Horikal can be found in the present Chittagong as well. By reviewing all the data, it
can be assumed that earlier Harikal town was spread from Srihatt (Sylhet) to special part of
Chittagong. However, in the middle lies the flat state - which can cause some confusion. In fact,
there was a very relaxed situation in some parts of the town. Apart from that, although Banga,
Samat and Harikal are three separate townships, as they are very close neighbors, it is believed
that sometimes the influence of other townships prevailed in some areas. In fact, Harikela was an
independent kingdom from the seventh and eighth centuries to the tenth and eleventh centuries.
But after the possession of Chandradwipa by King Trailokya Chandra of the Chandra Dynasty of
East-Bengal, Harikela is roughly considered a part of Bengal. Many people consider Horikell to
be the same as Sylhet.
Samatat
Samatat was the neighboring town of Bengal in East and South-East Bengal. The region was
humid lowland. Some believe that Samatat is the ancient name of present day Comilla. Others
think that the plain was formed with Comilla and Noakhali region. From the seventh century to
the twelfth century, the present Tripura district was a part of the plateau. At one time the western
limit of this township extended up to the Khari Parganas of twenty-four parganas. The coastal
region from the eastern bank of the Ganga-Bhagirathi to the mouth of the Meghna was probably
called Samatata. Bara Kamta, 12 miles west of Comilla city, was its capital in the seventh
century.
Barendra
Barendree, Barendra or Barendra Bhumi is another town known in ancient Bengal. It is also a
town in North Bengal. Varendra Pundravardhan was the most important area of the township.
The main town of the town, Pundranagara, the center of provincial administration during the
Mauryan and Gupta periods, was also located in this Barendra area. So it cannot be called
township. But the entire area was once known by this name. So it was given the status of a town
in the history of ancient Bengal. It can be undoubtedly said that the location of this town was in
the area between the Ganga and Karatoa rivers. The Barendra region extended over large parts of
Bogra, Dinajpur and Rajshahi districts and possibly Pabna district.
From the townships of ancient Bengal, we can get a rough idea about the geographical features
of Bengal at that time, the political features of the boundaries, etc. Ancient Bengal There was no
political unity then. Strong rulers used to gain ruling power over multiple towns by expanding
their dominance. Thus townships played a role as the first territorial units or administrative units
in ancient Bengal and later helped form political unity. Abdul Karim Ekam said in his book
'Bangala and Bengali' about Bengal, ―Revolutionary changes in the state, social and economic
life of Bengal began in the middle of the fourteenth century after the Muslim conquest. At this
time, Sultan Shams-ud-Din Ilyas Shah completely conquered Bengal and became the sole Sultan.
From this time he came to be known as Shah-i-Bangala, Shah-i-Bangalion and Sultan-i-Bangala.
During the Mughal period it became 'Subaye Bangalah'. Bengala is used in Portuguese
documents and Bengali in English writings. Later the name Bangla and present day Bangladesh
came from Bengal.
Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,
University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)
Matsyanyayam
Matsyanyayam the condition of Bengal in the century following the death of SHASANKA and
before the rise of the Palas (c 750-850 AD) has been described as matsyanyayam
(matsyanyayam). In a near contemporary inscription, the Khalimpur copperplate of the 32nd year
of the second Pala ruler DHARMAPALA, and the 12th century RAMACHARITAM kavya of
Sandhyakaranandi the anarchical condition of Bengal preceding the rise of the Pala dynasty is
found mentioned as matsyanyayam.
The Sanskrit term matsyanyayam, used in ancient texts, bears special significance. The Kautilya
Arthaxastra (1.4.13-14) defines the term as follows: When the law of punishment is kept in
abeyance, it gives rise to such disorder as is implied in the proverb of fishes, ie, the larger fish
swallows a smaller one, for in the absence of a magistrate, the strong will swallow the weak.
LAMA TARANATHA, the 17th century Tibetan historian of Buddhism in India, also mentions that
all of Bengal was pervaded by an unprecedented anarchy in the century before the rise of the
Palas. Government was fragmented, with no king having real control
over GAUDA, VANGA or SAMATATA. Ksatriyas, Brahmanas, merchants and townsmen all were
kings in their own homes. The sufferings and strife of the common people were intolerable.
The writer of the Manjusrimulakalpa declared that after Shashanka the state of Gauda was
paralysed, and whoever was king thereafter would not be able to rule for even a year. According
to the same source there was a disastrous famine in the period in the eastern region of India.
From the above it appears clear that in the century following the reign of Shashanka Bengal saw
very little of stable government. The country was torn into many small kingdoms and internecine
warfare among them caused the instability. In the absence of a strong force capable of enforcing
law and order, a situation prevailed that has been termed as matsyanyayam. Physical strength
was the only strength, and throughout the land ran the frenzy of unbridled, unruly might. In order
to put an end to this state of affair, GOPALA emerged as the king of Bengal and founded the rule
of the PALA DYNASTY.
We have no direct evidence from which to discern the social ramifications of this anarchy. But
indirect deductions from the available evidence make it clear that in the absence of peace and
order there was a decline in trade and commerce. The loss of prominence of the port of
Tamralipti after the 8th century AD is suggestive of this decay. Among the ruins of Mahasthana
it can be seen that the temples and monasteries of the Pala period were built on the ruins of the
earlier Gupta and post-Gupta eras. It would seem that the destruction belongs to the age of
anarchy. The devastating famine mentioned earlier may have had a connection with the
prevailing anarchy.
In the absence of a strong king, the feudal vassals, each one independent and autonomous, must
have been instrumental in creating anarchy. And the sagacity of a few of them must have brought
an end to the state of lawlessness; some of them coming together brought Gopala to power.
Pala Empire
The Pala Empire was an imperial power that was founded by Gopala I in 8th century A.D. It was
a glorious Buddhist imperial power that left a great legacy on the political and cultural history of
Bengal and at large , the Indian Subcontinent .
We come to know about the Pala dynasty and its art and architecture through various sources
such as Khalimpur Copper Inscription , Munger Copper Plates, Badal Pillar Inscription ,
inscriptions found in Nalanda and various other sources. During the time of Palas , Buddhism
was dominant , and we see a creation and translation of a lot of Buddhist literature, which also
tells about the Palas and how they encouraged literature. But though many sources have been
found in regards to Palas, but still a lot of sources couldn‘t survive the ravages of time or
couldn‘t be found possibly. Due to this reason , a lot of information and facts about the Pala
dynasty are still unknown or obscure in present times 28 Dates not mentioned due to various
dates from various scholars 29 Lack of sources, there is a confusion among various historians
over successor with given technology and other means. Despite that , it is necessary to know
about Palas because they played a huge role in the history of Indian subcontinent both politically
and socio- culturally aspects. The situation in Bengal was chaotic and of instability in 8th
century. The state of the region is even compared to ‗Law of Fishes‗which means total
breakdown of peace or prevalence of anarchy in the region and the society. Before the ascension
of Palas , the region was seeing constant wars and rule of different kinds of regional kingdoms
which was causing a lot of confusion in the society and due to this this state, the region,
especially the chieftains, was suffering from economic and social problems such as famines ,
poverty , losses in work and production , civil wars etc. at a high extent . So, to resolve this, the
chiefs of Bengal decided to elect Gopala , who founded the Pala dynasty, to rule the region . This
was a distinctive solution though it is known that it was practiced in the tribal kingdoms and
secondly it was not per se direct election of the ruler by the people, but still it was a unique
political solution for the region to ensure strong central power and sovereign. This might have
been done looking at the benefits the strong central state accrued by ensuring peace and security
in the region. Gopala I, though scholars still debate the exact date of his ascension to throne, but
generally it is agreed in and around 750 CE. Immediately after his reign, Gopala started his
military and political consolidation and brought kingdoms Gaur, Varendra and parts of Magadha
under his direct rule. In his short reign, he bought peace in the region whileconsolidating his
empire. Gopala has not left epigraphical evidences, due to the fact constant wars for
consolidation and ensuring peace in a very short reign .Dharmapala , the second ruler , succeeded
his father Gopala I. He is considered one of the greatest Pala rulers. In his rule, he constantly
faced the threat from Gurjara-Pratiharas , Rashtrakutas . However, with his political and military
skills and little fate, he was able to conquer Kannauj and other large territories and was able to
get other states such as Avanti, Gandhara etc. to accept his sovereignty over them through astute
diplomacy and power. He assumed the major imperial title of Parmeshwara Parambhattaraka
Maharajadhiraja , which signifies his might and power as an Emperor in the Subcontinent. Apart
from political conquest, he was an ardent believer of Buddhism and constructed Vikramsila
Monastery and University which was the contemporary of Nalanda University. Though
Buddhist, he was not against any other religion. His rule is considered to be great age for
Buddhism. Devapala succeeded Dharmapala I. Considered to be the greatest ruler of Pala
dynasty, he increased the size of empire to include all regions from Himalayas in North to
Vindhyas in South . It was Devapala, who is credited to defeated the powerful kingdoms and
kings of Hunas , Dravidas, Gurjaras etc. Devapala not only worked on the empire politically and
militarily but he also credited for increasing the glory of Nalanda University as its guardian and
also an ardent Buddhist, gave five villages to the King Ballaputradeva for the monastery in
Nalanda. Devapala with his might power and love and devotion to Buddhism, took the Palas to
new glory and heights.
But unfortunately, this glory didn‘t last for very long. The later Pala‘s who succeeded Deva Pala
was weak rulers. Though due to lack of sources, there is confusion among the Scholars about the
successor of Deva Pala, but it can also be possible that there might have been war of succession
or split of empire among the sons of Deva Pala due to which along with lack of sources there is
confusion on successor of Deva Pala. Because of these internal wars and dissension, weak
successor and their policies and rise of new powers and the constant threat from Pratiharas led to
loss of major areas. Another reason for the weakening of hold of Pala‘s can be the foreign
invasions from central India, though there is a little evidence of effect of invasions on Pala‘s
founded till now. Though two Pala rulers Maniple and Ramapala almost restored Pala prestige
during their reign but despite that also, Pala‘s finally declined by 12th century, ending the rule of
powerful yet rocky and erratic empire in its years after Deva Pala I.
Conclusion
So as to conclude, we can say that the Pala Empire though being powerful in its initial years but
became inconstant in its last years, still plays a big role in Ancient Indian History. It is credited
to be the one of the major Buddhist Imperial power due to which Buddhism became one of the
biggest religion in the north and eastern region and ensured peace and stability in the region after
the state of anarchy in 7-8th century AD. The Pala‘s through their astute diplomacy, politics and
propagation of Buddhism, were able to influence not only the regional history but also the Indian
Subcontinent‘s history.

Sena Rulers
A short history of the Sena Rulers as mentioned in the Pala Inscriptions: By- Dr. Supam
Mukherjee
From the Deopara inscription of Vijaysena we know that Samanta Sena is also for the first king
of the pala Dynasty. The original home of the sena family is believed to be Karnataka from
where the senas migrated to Bengal. Samanta Sena has been described in the some inscription as
Brahmasns first and subsequently become kastriyas. Hemanta sena, son of Samanta Sena seems
to have been succeeded his fathe and he seems to have been a very powerful chief ruling over
some parts of Bengal.
Hemantasena was succeeded by his son vijoya sena who has to his erudite some very importance
inscriptions like Barrackpur copper plate Vijay sena probably ruled for a very long time, i.e. over
sixty years. Vijoysena was succeeded by his son vallasena in 1158 or 1160A.D. we have only
one single important inscription of the time of vallasena, i.e naihati copper plate. Inscription
vallasena perhaps overpowered madanpala; the last palas of Magadha might have received the
final defect. Vallasena, the royal disciple of Anirudha Valta seems to have composed four works,
of which two are known to exist. Laksmana sena succeeded vallala sena in about 1178-79 A.D.
we have in our possession & inscriptions of Laksmana sena himself was very old and could not
look after the affairs of the kingdom , these were signs of disintegrations within the sena
kingdom itself conducted by
The Turkish in vader Mohammed bin Baktiyer Khilji, who gradually established his supremacy
in Bihar invaded and compelled the old king Laksmana sena to take shelter in eastern Bengal.
Laksmana sena rule existed from 1178-1206 AD and he was succeeded by two kings of very
minor importance.

Battle of Plassey (1757)
Siraj Ud Doulah Robert Clive
Mir Jafor
Battle of Plassey was the major reason for the consolidation of the British rule in India. This
battle was fought between the East India Company headed by Robert Clive and the Nawab of
Bengal (Siraj-Ud-Daulah) and his French Troop. This battle is often termed as the „decisive
event‟ which became the source of ultimate rule of British in India. The battle occurred during
the reign of Mughal empire (called later mughals) although post-Aurangzeb‟s demise. Mughal
emperor Alamgir-II was ruling when Battle of Plassey took place.
It is a battle fought between the East India Company force headed by Robert Clive and Siraj-Ud-
Daulah (Nawab of Bengal). The rampant misuse by EIC officials of trade privileges annoyed
Siraj. The continuing misconduct by EIC against Siraj-Ud-Daulah led to the battle of Plassey in
1757.
Causes of the Battle of Plassey
Majorly the reasons for the Battle of Plassey to take place were:
 The rampant misuse of the trade privileges given to the British by the Nawab of Bengal.
 Non-payment of tax and duty by the workers of the British East India Company
Other reasons that supported the coming of this battle were
 Fortification of Calcutta by British without Nawab‟s permission

 Misleading Nawab on various fronts by British
 An asylum was provided to Nawab‟s fugitive Krishna Das
The East India Company had a strong presence in India majorly at Fort St. George, Fort William,
and Bombay Castle.
The British resorted to having an alliance with the Nawabs and princes in exchange for security
against any form of external and internal attack and were promised concessions in return for their
safety and protection.
The problem arose when the alliance was disrupted under the rule of Nawab of Bengal (Siraj-
Ud-Daulah). The Nawab started seizing the fort of Calcutta and imprisoning many British
Officials in June 1756. The prisoners were kept in a dungeon in Fort William. This incident is
called the Black Hole of Calcutta since only a handful of the prisoners survived the captivity
where over a hundred people were kept in a cell
meant for about 6 people. The East India company planned an attack and Robert Clive bribed
Mir Jafar, the commander-in-chief of the Nawab‟s army, and also promised him to make him
Nawab of Bengal.
The Battle of Plassey was fought at Palashi, on the banks of Bhagirathi river near Calcutta on
June 23, 1757.
After three hours of intense fighting, there was a heavy downpour. The one of the reasons for the
defeat of Nawab was the lack of planning to protect their weapons during the heavy downpour
which turned the table in favour of the British army apart from the major reason of treachery by
Mir Jafar.
Siraj-Ud-Daulah‟s army with 50,000 soldiers, 40 cannons and 10 war elephants was defeated by
3,000 soldiers of Robert Clive. The battle ended in 11 hours and Siraj-Ud-Daulah fled from the
battle post his defeat.
According to Robert Clive, 22 men died and 50 were injured from the British troops. The Nawab
army lost about 500 men, including several key officials and many of them even suffered several
casualties.
Who Fought the Battle of Plassey?
The table below will inform the IAS aspirants to know the participants of the battle of Plassey
and their significance on the battle:
Participants of Battle of Plassey Role in the Battle of Plassey
Siraj-Ud-Daulah (Nawab of Bengal)
 Involved in Black-Hole Tragedy (imprisoned 146 English persons who were lodged in a
very tiny room due to which 123 of them died of suffocation)
 Adversely affected by the rampant misuse of trade privileges by the EIC
 Attacked and seized the English fort at Calcutta, it brought their hostility into the open
Robert Clive (EIC)

 Gave asylum to political fugitive Krishna Das disappointing Siraj-Ud-Daulah
 Misuse of trade privileges
 Fortified Calcutta without the nawab‟s permission
Mir Jafar (Commander-in-Chief of Nawab‟s army)

 Bribed by East India Company (EIC)
 Was to be made the Nawab by EIC for conspiring against Siraj-Ud-Daulah
 Cheated Siraj-Ud-Daulah during the battle

Rai Durlabh (Hindu Ruler)
 Joined his army with Siraj-Ud-Daulah‟s but did not participate in the battle
 Betrayed Siraj
Jagat Seth (Influential Banker)

 Involved in the conspiracy involving the imprisonment and ultimate killing of Nawab
Siraj-Ud-Daulah
Omi Chand (Bengal Merchant)

 One of the principal authors of the conspiracy against Nawab and associated with the
treaty negotiated by Robert Clive before the Battle of Plassey in 1757
Effects of Battle of Plassey

Apart from British getting political power of Northern India but only after Nawabs, there were
several other effects in many forms that came out as a result of Battle of Plassey. They can be
categorised as:
Political Effects
 The Battle of Plassey resulted at the end of the French forces.
 Mir Jafar was crowned as the Nawab of Bengal
 Mir Jafar was unhappy with the position and instigated the Dutch to attack the British in
order to consolidate his foundation.
 Battle of Coinsure was fought between the Dutch and British forces on November 25,
1759.
 The British installed Mir Qasim as the Nawab of Bengal.
 The British became the paramount European power in Bengal.
 Robert Clive was titled ―Lord Clive‖, Baron of Plassey and also obtained a seat in the
British House of Commons.
Economic Effects
 The economy of India was affected severely.
 Post the victory, the British started imposing severe rules and regulations on the
inhabitants of Bengal in the name of tax collection.

Battle of Buxar (1764)
It was a battle fought between the English Forces, and a joint army of the Nawab of Oudh,
Nawab of Bengal, and the Mughal Emperor. The battle was the result of misuse of trade
privileges granted by the Nawab of Bengal and also the colonialist ambitions of East India
Company.
Background of the Battle of Buxar
Before the battle of Buxar, one more battle was fought. It was the Battle of Plassey that gave the
British a firm foothold over the region of Bengal. As a result of the Battle of Plassey, Siraj-Ud-
Daulah was dethroned as the Nawab of Bengal and was replaced by Mir Jafar (Commander of
Siraj‘s Army.) After Mir Jafar became the new Bengal nawab, the British made him their puppet
but Mir Jafar got involved with Dutch East India Company. Mir Qasim (son-in-law of Mir Jafar)
was supported by the British to become the new Nawab and under the pressure of the Company,
Mir Jafar decided to resign in favour of Mir Kasim. A pension of Rs 1,500 per annum was fixed
for Mir Jafar.
A few reasons which were the key to the Battle of Buxar are given below:
 Mir Qasim wanted to be independent and shifted his capital to Munger Fort from
Calcutta.
 He also hired foreign experts to train his army, some of whom were in direct conflict with
the British.
 He treated Indian merchants and English as same, without granting any special privileges
for the latter.
 These factors fuelled the English to overthrow him and war broke out between Mir
Kasim and the Company in 1763.
The battle of Buxar ended with the Treaty of Allahabad in 1765.
Result of Battle of Buxar
 Mir Qasim, Shuja-Ud-Daula and Shah Alam-II lost the battle on October 22, 1764.
 Major Hector Munro won a decisive battle and Robert Clive had a major role in that.
 English became a great power in northern India.
 Mir Jafar (Nawab of Bengal) handed over districts of Midnapore, Burdwan and
Chittagong to the English for the maintenance of their army.
 The English were also permitted duty-free trade in Bengal, except for a duty of two per
cent on salt.
 After the death of Mir Jafar, his minor son, Najimud-Daula, was appointed nawab, but
the real power of administration lay in the hands of the naib-subahdar, who could be
appointed or dismissed by the English.
 Clive made political settlements with Emperor Shah Alam II and Shuja-Ud-Daula of
Awadh in the Treaty of Allahabad.
Not for Sale

Permanent Settlement (1793)
Lord Cornwallis
What is Permanent Settlement? Discuss its merits and demerits
Prior to the arrival of Lord Cornwallis in India, no permanent settlement was made in Bengal in
the sphere of revenue administration.
Cornwallis was the first Governor General who paid his attention to the revenue reforms and
attained a great success and tremendous fame.
It was the permanent reform of Cornwallis in India. At the time of appointment of Cornwallis as
governor General. The condition of the farmers of India was very deplorable and the land
revenue system of the East India Company was ridden with defects.
Hence, Cornwalis resorted to Permanent Settlement for the good of the farmers. When
Cornwallis arrived in India, the land revenue system was as follows:
1. The farmers had to pay cultivation tax to the Government.
2. The system of annual settlement was in Vogue.
Hastings had introduced the Five-Year Settlement according to which the right of realization of
tax was given to the highest bidder for five years on contract basis.
But there was a great problem in this system in as much as that at the time of auction, the
contractors to make such a high bid, that they failed to deposit the amount of the bid in tie royal
treasury.
Hence this system was converted into annual system on contract basis but this alternative made
the situation all the more intricate the new contractors who had no experience of realization of
the tax could not control the situation.
The contract system proved harmful for both the peasants and the company and the productivity
of the land begin to decrease rapidly. Hence the weaknesses of the annual system were clearly
apparent at the time of the appointment of Cornwallis.
In order to improve the deplorable condition of the peasants and the company, Cornwallis started
this system which came to be known as permanent settlement.
This permanent settlement continued in India till India achieved freedom. It chief aim was to
impart stability to the revenue system.
Keeping in view all these advantages, the scheme of permanent settlement was introduced in
Bengal for the good of the people.
The East India Company permitted Cornwallis to implement the permanent settlement in Bengal.
It was ordered that first, he should make the revenue settlement with the peasants for ten years
and later on, this system should be made permanent.
Hence, on 10th February, 1790, ten year‘s settlement was introduced. It was also declared on this
occasion that it would be made permanent as soon as the permission of the Board of Directors
had been obtained.

Cornwallis received the permission of the British government in 1793 A.D. and the Permanent
Settlement was .enforced on 23rd 1793 A.D.
Before the commencement of the tenure of Cornwallis, the landlords were not considered to be
the owners of the land. By the permanent settlement, the landlords were accepted to be the
owners of the land in place of peasants.
The revenue of Tie Company was decided and it began to be realized from the landlords instead
of from the farmers.
The revenue which was to be paid by the landlords was fixed once for all. There was no
possibility of making a change in it. So long, the landlords continued to pay the revenue in time,
they remained the owners of their land.
The revenue which was to be paid by the peasants to the landlords was also fixed through patty
system. The landlord had no right to make any enhancement or reduction in i without the
permission of the Court.
Outardly, this system of permanent settlement looked to be purely an economic system but
actually, it gave birth to a social revolution. It gave rise to a new class of potentates, Talluqdars
and landlords who soon established their control on the Indian society.
Cornwallis introduced this permanent settlement with great patience. There were two reasons
behind this. Firstly, the psychological reason was that cornwallis was greatly impressed by
zamindari system of England and while solving the social and economic problems of India, he
thought it worthwhile to establish a powerful feudal system in India also in order to keep control
over the peasants and to strengthen the economic position of the country.
Secondly, the English officers were fed up with the problem of realisation of tax every year. It
made the income of the company indefinite, so he thought it essential to introduce the permanent
settlement.
Merits and Demerits of the Permanent Settlement
Scholars hold different opinions about the merits and demerits of the Permanent Settlement. Mr.
Marshman has written, ―It was a bold, brave and wise measure.‖ Whereas Mr.
Holmes writes, ―The permanent settlement was a sad blunder.‖ In the same way several other
historians hold divergent opinions about its merits and demerits.
Merits of Permanent Settlement:

1. With the implementation of Permanent Settlement the condition of the peasants improved a lot
and their fields began to produce rich crops.
The improvement in agriculture also influenced the trade and commerce of the country. As a
result of this all round progress, the province of Bengal became the most prosperous one.
It was also relieved from the famines Economics prosperity of Bengal helped the rise of art and
literature. In this way the education and culture developed in Bengal.
2. The Government of the company was benefited a lot by the Permanent Settlement. The
political advantages of the English made this settlement all the more significant.
All the landlords who became the owners of the land felt obliged to the English Government and
became its true supporters as the time of revolt. Owing to the liberal view of the Government
their separate category was formed and they began to earn ample of money without any effort or
labour.
3. With the passage of time the rich landlords began to invest their wealth in trade and
commerce. Although the government could not increase the revenue in future yet the flourishing
trade enabled the English to impose some fresh taxes on the traders and thus they earned a lot of
wealth through new tax levied on these landlords. Besides this, the Permanent Settlement led
India towards modernisation in the sphere of revenue system.
4. It freed the English government of the problem of fixation of revenue every year. Moreover,
the income of the government was fixed once for all, which enabled it to make its planning
according to its resources of income. In case, the landlords did not make payment of their tax, the
loss was made good by selling a part of the land of the zamindar.
5. The implementation of the permanent settlement also benefited the peasants. So far, they were
forced to pay more and more to the landlords but now their revenue and also fixed through a
patty agreement deed which saved them from the harassment from the landlords.
6. It not only increased the agricultural produce but also enhanced the area under cultivation.
7. So far, a large number of employees were involved in the revenue administration of the
company but the implementation of the permanent settlement enabled them to devote their
services to the other department of the company as there was no work in this department now.
Demerits of the Permanent Settlement:
On the other hand there are some scholars who hold the opinion that the Permanent Settlement
adversely affected the interests of the landlords, peasants and the company alike. Actually, this
settlement proved defective due to the following reasons.
1. The Permanent Settlement adversely affected the income of the company as the revenue was
fixed quite on the low side due to lack of proper measurement.
2. It benefited only the landlords and the condition of the farmers could not be improved as much
as was expected. The poor farmers continued to be the victims of the harassments of the
landlords who exploited them for their own selfish motives.
3. The British government expected that with the implementation of permanent settlement the
income of the company would increase tremendously but their expectations were not fulfilled.
4. This settlement also proved harm full for the landlords who failed to deposit the required
revenue in the royal treasury in time. As a result, their land was sold off.
5. The landlords became indolent and led luxurious lives due to their richness. They did not pay
proper attention to their lands and left them to their employees who made no serious efforts for
the improvement of agricultural produce.
6. The peasants continued to be at the receiving end of the cruelties of the landlords. They
continued to realise the maximum revenue from the peasants and deposited only the minimum in
the treasury of the company.
7. It hurt the national feeling of the people because this system created a special class of
zamindars in the country who became the true devotees of the English. This class did not support
the people during the war of independence.
8. It was really a great mistake on the part of Cornwallis that he deprived the majority of the
cultivators of the right of ownership of land and made the landlords owners 01 the land. Sir
Charles Metcalfe writes about it, ―Cornwallis instead of being the creator of prosperity in India
was the great destroyer of it.‖
Mr. Beveridge also comments in this context, „A very grave blunder as well as gross injustice
war committed when a settlement was made with the landlords alone and the rights of the
farmers were completely ignored.‖
Dr. Ishwari Prasad remarks about Permanent Settlement, ―The Permanent Settlement also
sacrificed the future interest of the state and deprived it of the right of increased revenue
resulting from increased prosperity.‖

Sepoy mutiny (1858)
Mongol Pandey
Background
To regard the rebellion merely as a sepoy mutiny is to underestimate the root causes leading to it.
British paramount—i.e., the belief in British dominance in Indian political, economic, and
cultural life—had been introduced in India about 1820. The British increasingly used a variety of
tactics to usurp control of the Hindu princely states that were under what were called subsidiary
alliances with the British. Everywhere the old Indian aristocracy was being replaced by British
officials. One notable British technique was called the doctrine of lapse, first perpetrated by Lord
Dalhousie in the late 1840s. It involved the British prohibiting a Hindu ruler without a natural
heir from adopting a successor and, after the ruler died or abdicated, annexing his land. To those
problems may be added the growing discontent of the Brahmans, many of whom had been
dispossessed of their revenues or had lost lucrative positions.
Another serious concern was the increasing pace of Westernization, by which Hindu society was
being affected by the introduction of Western ideas. Missionaries were challenging the religious
beliefs of the Hindus. The humanitarian movement led to reforms that went deeper than the
political superstructure. During his tenure as governor-general of India (1848–56), Lord
Dalhousie made efforts toward emancipating women and had introduced a bill to remove all
legal obstacles to the remarriage of Hindu widows. Converts to Christianity were to share with
their Hindu relatives in the property of the family estate. There was a widespread belief that the
British aimed at breaking down the caste system. The introduction of Western methods of
education was a direct challenge to orthodoxy, both Hindu and Muslim.
The mutiny broke out in the Bengal army because it was only in the military sphere that Indians
were organized. The pretext for revolt was the introduction of the new Enfield rifle. To load it,
the sepoys had to bite off the ends of lubricated cartridges. A rumor spread among the sepoys
that the grease used to lubricate the cartridges was a mixture of pigs‘ and cows‘ lard; thus, to
have oral contact with it was an insult to both Muslims and Hindus. There is no conclusive
evidence that either of these materials was actually used on any of the cartridges in question.
However, the perception that the cartridges were tainted added to the larger suspicion that the
British were trying to undermine Indian traditional society. For their part, the British did not pay
enough attention to the growing level of sepoy discontent.
The rebellion
In late March 1857 a sepoy named Mangal Pandey attacked British officers at the military
garrison in Barrackpore. He was arrested and then executed by the British in early April. Later in
April sepoy troopers at Meerut refused the Enfield cartridges, and, as punishment, they were
given long prison terms, fettered, and put in jail. This punishment incensed their comrades, who
rose on May 10, shot their British officers, and marched to Delhi, where there were no European
troops. There the local sepoy garrison joined the Meerut men, and by nightfall the aged
pensioner Mughal emperor Bahādur Shah II had been nominally restored to power by a
tumultuous soldiery. The seizure of Delhi provided a focus and set the pattern for the whole
mutiny, which then spread throughout northern India. With the exception of the Mughal emperor
and his sons and Nana Sahib, the adopted son of the deposed Maratha peshwa, none of the
important Indian princes joined the mutineers.
From the time of the mutineers‘ seizure of Delhi, the British operations to suppress the mutiny
were divided into three parts. First came the desperate struggles at Delhi, Kanpur, and Lucknow
during the summer; then the operations around Lucknow in the winter of 1857–58, directed by
Sir Colin Campbell; and finally the ―mopping up‖ campaigns of Sir Hugh Rose in early 1858.
Peace was officially declared on July 8, 1859.
A grim feature of the mutiny was the ferocity that accompanied it. The mutineers commonly shot
their British officers on rising and were responsible for massacres at Delhi, Kanpur, and
elsewhere. The murder of women and children enraged the British, but in fact some British
officers began to take severe measures before they knew that any such murders had occurred. In
the end the reprisals far outweighed the original excesses. Hundreds of sepoys were bayoneted or
fired from cannons in a frenzy of British vengeance (though some British officers did protest the
bloodshed).
Aftermath
The immediate result of the mutiny was a general housecleaning of the Indian administration.
The East India Company was abolished in favour of the direct rule of India by the British
government. In concrete terms, this did not mean much, but it introduced a more personal note
into the government and removed the unimaginative commercialism that had lingered in the
Court of Directors. The financial crisis caused by the mutiny led to a reorganization of the Indian
administration‘s finances on a modern basis. The Indian army was also extensively reorganized.
Another significant result of the mutiny was the beginning of the policy of consultation with
Indians. The Legislative Council of 1853 had contained only Europeans and had arrogantly
behaved as if it were a full-fledged parliament. It was widely felt that a lack of communication
with Indian opinion had helped to precipitate the crisis. Accordingly, the new council of 1861
was given an Indian-nominated element. The educational and public works programs (roads,
railways, telegraphs, and irrigation) continued with little interruption; in fact, some were
stimulated by the thought of their value for the transport of troops in a crisis. But insensitive
British-imposed social measures that affected Hindu society came to an abrupt end.
Finally, there was the effect of the mutiny on the people of India themselves. Traditional society
had made its protest against the incoming alien influences, and it had failed. The princes and
other natural leaders had either held aloof from the mutiny or had proved, for the most part,
incompetent. From this time all serious hope of a revival of the past or an exclusion of the West
diminished. The traditional structure of Indian society began to break down and was eventually
superseded by a Westernized class system, from which emerged a strong middle class with a
heightened sense of Indian nationalism.
Partition of Bengal (1905)
Lord Curzon
Partition of Bengal and the swadeshi movement happened in 1905 even after Lord Curzon, the
British India regent, encountered fierce opposition from the nationalists of India. Nevertheless,
the partition of Bengal marked the start of the Indian National Congress' transformation from a
middle-class political organization into a wide-ranging growing movement. Since 1765, Bengal,
Bihar, & Orissa were a unified region of British India. However, the area was too big by 1900
for an administration to govern. Because of its isolation and weak connections, East Bengal had
been eclipsed by West Bengal and Bihar, which is known as the Bengal partition.
History of Partition of Bengal
The partition of Bengal took place on October 16, 1905, under the administration of Viceroy
Lord Curzon, resulting in the Bengal partition into Eastern Bengal and Western Bengal. The
states of Bihar & Bengal, including some regions of Orissa, Chhattisgarh, and Assam, were
allpart of the Bengal Presidency. With 78.5 million inhabitants, it was British India's
largestdistrict. For many decades, British officials argued that the province‘s immense size made
it difficult to handle the process and led to the marginalization of the poorer eastern part. As a
result, the Bengal division was only suggested for administrative purposes.
Lord Curzon intended to split Bihar & Orissa and unite fifteen of Bengal's eastern provinces into
Assam. The capital of an eastern province was Dhaka, with a populace of 31 million people, the
bulk of whom was Muslims. After the partition of Bengal, Curzon stated that he considered the
new region Muslim. Instead of dividing Hindus and Muslims, Lord Curzon wanted to split
Bengalis. The other province was composed of Orissa, Bihar, and the Western Districts. Bengali
speakers are now in the minority due to the merger of western Bengal with Orissa and Bihar.
Muslims favored division, commanded by Dhaka's Nawab Sallimullah, while Hindus opposed it.
Indians were persuaded that the partition of Bengal was caused by the large population, which
made administration difficult for the British. However, the British's true objective was to
destabilize the nerve core of nationalism (Bengal) in order to protect their interests. The people
overwhelmingly rejected this. Militant nationalism arose as a result of the partition of Bengal. Up
for Free Mock Test
Causes of Partition of Bengal
On October 16, 1905, Lord Curzon, the British ruler of India at that time, partitioned Bengal. For
administrative regions, the division was promoted; Bengal was the same size as France but had a
much larger population. The eastern region was viewed as being poorly governed and
unappreciated. A more robust government could be established in the East by splitting the
province, resulting in more local educational facilities and job opportunities. The partition of
Bengal plan, however, was carried out for various reasons, which are as follows:
 After Curzon declared the partition of Bengal, there was significant political unrest
throughout the region.
 Many Bengalis thought that this division was just an insult to our country. So there was a
loud call for Bengal's reunification. The iconic song "Amar Sonar Bangla," written by
Rabindranath Tagore, served as Bangladesh's flag and anthem.
 The Indian National Congress condemned this attempt to partition the province along
race lines.
 The bulk of Bengalis in the west rejected the change as it would have rendered them a
minority tongue within their province. The majority of Bangladeshis will speak Hindi or
Odia.
 Many Bengali Muslims supported this move since they thought that if they became the
majority in the new province, this would advance their academic, economic, and political
interests.
 Furthermore, Curzon promised to build a university in Dhaka. Furthermore, this was seen
as an opportunity for Muslims to advance their education or improve their living
standards.
 The remaining part of the nation primarily opposed the partition of Bengal. The people
revealed the British govt's "divide and rule" strategy.
 The primary objective of such a separation was to sever connections between the two
communities and weaken patriotic feelings in the nation. A few Muslims also rejected the
separation.
 As a result of this Bengal partition, the Swadeshi and Boycott organizations in the
nationalist fight were formed.
 Individuals have begun to avoid British goods since they are highly saturated in India and
harm the city's industry.
 Significant religious fracturing of the country led to the creation of the Muslim League
around the year 1906.
Features of Partition of Bengal
In December 1903, the British administration decided on the partition of Bengal. Lord Curzon,
the Governor of India at that time, was the individual who made this decision. In Bengal, there
are two provinces:
 The first was Bengal, which included Orissa, Bihar, and Western Bengal regions.
 Eastern Bengal & Assam came second.
While Eastern Bengal chose Dacca as its capital, Bengal retained Calcutta just like its city
Centre.
The true motive for partition of Bengal was a wish to weaken the state, which had been the epic
Centre of Indian nationalism in the early twentieth century. With a populace of 78 million,
Bengal was split because it had grown difficult to control.
 Linguistic rationale: Making Bengalis a minority within Bengal. The new proposal for
Bengal includes thirty-seven million Hindi and Oriya speakers in the top seventeen
million Bengalis.
 Based on religion, the western Bengal area had a Hindu majority, while the eastern
Bengal area had a Muslim majority.
Lord Curzon made a concerted effort to win the Muslims. As a result, he believes that Dacca
may be selected as the new province's capital, giving the Muslim population a sense of unity. To
fight the Congress and the national movement, the British thus tried to cultivate Muslim
communalists.
Annulment of Partition of Bengal (1911)

There were various reasons which led to the annulment of the partition of Bengal, which are
given here. Due to widespread political opposition, the partition was declared unlawful in 1911.
Rather than dividing the Bengal province based on religious lines, the division was made on the
linguistic base. Orissa and Bihar were formed as the two new provinces. Assam was split into
separate states.
 Incapable of quashing the protests, the authorities decided the reverse the divide.
 On 12th December 1911, King George V. announced the inclusion of eastern Bengal into
the Bengal Presidency at the Delhi Durbar.
 While Assam, Bihar, & Orissa were divided, areas, where Bengali was being spoken
stayed united.
 Lord Hardinge upturned the partition of Bengal in 1911. It was taken out in response to
riots against the policy prompted by the Swadeshi movement.
 The move of the capital to New Delhi was intended to give the British colonial
administration a more substantial base.
 Muslims in Bengal were shocked as they had presumed that the administration would
protect their interests, considering the majority of Muslims in East Bengal.
 They viewed this as the state prioritizing Hindu concerns above Muslim ones to please
Hindus and ease administrative duties.
 Muslim leaders objected to the Bengal division. Leading Muslims began to see
establishing the Muslim-majority districts, Eastern Bengal, including Assam, as
advantageous.
 Muslims suffered backwardness in the United Bengal era, especially in Eastern Bengal.
Therefore, it was deemed meddling to protest against division on behalf of Hindus in a
Muslim region.
 The Britishers attempted to pacify angry Bengali Muslims at losing eastern Bengal by
relocating the headquarters to a Mughal site.
 Despite its annulment, the partition of Bengal didn‘t result in a cultural separation
between Hindus & Muslims.
Partition of Bengal and Swadeshi Movement

Bengali Hindus were at the forefront of the political movement for increased participation in
governance, but their position would be weakened as Muslims now rule the East. As a result,
Hindus tended to be used against partition of Bengal, which Muslims supported more.
However, what happened after Bengal partition prompted a nearly national anti-British
movement that included boycotts, a death attempt against the ruler of a new West Bengal
province, and quiet and violent protests.
Before it was deemed invalid in 1911, the partition of Bengal had barely lasted five years.
However, the consequences of Britain's Divide Et Imperia policy, which was the source of
division, remained in the united province. Parallel elections for Muslims and Hindus were
established in 1919. Many individuals from both groups had argued for the past unification of
Bengalis as a nation. Now, diverse communities with individual political agendas have begun to
emerge.
Due to their estimated twenty-eight to twenty-two million inhabitants, Muslims also dominated
the Legislature. Nationwide, Hindus and Muslims began calling for establishing two independent
states, one in areas with most Hindus and one in regions with predominance of Muslims; the
majority of Bengali Hindus now advocate partition of Bengal on this basis.
The Muslims wanted the entire province to be a part of Pakistan, the Islamic state. Bengal
partition happened again in 1947, this time precisely because of religion. East Pakistan was
established. However, East Pakistan formed the independent state of Bangladesh in 1971 for
cultural reasons. While partition of Bengal may occasionally be essential as a pragmatic measure
to prevent bloodshed, this usually generates new issues which further split society.
Dissatisfaction among minorities on both sides of the border is almost always brought on by
partition. The Bengal partition ensued in bloodshed, destroyed lives, and divided the world.

Lahore Resolution (1940)
A.K. Fazlul Haque
The ‗Lahore Resolution‘ (Bengali: Lahor Prostab) and later became better known as the
‗Pakistan Resolution‘. The Resolution was passed at the annual session of the All India Muslim
League at its 1940 meeting (22-24 March) at Minto Park (now called Iqbal Park) for the creation
of ‗Independent State‘ of Muslims in British India. The Resolution was written and prepared by
Muhammad Zafarullah Khan and was presented by Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Huq, the Prime
Minister of Bengal. This political statement was adopted by the All-India Muslim League.
Main features of Lahore Resolution

1. The geographically contiguous areas should be regarded as separate regions;
2. These areas should be formed in such a way as to facilitate to constitute 'independent states' in
the North-Western and Eastern zones for the Muslim majority;
3. The constituent 'units' or the regions of these states should be autonomous as well as
Sovereign;
4. Effective steps shall be taken to protect the cultural, political, administrative and other rights
of the minorities in the newly independent muslim states;

5. The framing of the future constitution shall be based on the above principles.
The word 'Pakistan' was not mentioned in the proposal, although the proposal appeared to be
known as 'Pakistan Proposal'. In the Lahore Resolution, the formation of two sovereign states of
comprising two majority Muslim regions was thought of. In view of the geographical location, it
should have been like that. In 1946, in the 'Delhi Muslim Legislators Convention', with Mr.
Jinnah as chair, the plan of more than one state was dropped and One Pakistan plan was adopted.
According to this plan, India was divided on August 14, 1947 and two independent states
emerged. North- Western and Eastern Muslim majority regions of British India formed Pakistan
and the rest formed Indian Union.
The 1940 Lahore Resolution and Jinnah's 'Two Nation Theory' were the basis of the creation of
Pakistan. Though Pakistan was created on the basis of the said resolution, its structure was
incongruous. The distance between East and West Pakistan was more than one thousand miles
with Indian Territory in between. The language-culture, history-tradition, clothing, food habits of
the majority Bangalis in the state were different from those of West Pakistanis. West Pakistanis
particularly the Punjabis thought that their ancestors came from outside India and aristocratic
blood flowed into their nerves. Because of this mentality, West Pakistanis looked down upon
Bangalis as an inferior nation. As a matter of fact, West Pakistani rulers established a kind of
internal colonial rule from the birth of Pakistan. During this rule, the status of Bangalis was
tantamount to somewhat aliens in their own countries. The first discriminatory attitude by the
West Pakistani rulers manifested towards Bangalis in the question of language. Instead of the
Bangla language of the majority Bangal is, West Pakistani rulers tried to impose Urdu as the
only state language upon Bangalis.
The Principle Clauses of the Lahore Resolution
a) Independent states to be formed with the Muslim majority regions in the North- Western and
Eastern India.
b) These independent states will be autonomous and sovereign.
c) Sufficient measures must be taken in the constitution to ensure the rights and interests of the
minority groups after discussing with them.
d) Powers of defense, foreign affairs, communication would be bestowed upon the concerned
subsidiary states.
The two nation theory
Mohammad Ali Jinnah
In the historical perspective of the sub-continent Two Nation Theory means that despite living
together for centuries in the same country, the Hindus and the Muslims are two separate nations. Though the
Muslims and the Hindus have been living together for centuries, yet they could not merge into one
nation.
Brief history of two nation theory

In subcontinent Two Nation Theory is as old as the history of the Muslims. They were living in the same
areas. They were the citizens of one country but in spite of all these facts, Religious fervor had provided
them such a strong base for nationalism. Following are some of the personalities which lead the foundation of The
Two Nation Theory.
Sir Syed Ahmad Khan
Sir Syed Ahmad khan was the first Indian Muslim political leader who used the word ―Nation‖ for the
Muslims of Sub -continent. During the Hindu Urdu controversy he came forward with two nation concept and
declared that the Muslims were a separate Nation, having their own culture and civilization.
Allama Iqbal
Allama Iqbal awakened the Muslims of sub-continent with his poetry to demand a separate homeland.
Allama Iqbal considered Islam a complete code of life. He said ―I am fully convinced that
the Muslims of India would ultimately have separate homeland, as they could not live with the
Hindus in the united
India.‖
Quaid-E-Azam
Quaid-e-Azam was the great supporter of The Two Nation Theory. He said ―The foundation of Two Nation
Theory was laid on the day when the first Non -Muslim of the subcontinent became Muslim.‖
This Two Nation Theory was originated with the arrival of the Muslims in the Sub-continent. He said
―India is neither a country nor its inhabitants are a nation. This is a sub -continent where many
nations live; among these the Hindu and the Muslim are two important nations.‖
Present standing of two nation theory

There is no doubt about the fact that Two Nation Theory was the constitution that leads to the separation of two
nations. Now we will be discussing the main purpose of this assignment ―Is Two Nation Theory still
valid in the modern Pakistan?‖
Validity of two nation theory

Pakistan was created 70 years from now. After all the advancements that have been made in all the
fields whether it is in technology, medical, weapons and the Entertainment industry, the true concept of
Two Nation Theory still hold in the modern Pakistan.
Traditions and religious aspects of two nations
Hindus are represented by their religion Hinduism and Muslims are represented by their religion
Islam. Due to this fact the traditions of both the nations are different. For Example in the
traditional event of Muslims ―Eid-Ul-Azha‖ Muslims slaughter cows as part of their religion,
whereas Hindus worship cows as their part of religion. This is the fact that could never be changed in
centuries whatever the situation becomes. Though the western culture and Hindu culture is somewhat.
Disparity between East-West Pakistan since 1947
Introduction
In 1940 the premier of Bengal, Fazal-ul-Haq put forward the Lahore Resolution which demanded
that Muslim majority regions, as in the North-west and eastern Zone of India, should be grouped
to constitute independent states in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and
sovereign. This measure was passed unanimously by the Muslim League. This led the people of
Bengal to believe when Independence came there would be an autonomous state centre in
Bengal. But in 1946 the word ―states‖ became state and in 1947 Muslims in Bengal found
themselves governed from Karachi. They were appalled to learn that Bengal was once again to
be partitioned, with a significant portion going to India. This included the major city of Calcutta
with its port and important industry. So from as early as 1947, seeds of tension were sown. There
were following events which increased tension:
The rise of Bengali sub-nationalism
From the very beginning, the ties between the two wings were difficult and complicate. The
three main areas of conflicts between East and West Pakistan were the language issue, difference
regarding constitution making, and economic centralism. The question of the status of the
Bengali language was resolved by the mid-1950s but no consensus could ever be reached on
constitutional and economic issues. The following were the factors that led to the rise of Bengali
nationalism among the people of East Pakistan.
Causes and effects of separation of East Pakistan
There are following causes and effects of separation of East Pakistan.
The geographical and socio-cultural differences
Immediately after independence, Pakistan two wings were set apart by one thousand miles of
enemy territory. Both air and maritime contact could be blocked by India at any time. This
unique geographical position could pose a grave threat to the integrity of the country. With the
exception of religion and common struggle for independence, there was practically nothing
common between the two wings of the country.
Geographical separation was the base for together differences i.e. racial identity, language, habits
of life and culture. East Pakistan was only one-seventh of the total area of the country but its
population exceeded the total population of all other provinces and states of West Pakistan. In
West Pakistan, people spoke different languages but there was a reluctant consensus on Urdu as
their common Language. In East Pakistan, Bengali was the common language but also a symbol
of Bengali nationalism and pride.
The language issue
The language issue was originated even before the creation of Pakistan. In the Lucknow session
of All India Muslim League in 1937, the Bengali delegates strongly opposed a resolution
proposing Urdu as language of Muslim India and the official Language of Muslim League. The
Bengali Language Movement started immediately after independence, demanding that Bengali
should be the medium of instruction, language of the courts, administration and mass
communication in East Pakistan.
They demanded that it should be one of the state Languages of Pakistan along with Urdu
language. The Bengalis opposed Urdu as the only state language on the plea that if Urdu is made
the state language, the educated Benaglis will become illiterate and disqualified for government
services. The movement for Bengali language gathered the spontaneous support of the Bengali
civil servants, academics and students, some members of the Provincial Assembly and a few
ministers as well. By February 1948,the controversy had come out to the streets. East Pakistan
student League founded in the first Week of January 1948 by Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman,led the
agitation.
On 11 March 1948, a student demonstration in favour of Bengali Language was baton charged
and a large number of students were arrested. Jinnah announcement during his visit to Dacca in
March 1948 that the language of the province could be Bengali but the state language of Pakistan
was going to be Urdu followed a disturbance in the Dacca University. Moreover in January
1952, Khwaja Nazim-ud-din‘s Support to Urdu as the only state language during his visit to
Dacca provokes a butter reaction in the press and demonstrations were organized in favor of
Bengali.
On January 1952, the Basic Principles committee of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
recommended that Urdu should be the only state language. It sparked off wide wave resentment
in East Bengal. Bengalis held protest meetings in Dacca and it was decided to hold a general
strike on 21 February, during which processions were taken out despite the official ban imposed
by Mr.Nurul Amin‘s administration, leading to clashed with the police and the killing of three
students and a number of other people. Although Bengali was recognized as the state language
along Urdu in the Constitution of 1956, but, perhaps, it was too late to bring down the rising
spirit of Bengali Nationalism.
Economic causes of separation of East Pakistan
The most serious challenge to Pakistani nationalism was the economic disparity between East
and West Pakistan. The Bengalis believed that the eastern wing of the Country was ruthlessly
exploited by the Western Wing and that East Pakistan was deprived of its due share in the
development funds and foreign aid. The bulk of the country‘s revenue was spent in West
Pakistan because the federal capital was there. Moreover, a high percentage of the budget was
spent on defense, which was all concentrated in West Pakistan. East Pakistan earned most of the
country‘s foreign exchange by the export of jute; yet most of it was spent on the industrialization
of West Pakistan. The Bengalis claimed that what was earned in East Pakistan was spent in West
Pakistan because East Pakistan provided 60 percent of the total revenue only 25 per cent for its
expenditure. The rest, 75 per cent was spent in West Pakistan.
Disparity in development planning
In the six-year development program (July 1951 to June 1957), and in the First and Second five
year plans (1955-60 and 60-65), East Pakistanis again complained of injustice. The economic
disparity between the two wings was recognized and admitted in different reports and economic
studies conducted by the central government during Ayub khan‘s Presidency. Ayub admitted
confessed the injustice and he promised that development in East Pakistan will be accelerated to
make up for the deficiency. The constitution of 1962 also promised to adopt such economic
policies, which would help in removing the disparities in per Capita income between the
provinces. The disparity, however, increased after ten years of Ayub Rule. The per capita income
in West Pakistan was 32 percent higher than East Pakistan in 1959-60 and 61 percent higher in
1969-70. Yahya khan also tried to remove the economic disparity between the two wings
through step by step concessions but the impatient Bengalis were by then in the mood of a
revolution rather than waiting for an evolutionary process.
Disparity in civil services and armed forces
The Bengalis were very poorly represented in the Civil Service and in the Army. Moreover, the
Civil and military officials from West Pakistan stationed in East Pakistan considered the Bengali
Muslims inferior converts from lower caste Hindus. In 1970, about 85 percent of the armed
forces belonged to the Punjab whereas the majority of population was in East Pakistan. Some
claim that this disparity was not intentional on the part of West Pakistan dominated ruling elite
but a result of the legacy of British rule during which the Punjabi‘s were preferred in the armed
forces due to their marshal spirit and willingness to join military service. However, there was no
justification for the disparity in the bureaucracy. The disparity in the civil Service and Armed
Forces was rapidly disappearing because in 1966, Ayub Khan had allocated 60 percent of the
vacancies to East Pakistan. In 1965, the East Pakistan CSP officers constituted 34 percent of the
total strength of the Civil Services but by 1969, their share had risen to 40.8 percent. Yahya
Khan in order to give some share to the Bengalis in the top positions of the administration, made
six Bengali CSP officers ―Central Secretaries‖ and gave directions to all the ministries that
whatever a senior post became vacant, Bengali candidates should be accorded priority even if
this mean disregarding of the principle of seniority.
Differences over constitution making
The Controversy over constitution making started as early as March 12,1949 when the Objective
Resolution was adopted and a Basic Principle Committee was constituted to report on the main
principles on which the constitution of Pakistan was to be framed. The Bengali leaders raised
objectives to some points of the Objective Resolution and the interim report of the Basic
Principles Committee which they thought would lead to a unitary central government, which will
make East Pakistan a colony of West Pakistan.
In Constitution making, the two main issues hard of solution were the ratio of representation in
the Central Legislature and the distribution of powers between the centre and the provinces.
After the failure of the First Constituent Assembly, the Second Constituent Assembly gave the
country its first constitution on 29th February, 1956 which provided for a unicameral legislature
with parity of representation between the East and the West Wings. Bengali was accepted as one
the state‘s languages. However, East Pakistan was not satisfied with the parity principle. The
demand for more provincial autonomy still persisted and it finally culminated into the Six-point
program of Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman.
Six Points of Awami League
1. A directly elected government.

2. The Federal government to control defense and foreign policy. All other decisions to be
made at provincial level.
3. Separate Currencies and/or financial policies for East and West Pakistan.
4. The provinces to tax their people and send a share to the federal government. The federal
government not to tax people.
5. Each province to set up its own trade agreements with other countries and to control
money spent/made through this trade.
6. Each Province to have its own troops.
Degeneration of Muslim league & the rise of regional Bengali parties
Muslim League fell into selfish hands soon after independence and became a hotbed of intrigues.
The internal dissentions in the party caused the decline of the only national organization of the
country and the rise of regionalist parties. In February 1948, prominent League leaders like
Maulana Abdul Hameed Bhashani and Fazlul Haq left the Muslim League. In June 1949,they
formed a new party called East Pakistan Awami Muslim League. Maulana Bhashani was elected
President of this new party, while Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman a student leader, and was appointed
the Joint Secretary of the party.
In March 1950, the party was re-named as All Pakistan Awami Muslim League and Suharwardi
was appointed as the President and Chief organizer of the party. In July 1953,sheikh Mujeebur
Rehman was made General Secretary of the party. Provincial autonomy and Bengali as the state
language stopped the new manifesto of the party. In April 1953, the Awami Muslim League
dropped the word ―Muslim‖ from its name and it became the Awami League. The old Muslim
Leaguers resigned from it and their seats were filled by moneyed Hindu politicians who later on
influenced its policies decisively. Fazlul Haq, the lion of Bengal, formed his own political party
in Dacca called ―Krishak Sramik party‖ (The Labour Peasant party).In the elections of 1954,
Muslim League was completely routed. It secured only 9 seats out of the total number of 309
seats in East Pakistan Assembly.
The 1970 cyclone
ON 12 November 1970 the deadliest tropical cyclone ever recorded hit East Pakistan and up to
500,000 people lost their lives. The government in West Pakistan was slow to react and political
leaders in East Pakistan accused the government of ―gross neglect, callous indifference and utter
indifference‖. The Pakistan Observer sent reporters who sent back stories with headlines such as
―no Relief Coordination‖ even though the government claimed that relief operations were being
carried out efficiently.
India was one of the first nations to offer help and East Pakistan were angered to hear that the
government had refused to allow India to fly in aid, instead it had to be transported much more
slowly built road. It was just weeks after the cyclone hit East Pakistan that the elections for the
National Assembly were finally held. They were to create even more problems for Yahya Khan.
Results of 1970 election
The main parties in the elections for the National Assembly were the Pakistan People Party
(PPP) led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, which was based in West Pakistan and the Awami Muslim
League, led by Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman which was based in East Pakistan. The Awami League
was able to win support by proposing a programme which called for a fairer share of government
spending and more power to the provinces. It was able to exploit the sense of frustration felt by
the people in East Pakistan towards their Muslim countrymen in West Pakistan. The Awami
League won their huge victory by campaigning on the basis on the six points.
The election resulted in a stunning victory for the Awami League.162 of the 300 seats in the
election was allocated to East Pakistan. The Awami League won 160 seats which gave them a
majority in the Assembly.The PPP won just 81 seats of the 138 seats in the West Pakistan. This
presented yahya Khan with a situation which he could not tolerate. The Awami League had
contested the election on a manifesto for East Pakistan. The League would have a majority in the
National Assembly. Yahya could allow the traditional dominance of West Pakistan to be
overturned.
The crisis deepens.
Yahya Khan hoped that he could reach a compromise with Mujeeb-ur Rehman. In January 1971
he had refused to him as the next President of Pakistan. He hoped he would persuade Mujib not
to form the next government and that he should not use the new assembly to create a new
constitution limiting the power on the central government. But the many years of frustration in
East Pakistan drove the East Bengalis to demand that Mujeeb-ur-Rehman held firm.
In February 1971, Bhutto announced that the PPP would not take up their seats in the National
Assembly unless Mujeeb talked with other parties and reached an agreement about sharing.
Finally, on 1 March 1971,just two days before it was due to meet, Yahya was forced to postpone
the opening of the Assembly, without setting a new date. The People of East Pakistan considered
that they had been betrayed by Yahya and immediately began a campaign of mass civil
disobedience, strikes, demonstration and refusing to pay taxes. When it came to clear that the
power of the central government had broken down in the East Pakistan.
Yahya recalled the provincial governor and appointed General Tikka Khan as chief martial law
administrator. On March 15 Yahya and Bhutto met Mujeeb in Dhaka for talks to resolve the
situation. As it came to clear that no agreement could be reached. General Tikka Khan brought in
reinforcements. On 25 March Yahya flew back to Islamabad and the next day Bhutto left Dhaka.
That night Tikka‘s men moved in on the Awami League. Mujib was arrested and hundreds of his
supporters and colleagues were arrested or killed.
The outbreak of civil war
Yahya had sent the army into East Pakistan to keep order and the Awami League was banned.
Yahya claimed that Mujeeb was claiming to declare independence and although this was
unlikely, fears increased when on 26 March the Sovereign People‘s Republic of Bangladesh was
announced in a secret radio broadcast from Dhaka. The government reaction was harsh.
Thousands of Bengalis were killed, press censorship was imposed and all political activity
throughout Pakistan was banned. Yahya ordered the Pakistan Army to take control of East
Pakistan. The measures were supported by all the political parties in West Pakistan and Bhutto
claimed that ―Pakistan has been saved‖. Rather than being saved the reality was millions of
Bengali refugees were fleeing across the border to India and Civil war was now inevitable.
On 31 March India declared its support for the people of Bengal against West Pakistan. The
Indian Army began to help and train a rebel Bengali Bengali army, which called itself Mukhti
Bahini. As a result relations between India and Pakistan deteriorated rapidly. The Indian High
commission in Dhaka was closed, as was the Pakistan High commission in Calcutta.
Yahya Khan sent more troops into East Pakistan. By Early April the Army had gained control of
most of the major towns and was successful in driving off the East Pakistani rebels.
In August 1971 the Soviet Union signed a treaty of peace Friendship and Commerce with India.
Yahya knew that this meant that the Soviet Union would support India If it went to war with
Pakistan. Pakistan own allies China and USA were much less keen to be involved and they urged
Yahya to negotiate an agreement with the Awami League. He was determined to do so. He also
believed that he could win any war with India. On 21 November, the Mukhti Bahini launched an
attack on Jessore and captured the town. Knowing that the Indian were supporting he rebel
forces, Yahya declared a state of emergency and told its people to be ready for war. In response,
the Indians began to build up their forces on the East Pakistan border. Tension increased further
when, on 29 November, East Pakistan announced the members of its provincial government.
Consequences of war
Defeat in the war brought disgrace for Yahya and for the Army. On 20 December Yahya
resigned as President and was replace by Bhutto. On 21 December 1971, the Republic of
Bangladesh was officially declared and two weeks later Bhutto released Mujeeb from Prison. He
returned to Bangladesh, where on 10 January 1972 he became the country‘s first Prime Minister.
Language Movement
Language Martyrs
The nation always pays homage to Rafiq, Salam, Jabbar, Barkat and all those who were martyred
on this Language movement. February is the month of language among Bengali speakers not
only in Bangladesh but all over the world. There was a movement before. The movement of
people was fighting for language. After the success of this movement, that is, after the
recognition of Bangla as the state language, this movement came to an end. This event is held all
over the world. When Bengali is the state language of an independent country.
Bangladesh is the only country in the world whose people have had to shed blood for the right to
speak their language. We are the only brave nation that has defeated a well-trained, well-
equipped Pakistan army. In 1947, the British government decided independence to Pakistan on
14 August. But the Pakistani ruling class continued to exploit the people of Bengal culturally,
politically and economically. Only 8% of Urdu-speaking people declare Urdu to be the state
language of Pakistan where more than 56% are Bengali-speaking. The people of Bengal strongly
protested against this decision.
Although two separate independent states, Pakistan and India, were born from the British in 1947
based on the two-nation theory, the Bengalis were a completely different ethnicity. East Bengal
became a meeting place of non-communal consciousness. On that day, people from all walks of
life, starting from students and people, formed mass resistance irrespective of religion and caste.
The day was March 21, 1948. On the racecourse ground in Dhaka, Jinnah dealt a severe blow to
Bengali nationalism. He said Urdu would be the national language of Pakistan and not any other
language. The same announcement was made again at the convocation of Dhaka University on
24 March. "Urdu and only Urdu will be the state language of Pakistan," he said. The students
present at the time started protesting.
On 21 February 1952, the children of Bengali heroes gave their lives to protect the dignity of
their mother tongue. The seeds of our nationalism were sown by pouring fresh blood on the
streets of Dhaka, which has finally inspired us and given us courage. Pushing for our autonomy
and later our liberation from the Pakistani restraints, through the great war of liberation, through
a bloody war.
We have had to fight and fight to uphold the dignity of our national pride. As far as the Bengalis
are concerned, the aspiration to break free from the shackles of exploitation has gained a lot of
momentum in making it a reality. When the world witnessed the political movement of the
sixties, the 11 point demands of the Awami League were adopted in the six-point charter, the
mass movement of 1969 and finally the liberation war of 1971 which was the birth of
Bangladesh.
Even today, we are relentlessly trying to make its proper manifestation in the state and society in
the democratic consciousness, which is at the heart of the events that created the chapters that
changed the nation's course, like the language movement and liberation war. As a result,
UNESCO recognized February 21 as International Mother Language Day in 1999 and since
2000, February 21 has been celebrated as International Mother Language Day every year in 193
countries. This is a big step in the process of globalization of Bengal.
The International Mother Tongue Institute has been established, but it cannot be said that there is
no progress in the introduction of Bengali? But it may not be as it should have been. To build a
welfare state and establish good governance and justice, it is important to ensure one-sided
education to eliminate inequality. We should not confine these issues to only informalities and
discussions in the month of language. At the same time, we have to keep in mind that we should
not forget the promises of 1952 and 1971. If we want to build our desired Bangladesh, then we
have to move forward with the consciousness of those chapters.
In 1947, the country was divided by capitalizing on a religion based on the two-nation theory.
The people of East Pakistan at that time were the victims of thousands of discriminations in West
Pakistan. The most glorious chapter in the accumulation of anger and self-respect of the people
of East Pakistan began with the great language movement. The united movement for the
realization of this right of mother tongue later took shape in the independence movement.
The importance of the language movement in awakening the consciousness of rights and
freedom of Bengalis is immense. The language movement of 1952 has always directly and
indirectly affected all our political, social and cultural activities. The influence was so far-
reaching that a relationship was established between ordinary and political people. Confidence in
each other was established, which accelerated the liberation struggle of the nation.
It was through the language movement that the first rebellious attitude against the rule and
exploitation of Pakistan was manifested in the Bengali heart. It can be said that the language
movement was the beginning of the realization of all kinds of rights of Bengalis. Through the
language movement, the people of Bengal began to be aware of their demands.
The language movement instilled morale and confidence in the minds of the people which
awakened the spirit of nationalism and gave rise to it. The education movement of 1962, the six-
point movement of that year, the mass uprising of 1969, the election of 1970 and the
independence struggle of 1971 created the spirit and strength of language consciousness in every
field.
In 1969, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had raised the issue of full regional autonomy
for East Pakistan. In the 1970 elections, the Awami League-led by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman won a majority seat in the National Assembly to form the government. But that was
never to be. On the night of March 25, 1971, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight
and the world witnessed brutality that is rarely seen in the world. In the great war of liberation,
we have lost 3 million freedom fighters and freedom-loving people and 2 lakh mothers and
sisters have been subjected to humiliation. But the people of Bangladesh have not given up and
they have won. They have gained their freedom. The people of Bengal have been able to
establish their rights and our mother tongue has won.
The demands of the state language movement were increasing. On 23rd February this year, East
Bengal educationists, writers, journalists and intellectuals submitted a memorandum to the then
Chief Minister Nurul Amin for the introduction of the Bengali language at all levels. February
21, 1952 Section 144 was issued all over the country. From that morning onwards, students
started gathering in groups in front of the Faculty of Arts of Dhaka University. The objective was
to be vocal in demanding the Bengali language and to ensure full rights of mother tongue. 'I want
Bangla as the state language' can be heard in the air all around. The procession was taken out in
violation of section 144. When the police encountered obstacles on the way, it turned into a
clash.
Bangabandhu made arrangements for his language to gain international recognition by giving a
speech in Bengali at the United Nations. Speaking in Bengali, Bangabandhu not only introduced
the Bengali language to the world community but also conveyed the message of establishing the
status of mother tongue in return for the self-sacrifice of Bengalis through their characteristics
and language-based nationalist movement. But how sustainable is the language that has so much
movement, so much self-sacrifice to establish its status today? Not only in Bangladesh, but in
many countries of the world, the number of people forgetting their mother tongue is increasing.
A significant number of educated youth in our country find Bengali more difficult than English.
Due to the aggression of the English language, the language of many countries is now in crisis.
It has been 70 years from 1952 to 2022. Bangladesh has faced many major obstacles, we have
overcome them and we are still standing straight and we will remain indomitable as long as we
remember our history and culture. As long as we remember our past, present and future, no one
can stop Bangladesh.
Bangladesh has now established a respectable and strong position on the world map.
Bangladesh's name is being used loudly in world politics, Bangladesh today is a model of
development. In the new world, Bangladesh is facing new challenges and is successfully
addressing them efficiently. The MDGs and the SDGs are still holding the signature of expertise
in implementation. We must always move forward in the spirit of nationalism. Bengalis have
never lost in the past, nor will they lose in the future. With the cooperation of all, regardless of
party affiliation, Bangladesh must stand tall among the different nations of the world.
.
Provincial Election of 1954
United Front Ministers
Defeat and Decline of Muslim League in East Bengal
On the day of Pakistan‘s creation, (14 august 1947) the first provincial government of East
Bengal was formed by the Muslim League. As a leader of the Muslim League, Khawaja
Nazimuddin became the first Chief Minister of East Bengal. When Jinnah died in September
1948, Nazimuddin became the Governor General of Pakistan Nazimuddin chose his follower,
Nurul Amin as the new Chief Minister of East Bengal
List of Governors-General of Pakistan
-Muhammad Ali Jinnah-14 August 1947 -11 September 1948 (died in office)
-Khawaja Nazimuddin-14 September 1948-17 October 1951 (became prime minister)
-Ghulam Muhammad-17 October 1951 -7 August 1955 (dismissed)

-Iskander Mirza-7 August 1955 -23 March 1956 (became president)
List of Prime Ministers of Pakistan

-Liaquat Ali Khan-14 August 1947 -16 October 1951 (assassinated)
-Khawaja Nazimuddin -17 October 1951 -17 April 1953
-Mohammad Ali Bogra -17 April 1953 -12 August 1955
-Chaudhury Mohammad Ali-12 August 1955 -12 September 1956
-Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy-12 September 1956 -17 October 1957
-Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar-17 October 1957 -16 December 1957
-Feroz Khan Noon-16 December 1957 -7 October 1958
-Nurul Amin-7 December 1971 -20 December 1971
List of Chief Ministers EB/EP

-Khawaja Nazimuddin: 15 August 1947 – 14 September 1948
-Nurul Amin-14 September 1948 – 3 April 1954
-Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul HuQ: -3 April 1954 – 29 May 1954
-Abu Hussain Sarkar: 20 June 1955 – 30 August 1956
-Ataur Rahman Khan: -1956 – 1958
Regime of Nurul Amin (1948 to 1954) and the resistance in East Bengal
-During his time, the zamindari system was abolished
-Language Movement of 1952 took place during his time
-Demand for provincial autonomy started during his time
-He deferred the provincial elections to 1954 which was due to be held in 1951. In the
provincial elections, he lost his power to the United Front
-People of East Bengal showed their political strength through ballot against the Muslim
League and Nurul Amin
Formation of the United Front
-Jukto Front/United Front was an alliance of the opposition parties to contest the provincial
elections in the East Bengal during 8-12 March 1954. The United Front had four major parties -
Awami Muslim League, Krishak Sramik Party, Nizam-e-Islam, and Ganatantri Dal. They were
united against the Muslim League
-The decision to form a United Front initially endorsed on 14 November 1953 in the council
session of the Awami Muslim League in Mymensingh
-Subsequently it emerged as an effective political platform to unite diverse political groups in

East Bengal. The leading role was played by A K Fazlul Huq, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, and
Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani.
Causes behind United Front:
During the early period of Pakistan, East Bengal witnessed -

-economic disparity between the two wings
-poor representation of the people of East Bengal in the government and administration
-Politico-cultural repression pursued by the ruling elites of Pakistan
-Deprivation of Bengalis from due participation in decision-making process
All these led to politics of regionalism in East Bengal and political forces of East Bengal
gradually pushed to launch new political platforms
Manifesto of the United Front
United Front‘s 21 Point election manifesto adopted in November 1953, included:
-full regional autonomy
-provinces to exercise all administrative powers except for defense, foreign affairs and
currency
-recognition of Bangla as a state language
-release of political prisoners
-transformation of the Burdwan House into Bangla Academy
-construction of Shaheed Minar
-declaration of 21 February as a public holiday, etc

-more autonomy for Dhaka and Rajshahi universities
-rights for industrial workers as per principles of ILO
-nationalisation of jute
-guarantee of fair prices for commodities
-public support for cooperatives and cottage industries, etc.
1954 Elections: voters and seats

Elections held on the basis of adult franchise. Those who were 21 years on 1 January 1953 were
voters. Total number of voters was 197, 39,086 (about 1.97 Crore). But seats were fixed on the
basis of separate electorates:
-The number of seats was 309
-Muslims 237 (including 9 for women)
-Hindus 69 (30 General+36 Scheduled Castes +3 women)
-Buddhists 2, and
-Christians 1
Results of 1954 Elections

The election result surprised everyone because the United Front won absolute majority. United
Front won 215 seats out of 237 Muslim seats. The ruling Muslim League got only 9 seats. All 5
Ministers of the Muslim League Ministry including the Chief Minister Nurul Amin were
defeated.
Causes of the defeat of Muslim League
Numerous reasons for the debacle of the Muslim League
-The party got detached from the mass people since 1947
-Many dedicated leaders and workers left ML to form new parties
-Muslim League was responsible for the disparity between East and West Pakistan
-Economy of East Bengal deteriorated during 1947-1954
-Prices of essential commodities rose sharply
-The Muslim League government was responsible for the massacre of the 21 February 1952
-In the elections, voting for United Front meant implicit support for the autonomy of East
Bengal
United Front Government

The architects of the victory of UF in 1954 elections were A K Fazlul Huq (Krishak-Sramik
Party), Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, and Maulana Bhasani (Awami League). Suhrawardy and
Bhasani did not take part in the elections. A K Fazlul Huq was invited to form the government
on 3 April 1954 but a rift surfaced at the very outset on formation of the cabinet. The pre-
election unity and solidarity were soon evaporated. Eventually, on 15 May, Fazlul Huq arrived at
an understanding with Awami Muslim League and he now formed a 14-member cabinet with 5
members from the Awami League.
Fall of the United Front Government

The UF cabinet lasted for only 14 days. Muslim League could not digest its defeat in the
elections. They resorted to conspiracies to dismiss the United Front government. In the third
week of May, there were bloody riots between Bengalee and non-Bengalee workers in different
mills and factories in East Bengal. The United Front government was blamed for law and order
situation. Fazlul Huq‘s interview by New York Times correspondent John P Callaghan was
misquoted. It was published in a distorted form that he wanted independence of East Bengal.
Eventually, the United Front government was dismissed on 29 May 1954. Governor's rule was
imposed in the province which lasted till 2 June 1955. Thereafter, the United Front disintegrated
within a year or so. The causes of disintegration were clashes of personalities, intra-alliance
disagreements and dissension, and divergent party programmes, etc. But the UF‘s victory
confirmed the EB‘s aspiration for autonomy which was proved by the subsequent events.
Twenty-One Point of United Front: Its Political
Economy and Class Basis.
Introduction: Twenty-one-point election manifesto of the United Front in the 1954 provincial
election of East Bangla was the reflection and reaction of ‗relative deprivation‘ of the Bengalis in
the United Pakistan. Through the manifesto, the United Front tried to accumulate the sense of
relative deprivation, especially newly emerging muslim middle class of the then East Pakistan, in
the right share of political power. The twenty-one point captured a wide range of classes of East
Pakistan including the rising educated muslim middle class, the landless peasants, worker class.
The political elites of East Pakistan fully understood the ‗psyche ‗of the people. The leaders of
political parties under United Front got immediate result in the election the United Front won
228 seats out of 309(including nine reserved seats for women). The twenty-one point was the
reaction of Bengalis who dreamed of a Hindu and British elite dominance free Pakistan. But the
hope of becoming political elite to ruling political elite of Pakistan was short-lived. In the writing
we first try to explore why and what motivate the rising middle class to take a ‗reverse ‗turn
within 10 years of partition of Pakistan, why did the mass people specially peasants, workers
voted for United Front instead of Muslim League?
Pre-stage for the twenty-one point: The Bengalis entered into the Pakistan Union in 1947.The
factors worked in favor of such a union was the predominantly Muslim majority in both the
regions and the fear of domination by the Hindu majority in a united India. The base of Pakistan
was ‗Islamic identity‘. ―The union of East and West Pakistan was entered into voluntarily in
1947.The factors working in favour of such a union was the predominantly Muslim majority in
both the regions and the fear of domination by the Hindu majority in a United India.‖ (1) But
unfortunately the ruling elites of Pakistan followed certain policies which alienated the Bengali
elites. ―Frustration was aggravated by the discriminatory policies pursued by the Muslim League
government in national and provincial appointments. All officers appointed in the subdivisions,
districts and secretariat in East Bengal after the independence were non-Bengalis, drawn from
West Punjab and the provinces of former British India. As a result, Bengalis began to feel that
East Bengal was being neglected and treated merely as ‗colony‘ of West Pakistan.‖ (2) The
language movement of 1952 was the initial result of cultural domination of West Pakistan and
the reaction of the Bengalis. From the very beginning the central government of Pakistan
monopolized political power in West Pakistan. The Bengali political elites, especially the leaders
of the United Front tried to negotiate power with Pakistani ruling elite but failed. Through the
election of 1954 they accumulated the support of the mass people of East Pakistan and they
successfully did it.
The United Front and the leaders of the alliance: To fight against the ruling Muslim League
the opposition leaders of East Pakistan formed an alliance. The alliance was formed on 4
December1953. The initiative of AK Fazlul Huq of Krishak Sramik Party, Maulana Bhasani of
the Awami Muslim League and Hazi Muhammad Danesh of the Ganatanti Dal(Democratic
Party) and the Nizami-e-Islam. The Awami Muslim League, founded in 1949, was basically
middle class and working class based political party. The vote bank of the party was the working
class and emerging middle class. The leaders of the party Bhasani belonged to peasants, Sheikh
Mujib was the symbol of emerging middle class. The Krishak Sramik party was an anti-feudal
political party. The important support base of the party depended on the personality of AK Fazlul
Huq.The peasants were the prime vote bank for the party. Nizami-e-Islam, another party of the
United Front, was a pro-Islamic party. The party believed ‗Islamic unity‘. The party joined in the
alliance to confront the ruling Muslim League. The Ganatantri Dal was East Pakistan‘s first
secular political party. The leader of the party Haji Mohammad Danesh was a veteran communist
activist of the Tebhaga movement. Ideologically ‗reverse‘ these four political parties understood
that win of Muslim League in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly could only be confronted if
they be united. The motives of the Front were to get their right share in the political power of
Pakistan. The Twenty-one point of United Front was the manifestation of the deplorable situation
the Bengali mass and elite and the remedies of it. It is one of the reason of the popularity of
twenty-one point.
The political-economy of the twenty-one point: The twenty-one-point election manifesto of the
United Front was a significant political-economic document. Politically it sought to win the
election. Economically it was designed to put the East Bengali resource management in the hand
of Bengali elites. The dream of becoming ruling elite of Pakistan directed the leaders of the
United Front to give a compact election manifesto to get mass peoples‘ support. The first point
of the twenty-one point was- To recognize Bangla as one of the state language of Pakistan. The
language movement of 1952 created a sentiment among the people of East Pakistan. The first
point was basically related to the rising educated Bengali Muslim middle class who had
accumulated some money in hand after the partition of the Indian subcontinent through
agricultural production. The affluent Muslim-peasants sent their sons to the university, already
the University of Dhaka flourished, in hope that their sons would be educated and get
government job to secure a place in the middle class. But Pakistani ruling elites didn‘t recognize
it so the rising middle class were very much angry towards Pakistani ruling elites. The leaders of
the United Front used the language issue to get the vote of the educated middle class. Abul
Mansur Ahmed, a prominent East Pakistani literates and politician said ―If Urdu is made the state
language [of Pakistan], the educated section of the people of East Pakistan would be rendered
‗illiterate‘ and thus ‗unfit‘ for the government jobs.‖ (3) The second point of the twenty-one
point was ‗To abolish without compensation Zamindari and all rent receiving interest in land and
to distribute the surplus lands amongst the cultivators, to reduce rent to a fair level and abolish
the certificate system of the realisig rent. The peasant class of East Pakistan had nothing of their
own. They cultivated in the land of Zamindar. Actually the farmers were near to destruction. The
United Front promised the abolition of Zamindari system to relief the peasant class. There were
also other reasons. The leaders of United Front understood these peasants were one of the most
important vote bank for them. Third point was related to the workers who faced a serious
communal and racial domination in the works in various industries including jute, salt etc.
Besides the corruption, deprivation, domination of the West Pakistan elite brought the industries
of Pakistan into the bank of destruction. The visionary leaders of the United Front used the
situation. The third point stated that ‗to nationalize the jute trade and bring it under direct control
of government of East Bengal, secure fair price of the jute of the growers and to investigate into
the jute bunging during the Muslim League regime to punish those found responsible. The
Bengali political elites tried to get control of the economic power as East Pakistan ensued a huge
foreign currency. To improve the miserable condition of East Bengal, the United Front promised
to farmers- To introduce co-operative farming in agriculture and to develop cottage industries
with full government subsidies. At that time the Bengali political elite never thought of the
separation Bengal rather they wanted to compromise with the West Pakistani ruling elite. The
leaders of United Front were in favor of the peasants due to their ideological reasons at the same
time they wanted to secure their vote bank to defeat Muslim League. Interestingly they did it
successfully though it was short lived. The prime concern of the twenty-one point was the rights
of the working class. The fifth point of the manifesto also said about the rights of working class
and wanted to improve the deplorable situation of the salt industries. The leaders of the Front
didn‘t want to see Bengal depend on the West Pakistan in the regard of salt. Besides the
widespread corruption during the Muslim League destroyed the salt industries. To get the
support of the workers they might intentionally did it. The manifesto also deals with the poor
refugees belonging to the artisan and technician class. Another strong promise related to workers
‗to make the country self-sufficient by modernizing the method of cultivation and
industrialization, and to ensure the rights of labor as per the ILO convention. The manifesto
includes the rights of the teachers ‗to arrange for just pay and allowance to the teachers.‘
Through restructure the entire education system, introduce mother tongue as the medium of
instruction and to repeal all reactionary laws including those of the Dhaka and Rajshahi
university. The United Front leaders also wanted attract the emerging educated middle class as
they were a good numbers of voters of the Front. Besides they wanted an emerging middle class
to compete with West Pakistani elites. The twenty-one point included all the major problems of
East Pakistan and their possible solutions to win the minds of the voters including eradication of
corruption, nepotism and bribery, to separate the judiciary from the executive, curtail the
expenditure of the government etc. Undoubtedly these were positive actions in the context of
then East Pakistan at the same time these issues increased the anti-muslim league sentiment of
the East Pakistani people. The election manifesto of the United Front broadly calculated four
major issues relevant to the then political and economic atmosphere of East Pakistan. These
were: 1) Language issue 2) Deprivation of the working class 3) Deplorable situation of the
landless peasants 4) Provincial autonomy to some extent. The leaders of the alliance captured
these issues and successfully utilized them to motivate and direct people. The people also saw
the dream of ‗Islamic Pakistan‘ as they dreamed of from the partition of Indian subcontinent but
their dream broke down within the first decade Pakistan. They dramatically shifted from ‗Islam
based identity‘ to Bengali language based nationalism. The political-economy of the twenty-one
point is immense in the sense that it changed the history line of Pakistan. If the United Front
didn‘t win the election, if the Muslim League won the election the history line might be changed.
The election and the results: Rise of new political entity in East Pakistan: The election of the
East Bengal Legislative Assembly held in March 1954 under the India act 1935. The contesting
parties were the ruling Muslim League and four-party alliance called United Front. In the
elections held from 8 to 12 March, 1285 candidates contested for 304 seats, 5 seats having been
won uncontested. Of them, 986 were Muslim candidates for 237 seats, 101 Hindu candidates for
30 seats and 151 scheduled caste candidates for 36 seats. Election result: Name of the Party
Number of seats won Muslim League 07 Awami Muslim League 143 Krishak Sramik Party 48
Nezam-e-Islam 22 Ganatantri Dal 13 Khilafat Rabbani Party 02 The election resulted in a
landslide victory for the United Front. ―In the 1954 elections United Front won 223 seats out of
237 Muslim seats and secured 57% of total vote casts. Although the Muslim League had helped
to create Pakistan, its influence had steadily deteriorated after 1947. In the 1954 election it
secured only 10 out of 237 Muslim seats and 16.29% of the total vote casts.‖ (4) Though the
United Front won a landslide victory in the election; the United Front government under the
leadership of AK Fazlul Huq was dismissed within months by governor Ghulam Muhammad
upon of accusations against AK Fazlul Huq of attempting secession. Class-based support of
United Front: The landslide victory of the Front raised some scopes studies for the scholars. Why
did Front get so many votes instead of the Muslim League? Who voted for United Front? Why
did the popularity of Muslim League fall? The questions may be answered by assessing the then
situation of Pakistan. From the very beginning Pakistan failed to create a nation. The sabotage
created further problems. So people were searching for alternative to Muslim League. They
found the Front besides the Font leaders had huge popularity among the Bengalis. Another
interesting thing is that the Awami League got the highest seats among the alliance stockholders
due to their emerging middle class support base.
Conclusion: The long-cherished dream of Bengali political elites was vandalized by the West
Pakistani ruling elites within the first decades of the birth of Pakistan. But language movement of
1952, election of 1954 raised the hopes of the elite class, middle class as well as working class
and peasant class. The grievances of the Bengalis in Pakistan became very acute and flamed it
through the ballot in 1954. The Bengali middle class, working class were motivated by the
twenty-one-point election manifesto.

Six-point movement in 1966
Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
The six-point movement was a movement in East Pakistan, spearheaded by Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, which called for greater autonomy for East Pakistan. The movement's main agenda was
to realize the six demands put forward by a coalition of Bengali nationalist political parties in
1966, to end the perceived exploitation of East Pakistan by the West Pakistani rulers. It is
considered a milestone on the road to.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the founder of Bangladesh. During the rule of Ayub Khan and
Yahya Khan he played a major role in Pakistan politics as a prominent leader of the Awami
League in East Pakistan. He presented a Six-Point formula in 1966, in collaboration with his
party and demanded the Pakistan government to accept them and to implement them the way
they were. Opposition leaders in West Pakistan called for a national conference on February 6,
1966 to assess the trend of post-Taskent politics. On February 4, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along
with some members of Awami League, reached Lahore to attend the conference. The next day
on February 5, he placed six points before the meeting of the subject committee and urged to
include the issue in the agenda of next day conference.The proposal was rejected and Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman was identified as separatist. On February 6, Bangabandhu boycotted the
conference. On February 21, six points proposal was placed before the meeting of the working
committee of Awami League and the proposal was accepted unanimously. As a result, the
economists, intelligentsia, and the politicians of East Pakistan started to raise questions about this
discrimination, giving rise to the historic six-point movement.
Reasons behind the Six Point Movement
The main reason for proposing this six point programme was to end Master-slave rule in
Pakistan. To get rid of the colonial rule and exploitation of Pakistanis, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman announced the six points program in 1966. The purpose of Bangabandhu was
to free East Pakistan from the discrimination through realising six points demand. Basically after
the end the war between India and Pakistan, Bangabandhu raised voice against the extreme
negligence of the West Pakistan Government to the security of East Pakistan and limitless
disparity toward East Pakistan in political, economic, administrative, military, educational affairs
as well. Bangabandhu presented the 'six-points' demand (titled 'amader bachar dabi: chhoy dafa
karmashuchi') on 5-6 February in 1966 when Opposition leaders convened a conference in
Lahore.
Cultural
The first attack was on the language. Language, literature and culture of the two wings of
Pakistan were quite different. East Pakistan had 56% of the total population. Urdu speaking
people were only 3.27%. But the West Pakistan tried to impose Urdu as the state language of
Pakistan. They hatred Bengali culture and pointed it as ―anti-Islamic‖ and banned Rabindranath
Tagor‘s songs in national broadcasting centers.
Economic
East Pakistan suffered from the highest disparity caused by the West Pakistan in economic
affairs. The degree of exploitation by the West Pakistan was terrible. As a result East Pakistan
could never be economically self-sufficient. Head-offices of banks, insurance and commercial
organizations including The Central Bank were in West Pakistan. For this money was laundered
to West Pakistan very easily. In the first one the government outlay from budget allocations in
East and West Pakistan was 113 crore and 500 crore respectively. In the second one the budget
allocations were 950 crore for East Pakistan and 1350 crore for West Pakistan. . At that time the
rate of total government expenditure in East Pakistan was only 5.10%. 300 crore taka was spent
for constructing Islamabad till 1967; whereas, the money spent for Dhaka was 25 crore taka. In
the matter of allocating foreign aids East Pakistan got only 26.6% during the period of 1947-
1970.
Administrative
The officials of the civil service were the key force in the Pakistani administration. In 1962 there
were only 119 Bangalees among 954 high ranking officials in the Ministries. In the central
government offices there were 42000 employees, among them only 2900 were Bangalees. As the
capital was set up in Karachi in 1947, the West Pakistanis got employment in a large scale in all
government offices. In East and West Pakistan number of gazetted officials was 1338 and 3708
respectively; and the number of non-gazetted officials was 26310 and 82944 respectively. In the
Foreign Service in 1962 there was only 20.8% representation of East Pakistan. In embassies in
the foreign countries there were 60 ambassadors from West Pakistan out of 69.
Political
Although the state of Pakistan was born on the basis of the historic Lahore resolution, East
Pakistan was never given the right to autonomy based on the Lahore resolution. Although the
United Front won the elections in 1954, it was not allowed to form a representative government.
Besides, in 1958, Ayub Khan imposed martial law and deprived the politicians of East Pakistan
of their basic rights. In 1965, August-September, India-Pakistan fought the war over the border
issue of Kashmir for 17 days. But in those 17 days East Pakistan was totally unsafe because India
could attack anytime and there was no Military force in the East Pakistan. When Bengalis
questioned for their safety to Pakistan, they replied ―Defense of East Pakistan lies in the hand of
West Pakistan.‖ But West Pakistan did not do anything. Bengalis couldn‘t tolerate this
discrimination much longer. They started protesting. From this, a conference was held in Lahore
in 5-6 February, in 1966. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman presented the six-point in that conference.
―He demand for "absolute autonomy" based on his sixpoint formula seems to have shaken the
foundation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
Military
Discrimination in the Army, Navy, & Air Force Punjabis had been occupying the top post. In
1955, among 2211 army officers Bangalees were only 82. In 1966, among 17 top ranking
officials, there was only one Bangalee . Among 5 lakhs soldiers, Bangalees were only 20000.
The Six-Point formula is mentioned here under.

1: Government system
There would be a federal parliamentary system based on direct adult franchise and representation
of provinces would be on the basis of population in the federal legislature.
2: Controlling power
The federal government will be restricted only to foreign affairs and defense. And even
regarding foreign affairs, the dealings of economic matters would rest with the provinces.
3: Currency
Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is
not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional
provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan.
Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary
policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
4: Tax and revenues
The power of taxation and revenue collection should be vested in the federating units and the
federal center would have no such power. The federation would be entitled to a share in the state
taxes to meet its expenditures.
5: Foreign currency
There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the
foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings
equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products trade links with foreign countries.
6: Form of militia
East Pakistan would be given the authority to have a militia or paramilitary force solely under its
provincial government. The proposal was rejected by politicians from West Pakistan and non
Awami League politicians from East Pakistan. It was rejected by the President of All Pakistan
Awami League Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan. It was also rejected by National
AwamiParty, Jamaat-i-Islami,and Nizam-i-Islam. The movement had the support of the
population of East Pakistan.
Reaction of Six-point:
1. The government rejected the six points. They referred to Sheikh Mujib as a separatist and
Sheikh Mujib was arrested.
2. Ayub Khan described the six points as a conspiracy to form a Hindu-dominated United
Bengal.
3. Political parties (Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami, Nezami Islami, NAP (Bhasani) rejected the
six points.
4. A part of the Awami League, including Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish, opposed the six
points.
Importance/Significance of Six Point programme/ Movement

The importance of the six-point movement is immense. The six-point movement was the
precursor of some momentous events which were the triggring factors of the emergence of
Bangladesh. 
Demand for Autonomy

Six-point demand was first identified East Bengal as a separate region and demanded greater
autonomy. 
Creation of Bengali Nationalism
The six points were a symbol of hope and aspiration of Bengalis. This was the key to the
characterization and self-reliance of the Bengali nation consisting of Hindus, Muslims,
Christians and Buddhists in East Pakistan. As a result, the six-point movement was severely
suppressed and the consciousness of the Bengali nation united them. 
Increased the Popularity of Sheikh Mujib and Awami League

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman presented the six-point demand on behalf of the Awami League in
1966. As a result, the popularity of Sheikh Mujib and Awami League increased through six
points. According to Raunaq Jahan, ― Sixpoint movement whose main thrust was demand of
greater autonomy for east Pakistan is regarded as the turning point in Mujib‘s rise to charismatic
leadership ‘‘.
Strong voice against exploitation

The six-point demand was the first strong protest against the long-running exploitation of East
Pakistan by the Pakistani government. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman himself referred to the six points
as "the Charter of Liberation of Bengal's peasants, workers, laborers, middle class and the
common people to step towards the establishment of Bengal's rights".
Six points awaken democratic values.

Six point played an important role in the Agartala Conspiracy Case in 1968.
The removal of Ayub Khan's dictatorship.
Six point played an important role in the mass uprising of 1969.
The Election of 1970
The key factor in Awami League's election manifesto in 1970 was this six points program. The
Awami League sought public mandate in favor of the six points program in the general elections
of 1970. A landslide victory was gained with the absolute mandate from the people of East
Pakistan in favor of six-point program.
The Seeds of Freedom:

The seeds of Bangladesh's independence were sown in the six points. Because the first demand
for autonomy was in the six points which helped the mass uprising in 1969 and the victory of
Awami League in the election of 1970 which played an important role in the rise of independent
Bangladesh.
Agartala Conspiracy
The Agartala Conspiracy Case was a sedition case in Pakistan during the rule of Ayub Khan
against Awami League, brought by the government of Pakistan in 1968 against Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, the leader of the Awami League and East Pakistan, and 34 other people. In 1963
Bangabandhu visited Tripura secretly. In Agartala - the capital of Tripura - he met Shachindralal
Singha, the then Congress leader who became the Chief Minister of Tripura later. In that
meeting, Bangabandhu sent a message to the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru seeking his
support for the armed movement through Shachindralal Singha. But the matter was uncovered by
Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistani government. 1500 Bangalees were arrested in Pakistan.
Bangabandhu was implicated as the main accused of this conspiracy. Bangabandhu was in jail
then. A case was filed in January 1968. The Government framed the charged saying
Bangabandhu led a secret meeting with Indian government officials in Agartala, the capital of
Indian State Tripura. In the meeting a plan was designed to liberate East Pakistan through armed
movement with the assistance from the Government of India. This is why it became known as
Agartala Case. But officially the case was termed ―the State vs. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and
others‘‘. The case is officially called State vs. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and others, but is
popularly known as Agartala Shoŗojontro Mamla (Agartala conspiracy case) as the main
conspiracy was purported to have taken place in the Indian city of Agartala in Tripura state,
where Sheikh Mujib's associates met Indian military officials.
Background of the Agartala Conspiracy

Since the creation of Pakistan, there has been a huge disparity between East and West Pakistan.
The people of East Pakistan have raised their demands against the West Pakistan. Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman announced the six points program in 1966. The main reason for
proposing the six point programme was to end Master-slave rule in Pakistan. To get rid of the
colonial rule and exploitation of Pakistanis. When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman demanded the six-
point, Ayub Khan became very upset. So he called Sheikh Mujib as a separatist and rejected the
six-point demand. On the other hand, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a strong
mass movement was formed in East Pakistan demanding autonomy. Later, the government
engaged in various conspiracies to thwart this movement and the Agartala conspiracy case was
its practical implementation. On January 18, 1968, Sheikh Mujib was made the number one
accused and a case was filed against a total of 35 people.
The Pakistan Govt.during the period 1967-68, announced the names of the following persons
who were accused of a military coup in order to free the eastern wing of Pakistan with the help
of India.
1. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 2. Commander Moazzem Hussain, 3. Manik Chiudhury, 4.

Bidhankrishna Sen, 5. Dr.Saidur Rahman, 6. Lft.Commander Rauf 7. Ahmed Fazlur
Rahman, 8. Ruhul Quddus. 9. Mujibur Rahman, 10. Kamaluddin Ahmed, 11.Sultanuddin
Ahmed. 12. Mirza M.Ramiz, 13. Amir Hossain 14. A.B.M.A.Samad 15. Khurshid Alam, 16.
Mahmud Ali 17. A.B.M.Yusuf 18. Tazul Islam 19. Khurshid Mia 20. Dalil Uddin 21. Masud
R.Choudhury 22. Anwar Hossain 23. Matiur Rahman, 24. Captain Khurshid Uddin, 25.
Subedar Abdur Razzak, 26. Sergeant A.M.F.Huq, 27. Sergeant Shamsuddin, 28. Havildar
Insaf Ali, 29. Khan Shamsur Rahman, 30. Capt. Shaukat Ali, 31. Maj.Nurul Islam 32.
Captain Sadekur Rahman Choudhury, 33. Captain Shahabuddin 34. Lft. Colonel Shamsul
Alam, 35. Lft. Colonel Mustafizur Rahman.
A special tribunal was formed for the disposal of the Agartala Case. The hearing of the case
started at 11 a.m. on 19 June 1968 in a chamber inside Dhaka Cantonment. There were 227
witnesses including 11 approvers. A defense team of the lawyers of the accused persons was
formed under the leadership of prominent lawyer Abdus Salam Khan. Sir Thomas William filed
a writ petition in Dhaka High Court on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman challenging the
legality of the formation of the tribunal.
Reaction of Agartala Conspiracy

Anti-Ayub agitation was getting momentum in both the wings of Pakistan during the trial. In
East Pakistan people's voice became stronger to realize the demand for the release of
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the withdrawal of the case. Gradually the mass
movement in East Pakistan turned to mass upsurge in 1969. Some political parties including
Awami League, National Awami Party formed a Democratic Action Committee (DAC). At a
point of turmoil, Sergeant Zahurul Haq, one of the vital accused in the case, was shot to death in
Dhaka Cantonment on 15 February 1969.The news of his death led a furious mob in Dhaka on
16 February 1969. Strikes, processions, meetings and rallies were held all over the country. On
17 February 1969, Maulana Bhasani made an announcement at Paltan Maidan. He said, "Mujib
is better than my three children. If anything happens to Mujib Mia, say Pakistan, or whatever you
say, there will be nothing.‘‘ At last in the face of the mass movement, the Ayub government was
ultimately compelled to withdraw the Agartala Conspiracy Case. All the accused including
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were released on 22 February 1969. On the occasion of the release of
Bangabandhu grand public reception rally was organized at the Race Course Ground on 23
February 1969. In that mammoth rally Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was vested with the appellation
of 'Bangabandhu'.
Impact/Significance of Agartala Case/Conspiracy
 This case played a vital role to ignite nationalist consciousness among Bangalees.
 The purpose that inspired Ayub Government to lodge the case did not gain any success;
rather it acted as a boomerang against Ayub Government.
 Sheikh Mujib became an unrivaled leader.
 The withdrawal of the case exposed the weakness of the Pakistani government.
 In the minds of the Bengalis intense hatred, anger and mistrust were created against the
Pak rulers.
 On March 25, 1969, Ayub Khan was forced to step down.
 The direct effect of this case can be seen in the election of 1970. In the 1970 elections,
the Awami League won 167 out of 169 seats.
Mass Uprising of 1969

The 1969 uprising in East Pakistan was a democratic political movement in East Pakistan (now
Bangladesh). The mass uprising in 1969 is that the entire people of East Pakistan staged against
the dictator Ayub Khan on the basis of six points and 11 points in 1969 with the aim of
implementing democracy and establishing autonomy and ending all anti-people forces and
military rule is known as the 1969 uprising. The uprising consisted of a series of mass
demonstrations and sporadic conflicts between government armed forces and the demonstrators.
Although the unrest began in 1966 with the Six point movement of Awami League, it got
momentum at the beginning of 1969 and culminated in the resignation of Field Marshal Ayub
Khan, the first military ruler of Pakistan. The uprising also led to the withdrawal of Agartala
Conspiracy Case and acquittal of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his colleagues from the case. The
mass uprising of 1969 brought down the oppressive and dictatorial ruler Ayub Khan.
Background of the Mass Uprising in 1969

 Reluctance to grant autonomy to East Pakistan.
 An unreasonable decision had to make Urdu the state language.
 The election of United Front in 1954.
 Military rule which was imposed in 1958.
 Boundless inequality between East and West Pakistan.
 Students movement of 1962 and 1964
 Six point movement and reluctance to grant autonomy.
 Agartala conspiracy case of 1968.
 Movements of Mass Uprising
The mass uprising of 1969 was divided into three stages.

1. From 4th January to 19th January 1969.
2. January 20, 1969 to February 22.
3. From February 23 to March 25, 1969.

Starting from the Language Movement various nationalistic movements ensued during the
decade of 1960. These movements were against the racial repressions, deprivation and disparity
done to East Pakistan since the inception of Pakistan. Those factors had their impact on the mass
upsurge in 1969. The student agitation turned into a vigorous mass movement under the
leadership of Maulana Bhashani. As a part of joint program, the National Awami Party, East
Pakistan Workers' Federation and East Pakistan Peasants' Association arranged a public meeting
at Paltan Maidan to observe the Repression Resistance Day on 6 December 1968. Maulana
Bhashani declared a hartal the next day, following the violent clash between the police and the
demonstrators. Awami League observed Repression Resistance Day on 10 December. A 'gherao'
program was staged on 29 December. The leaders of Chhatra League, Chhatra Union (Matia and
Menon group) and Dhaka University Central Students Union (DUCSU) sat together on 4 January
1969 and formed a united front known as Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad (All Parties
Student Resistance Council). Chhatra Sangram Parishad presented 11 points program which was,
by and large, a combination of the six points of Bangabandhu and few other demands.11 points
got support of the Bangalees from all strata of life very soon. During the time of turmoil in 1969,
students' 11 point program was a very timely manifestation of the demands of the opposition
parties in East Pakistan. This brought the opposition parties together to be united quite rapidly.
On 8 January eight parties formed an alliance known as 'Gonotantrik Sangram Parishad'
(Democratic Action Committee/DAC) and placed forward 8 points demand. On 20 January
students observed hartal in East Pakistan to protest that brutality. During hartal police fired open
in front of Dhaka Medical College and a student leader Asaduzzaman was killed. In protest of
killing Asad, students undertook extensive program on 22, 23 and 24 January. Sergeant Zahurul
Haque, an under-trial prisoner in the Agartala Conspiracy Case, was killed brutally by gun shot
in Dhaka Cantonment on 15 February. The movement triggered off in protest of the killing of
Zahurul Haque on 16 February. Finding no other alternative, the Government imposed curfew in
Dhaka. On 18 February the army bayoneted Dr. Mohammad Shamsuzzoha, the then Proctor of
Rajshahi University and killed him. Ayub Khan could realize that the situation would go beyond
control unless the Agartala Case was withdrawn and the accused people were released. All the
accused including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were released on 22 February 1969. Yielding to the
Martyred student leader Asad murdered by firing of Police pressure of the mass uprising Ayub
Khan declared that he would not contest in the next presidential election.
Importance/Significance of the Mass Uprising

 On March 25, 1969, Ayub Khan was forced to resign.
 The Agartala conspiracy case was withdrawn on 22 February.
 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was conferred the title of Bangabandhu.
 Awareness of rights of Bengalis increased.
 Democratic aspirations are awakened.
 Inequality between East and West Pakistan came to an end.
 The political prisoners were released from prison.
 Bengali nationalism was created.
 The mass uprising of 1969 played a vital role in 1970 elections.
 The mass uprising of 1969 inspired the war of independence.
The Election of 1970

The election of 1970 has a great significance in the history of the liberation movement of
Bangladesh. General elections were held in Pakistan on December 7, 1970 – 50 years ago today
to elect members of the National Assembly. This was the first general elections since the
independence of Pakistan and ultimately the only ones held prior to the independence of
Bangladesh. Voting took place in 300 constituencies, of which 162 were in East Pakistan and
138 in West Pakistan. The elections were a fierce contest between two social democratic parties
the west-based Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and the east-based Awami
League of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Background of the 1970’s Election

Since the creation of Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan have been the victims of exploitation
in West Pakistan. The boundless inequality between East and West Pakistan, the language
movement of 1952, the movement against the military rule of 1958 started in East Pakistan.
Autonomy was demanded in 1966 through the six points. But the Pakistani ruling class did not
listen, instead they filed Agartala conspiracy case to suppress the movement. As a result, the
movement became more widespread. When the military rulers of Pakistan enforced oppressive
measures on the leaders of East Pakistan including Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the
people of this country organized a movements against them. This was resulted in the mass
uprising of 1969. As Ayub Khan stepped down following this uprising of 25 March, his
successor General Yahiya Khan promised re-establishment of democracy in Pakistan. He
declared that the military government would relegate power to the elected public representatives.
Following this route, a general election was held in 1970. By government order, elections to the
National Assembly were announced on 5 October 1970 and to the Provincial Assembly on 22
October. But the election was not held for several reasons. Subsequently, elections to the
National Assembly were held on 6 December 1970 and to the Provincial Assembly on 16
December. But on 12 November, a severe cyclone and tidal wave in some parts of East Pakistan
destroyed property worth crores of rupees and houses. As a result, elections were held on 17
January 1971 in those areas. There were 17 political parties participating in this election.
The Legal framework order
On 28 March, 1970, Yahya Khan announced the basic principles of the legal framework order
relating to election.
 National Assembly of Pakistan will consist of 313 seats with 13 seats reserved for
women.
 169 seats were to be for East Pakistan, 85 for Punjab, 28 for Sindh, 19 for NWFP, 5 for
Baluchistan and 7 seats were allotted to the tribal areas.
 Legislatures shall be elected through direct elections on the basis of population and adult
franchise.
 Within a specified period, economic and all other disparities between different provinces
and areas shall be removed.
 The independence of the judiciary shall be secured.
Results of the 1970’s Election

 In the National Assembly elections, the Awami League won 167 seats, including 7
reserved seats for women, and the Pakistan People's Party got only 88 seats.
 On the other hand, in the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly, Awami League held
absolute majority by bagging 298 out of a total of 310 seats.
 An analysis of the election results shows that, in National Assembly, Awami League won
75.10% of the total vote whereas in Provincial Assembly, they got a 70.48% of the total
vote.
Importance/Significance of the election

 The election of 1970 had enormous significance for the emergence of an independent and
sovereign Bangladesh and Bangalee nationalism.
 The popularity of Awami League increased.
 Democratic aspirations are awakened.
 The political awareness of Bengalis increased.
 Sheikh Mujib's status was increased.
 Regional dominance increases.
 Played an important role to the Liberation War.
Reasons for the victory of Awami League in the election of 1970

 Reluctance to provide Elections
 Boundless inequality between East and West Pakistan.
 Agartala conspiracy case
 Impact of Pak-India war
 Leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
 The isolation of the Muslim League
 Influence of Bengali nationalism
Seventh March Speech of Bangabandhu
Bangobondhu at Racecourse Ground
The 7 March Speech of Bangabandhu was a speech given by
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh on 7 March 1971 at the Ramna Race
Course in Dhaka to a gathering of over two million people. It was delivered during a period of
escalating tensions between East Pakistan and the powerful political and military establishment
of West Pakistan. In the speech, Rahman proclaimed: "This time the struggle is for our freedom.
This time the struggle is for our independence." He announced a civil disobedience movement in
the province, calling for "every house to turn into a fortress". The speech inspired the Bengali
people to prepare for a war of independence amid widespread reports of armed mobilization by
West Pakistan. The Bangladesh Liberation War began 18 days later, when the Pakistan Army
launched Operation Searchlight against Bengali civilians, intelligentsia, students, politicians, and
armed personnel. On 30 October 2017, UNESCO added the speech in the Memory of the World
Register as a documentary heritage.
Background
Pakistan was created in 1947, during the Partition of India, as a Muslim homeland in South Asia.
Its territory comprised most of the Muslim-majority provinces of British India, including two
geographically and culturally separate areas, one east of India and the other west. The western
zone was popularly (and, for a period, officially) called West Pakistan; the eastern zone (modern-
day Bangladesh) was called East Bengal and then East Pakistan. West Pakistan dominated the
country politically, and its leaders exploited the East economically, leading to popular
grievances. In national elections, winning 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan and a
majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave it the constitutional right to form a
government. However,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the leader of the Pakistan People‘s Party and a member of the Sindhi ethnic
group, refused to allow Sheikh Mujib to become prime minister. Instead, he proposed having two
prime ministers, one for each wing.
Negotiations began in Dhaka between the two sides. In January 1971, after the first round of
negotiations, President Yahya Khan promised in the Dhaka airport that Sheikh Mujib would be
the next prime minister and that the newly elected National Assembly would convene on 3
March 1971. However, Bhutto was vehemently opposed to a Bengali becoming prime minister,
and he began a campaign of racially charged speeches across West Pakistan to invoke fear of
Bengali domination. He warned West Pakistani MPs-elect not to travel to the East. Fearing a
civil war, Bhutto secretly sent an associate, Mubashir Hassan, to meet with Sheikh Mujib and
members of his inner circle. It was decided that Sheikh Mujib would serve as prime minister,
with Bhutto as president. These talks were kept hidden from the public and from the armed
forces. Meanwhile, Bhutto pressured Yahya Khan to take a stance.
On 3 March, the convening of the National Assembly was postponed until 25 March, leading to
an outcry across East Pakistan. Violence broke out in Dhaka, Chittagong, Rangpur ,
Comilla , Rajshahi , Sylhet, and Khulna, and the security forces killed dozens of unarmed
protesters. There were open calls for Sheikh Mujib to declare independence from Pakistan, and
the Awami League called a large public gathering at Dhaka's Ramna Race Course on 7 March to
respond.
The speech
Bangabandhu started with the lines, "Today, I appeared before you with a heavy heart. You
know everything and understand as well. We tried with our lives. But the painful matter is that
today, in Dhaka, Chattogram, Khulna, Rajshahi and Rangpur, the streets are dyed red with the
blood of our brethren. Today the people of Bengal want freedom, the people of Bengal want to
survive, and the people of Bengal want to have their rights. What wrong did we do?"
He mentioned four conditions for joining the National Assembly on 25 March:

1. The immediate lifting of martial law
2. The immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks
3. The immediate transfer of power to elected representatives of the people

4. A proper inquiry into the loss of life during the conflict.
He also gave several directives for a civil disobedience movement, instructing that:
1. People should not pay taxes;
2. Government servants should take orders only from him
3. The secretariat, government and semi-government offices, and courts in East Pakistan should
observe strikes, with necessary exemptions announced from time to time;
4. Only local and inter-district telephone lines should function;
5. Railways and ports could continue to function, but their workers would not cooperate if they
were used to repress the people of East Pakistan.
The speech lasted about 19 minutes and concluded with, "Our struggle, this time, is a struggle for
our freedom. Our struggle, this time, is a struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!" It was a de
facto declaration of Bangladesh's independence.

Mujibnagar government
Mujibnagar Government
Every year we observed formation of Mujibnagar government in April 17. In fact, it was
formally announced all with its organizational components on 17 April 1971. Its role in
liberation war has become a matter of utmost importance. We have so far written much about the
formation of government in exile at Mujibnagar. We seldom think of who among officials took
part in Liberation War as incumbents in the government in exile. At present, over four decades of
independence, it seemed difficult to identify the persons who served in the war time cabinet as
officials. The war cabinet was formed on 10 April 1971. Oath taking ceremony took place on 17
April 1971 with the portfolios assigned among the Ministers on 18 April. Throughout the war
with the Pakistan Army, the Mujibnagar government would serve as the nominal head of the pro-
independence guerrilla militias, mainly the Mukti Bahini. Although the state gained
independence only in December 1971, the Mujibnagar government is recognized in history as the
first official government of Bangladesh.
The Mujibnagar government is also called 'war cabinet'. The cabinet was well organized with
frontline leaders and official staff. "The government-in-exile at Mujibnagar had an elaborate
structure of administrative departments, agencies and activities. Even though elaborate agencies
were established, the government's main work remained coordinating the guerrilla insurgency
and to bolster popular support in East Pakistan by its political organizational work. Composition
is given below:
Structure of Mujibnagar Government

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: President of Bangladesh
Syed Nazrul Islam: Vice President; Acting President
Tajuddin Ahmed: Prime Minister
Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed: Foreign Affairs and Law Minister
Muhammad Mansur Ali: Finance Minister
A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman: Home, Relief and Rehabilitation Minister
Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani: Commander-in-Chief of the Mukti Bahini
Major General Abdur Rab: Chief of Staff
Role of Mujibnagar Government

The government ran the administration by the Bangalee officials. There were 12 ministries or
divisions in it. Those were the Ministry of Foreign affairs; the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry
of Industry and Commerce; the Cabinet Secretariat; the General Administration; the Health and
Welfare Division; the Relief and Rehabilitation Division; the Engineering Division; the Planning
Commission; the Controlling Board for Youth and Reception Camp etc.
The Mujibnagar government established Bangladesh mission in various important cities

(Calcutta, Delhi, London, Washington, New York) of the world. These missions campaigned for
having support in favour of Bangladesh from the world community.
The government appointed Justice Abu Sayed Chowdhury as a special envoy. He tried his best to
get support of world leaders and the public as well in favour of the Liberation War.
During the liberation war, the leaders of that government would give guidance to the people of
this country.
The provisional president and the Prime Minister would keep the whole country motivated
through their speeches over the radio.
Mujibnagar government contacted the United Nations, European countries, the USA, Russia and
other powerful nations to mobilize public opinion in favor of the Mujibnagar government to get
international recognition and support.
Under the leadership of Mujibnagar government, the freedom fighters fought in the battle fields
to liberate the country from the occupation of the Pakistani forces. Many of them sacrificed their
lives for the cause of the mother land.
The government divided the country into 11 sectors. Besides, some sub-sectors and 3 Brigade
forces were formed.
Gallantry awards
Gallantry Awards titles awarded to distinguished freedom fighters in recognition of their

exceptional heroism and self-sacrifices during the liberation war of Bangladesh. MAG Osmany,
the commander-in-chief of the liberation forces, placed the proposal before the council of
ministers of the Mujibnagar Government in early May 1971 for conferring gallantry titles upon
the freedom fighters in recognition of their valour and courage in the liberation war and also to
inspire them to such sacrifice. This proposal was approved by the council of ministers at its
meeting held on 16 May.
A total of 676 freedom fighters including the previously selected ones were awarded the
following titles on 15 December 1973. The category-wise break-up was as follows:
 Bir Sreshtho-("The Most Valiant Hero"), the highest gallantry award

 Bir Uttom- ("Better among Braves"), the second highest gallantry award
 Bir Bikrom- ("Valiant hero"), the third highest gallantry award
 Bir Protik- ("Symbol of Bravery or Idol of Courage"), the fourth highest gallantry award
 Bir Srestha: 7 persons

 Bir Uttam: 68 persons
 Bir Bikram: 175 persons
 Bir Pratik: 426 persons
Bir Shreshtha – The Seven Most Valiant Heroes

The Bir Sreshtho title is the highest military award of Bangladesh. It was awarded to
seven freedom fighters that showed utmost bravery and died in action for their nation.
They are considered martyrs.
The other three gallantry awards are named, in decreasing order of importance, Bir
Uttom, Bir Bikrom and Bir Protik. All of these awards were introduced immediately after
the Liberation War in 1971.
The Bir Sreshtho title was awarded by the Bangladesh Gazette 15 December 1973. It has
been given to seven people. Listed below are the people who have received the Bir
Sreshtho.

The Contributions of Sheikh Mujib government (1972-75)
Constitution: ―A state without a Constitution is like a boat without oarsman,‖ said

Bangabandhu. In 1972, he took the floor to talk about the Constitution in front of the
Constituent Assembly. It took 72 days to draft the Constitution and finally was adopted
Bangladesh on 4 November 1972 and became effective on 16 December 1972.
International Recognition: Internationally, Bangladesh was recognized but it didn‘t happen

overnight. Following Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration of independence in countries,
India was the first country to recognize Bangladesh as a separate and independent state on 6
December 1971. Bhutan became one of the first countries in the world to recognize the newly
independent state on 7 December 1971. The United States delayed recognition for some months.
Pakistan, which Bangladesh had gained independence from, didn't recognize the country until it
was pressured by other Muslim-majority nations.
Defense Policy: After the independence, the Father of the Nation took several important
initiatives to re-organise the Armed Forces of Bangladesh. The ‗‘National Defence Policy-1974‖
was formulated under the direction of Bangabandhu to restructure and develop the capabilities of
Bangladesh Armed Forces.
Education Policy: Bangabandhu realized that there was no alternative to a non-discriminatory in

the newly independent country. With this in mind and short period of time, he formulated The
national education policy (July 26, 1972) was formed, an education commission a prominent
scientist doctor Kudrat A Khuda as its chairman.
Agricultural Policy: After the bloody liberation war of 1971; the country‘s condition was
fragile for basic needs specially food. After the formation of government, Bangabandhu took
revolutionary steps to reform the agricultural sector of the country by decorating the agricultural
policies basing on the farmers and their economic conditions so that we may get all types of food
(1972-1975).
Economic Policy: After independence, Bangabandhu was rebuilding the war-torn economy,
with 10 million refugees. However, Bangladesh has made progress in positive areas of its
economy and Bangabandhu increased its capital earnings in only three years.(1972-1975).
Foreign Policy: Mujib's major foreign policy achievement was to secure normalization
and diplomatic relations with most countries of the world. Bangladesh's foreign policies are:
'Friendship to All, Malice to None' and 'Friendly Co-existence'. Bangladesh joined
the Commonwealth, the UN and the Non-Aligned Movement. National independence, self-
determination, sovereignty over state with ―non-aligned nations‖ is all important goals of the
'Non-aligned movement'.
National Election (1973): General election was held in newly independent Bangladesh on 7
March 1973. The result was a victory for the Bangladesh Awami League, who won 293 of the
300 seats. Sheikh Mujib's government put major effort into winning every seat.
BAKSAL: On 24 February 1975, Mujibur formed a new party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik
Awami League (BaKSAL) to build a prosperous Bangladesh, based on the four principles of the
Constitution. The 'BAKSAL‘ is a significant chapter in the history of the Bengali nation.

Reference
1. The six-point programme: Its class basis. Emajuddin Ahamed. Page 28.
2. Talukder Maniruzzman; The Bangladesh revolution and its aftermath (Dhaka:

Bangladesh books international limited. 1980) page 19.
3. Detailed election results were published in the AZAD. Dhaka March 15-25,1954.
4. Talukder Maniruzzamn; Group interests and political changes: Studies of Pakistan and
Bangladesh. (New Dhli; South Asian publications ;1982) page 8.
5. Jahan, Rounaq. 1972. Pakistan: Failure in National Integration. New York: Columbia
University Press.
6. Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra & Jadunath Sarkar, 1943. The History of Bengal. Dhaka:
University of Dacca.
7. Adhikari, A. 2000. A Note on the Literature of the Language Movement of East Pakistan,
1952. The Journal of Social Studies, 90, pp. 75-87.
8. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. 1992. Ancient Bangladesh. A Study of the Archaeological Sources.

New Delhi: Oxford University Press
9. Chatterji, Joya. 1994. Bengal Devided. Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chowdhury, A. M. 1967. Dynastic History of
Bengal. Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan.
10. Gopal, Sarvepalli. 1949. The Permanent Settlement in Bengal and its Results. London: G
Allen and Unwin.
11. Imam, Jahanara. 1986. Ektattorer Dinguli. Dhaka: Sandhani Prokashoni. 2009. A Long
View of Bangladesh, Economic and Political Weekly, 44 (34), pp. 32-4.
12. Kabir, Ananya Jahanara. 2014. Partition‘s Post-Amnesia: 1947, 1971 and Modern South
Asia. New Delhi: Women Unlimited.
13. Kamal, Ahmed. 2009. State Against the Nation. The Decline of the Muslim League in
Pre-independence Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press Limited.
14. Karim, Abdul. 1985. Social History of The Muslims in Bengal (Down to A.D. 1538),
2nd. ed. Chittagong: Baitush Sharaf islamic Research institute.
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Stoughton.
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University Press.
18. Umar, Badruddin. 1970. Purba Banglar Bhasa Andolan-o-Tatkalin Rajniti. Dhaka: n.p.

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History of Bangladesh

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History of the Emergence of Independent Bangladesh

Department of Social Science

University of Global Village, Barishal.

This booklet is especially prepared for the student of University of

Not for Sale

Geographical features of Bangladesh

Size and Population of Bangladesh

The coastline of Bangladesh

Physical features of Bangladesh

1. The plain lands of the low valley

Climate and Rainfalls in Bangladesh

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

Siraj Ud Doulah Robert Clive

Causes of the Battle of Plassey

Other reasons that supported the coming of this battle were

 Fortification of Calcutta by British without Nawab‟s permission

Who Fought the Battle of Plassey?

Robert Clive (EIC)

Mir Jafar (Commander-in-Chief of Nawab‟s army)

Jagat Seth (Influential Banker)

Omi Chand (Bengal Merchant)

Effects of Battle of Plassey

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

Background of the Battle of Buxar

The battle of Buxar ended with the Treaty of Allahabad in 1765.

Result of Battle of Buxar

Not for Sale

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

What is Permanent Settlement? Discuss its merits and demerits

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

Merits and Demerits of the Permanent Settlement

Merits of Permanent Settlement:

Demerits of the Permanent Settlement:

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

History of Partition of Bengal

Causes of Partition of Bengal

Features of Partition of Bengal

Annulment of Partition of Bengal (1911)

Partition of Bengal and Swadeshi Movement

Alomgir Hossain, Lecturer of Social Science,

University of Global Village, (UGV) Barishal. (alomgir.hrp@gmail.com)

A.K. Fazlul Haque

Main features of Lahore Resolution

of the minorities in the newly independent muslim states;

The Principle Clauses of the Lahore Resolution

b) These independent states will be autonomous and sovereign.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Brief history of two nation theory

Present standing of two nation theory

Validity of two nation theory

Traditions and religious aspects of two nations

Disparity between East-West Pakistan since 1947

The rise of Bengali sub-nationalism

Causes and effects of separation of East Pakistan

There are following causes and effects of separation of East Pakistan.