"Brilliantly questioning thefigureof'development' thathauntsmodernism.

Aggregategets
downto thedirt ofthe Bretton-Woodsworld:the entanglementofarchitecturaldiscourse
in food insecurity and mining infrastructures, debt servicing anddictators, supply chains
ofmaterials andexpertise. A must-read for architectural thinkers.
Swati Chattopadhyay, University ofCalifornia, Santa Barbara, USA

"Thistimelybookaddressesa majorblindspotincontemporary architectural scholarship:

thecentral role ofthedesigndisciplines in theprocesses ofmodern, postcolonial develop- Systems and the Emergence
ment in creating the exclusions andinequalities ofour time. of the Global South
Fernanda Lara, Potter RoseProfessorship, University ofTexas at Austin, USA

Edited by Aggregate

Routledge
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Cover Image: Gustavo Diaz, Detalle dela cartografia hallada enla Abadia Benedictina
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First published 2022

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Contents
© 2022selectionandeditorialmatter.Aggregate;individualchapters,thecontributors

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All rights reserved. No part ofthis book maybe reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
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including photocopying andrecording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
withoutpermissioninwritingfromthepublishers. Listofcontributors Xl

Trademarknotice:Productorcorporatenamesmaybetrademarksor registered
trademarks, andare usedonly for identification andexplanation without intent to infringe. Introduction
ArindamDutta, AteyaKhorakiwala,AyalaLevin, FabiolaLopez-Durdn,
Every effort hasbeen made to contact copyright-holders. Please advise the publisher ofany
errors or omissions, and these will be corrected in subsequent editions. and Ijlal Muzaffarfor Aggregate
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data 23
A cataloguerecordforthisbookisavailablefrom theBritishLibrary PartI Developmentaltime
LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData Incompletion: on more than a certain tendency in postwar architecture
Names:Aggregate(Group),editor.
Title: Architecture in development: systems andthe emergence ofthe global South/edited and planning 25
byAggregate. Arindam Dutta
Description: Abingdon, Oxon; NewYork: Routledge, 2022. | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers:LCCN2021043472(print) | LCCN2021043473(ebook) | ISBN9781032045320 ; God'sgamble:self-helparchitectureandthehousingofrisk 47
(hardback) | ISBN9781032045337(paperback) | ISBN9781003193654(ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Architecture and society-History-20th century. | Architecture- Ijlal M.uzaffar
Economic aspects-History-20th century. | Economic development-History-
20thcentury.
Classification:LCCNA2543.S6A631252022(print) | LCCNA2543.S6(ebook) | Part II Expertise 63
DDC720. 1/03-dc23
LC record available at https://lccn. loc. gov/202l043472
LC ebook record available at https://lccn. loc. gov/2021043473 3 Planning for an uncertain present: action planning in Singapore, India,
Israel, and Sierra Leone 65
ISBN:978-1-032-04532-0(hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-04533-7 (pbk) Ayala Levin
ISBN: 978-1-003-19365-4 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003193654 4 To whichrevolution? TheNationalSchoolofAgriculture andtheCenter

for theImprovementofCorn andWheatin TexcocoandEl Batan,Mexico,
Typesetin Minion 1924-1968 85
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Nikki Moore

1 From rice research to coconut capital 105

Diana M. artinez
vi CONTENTS CONTENTS vii

6 "Thecityasa housingproject":trainingforhumansettlements at 16 TheJewishAgency'sopencowsheds:Israelithirdwayruraldesign, 1956-1968 323

the Leuven PGCHS in the 1970s-1980s 123 Martin Hershenzon
Sebastiaan Loosen, Viviana d'Auria, and Wide Heynen
17 Floors andceilings: the architectonics ofaccumulation in the Green
Part III Bureaucraticorganization 141 Revolution 343
AteyaKhorakiwala
7 Folders,patterns,andvillages:pastoraltechnicsandtheCenterfor
Environmental Structure 143 Part VI Land 363
Ginger Nolan
18 Policyregionalismandthelimitsoftranslationin landeconomics 365
8 Thetechnicalstate:programs,positioning,andtheintegrationofarchitects BurakErdim
in political societyin Mexico, 1945-1955 161

AlbertJose-AntonioLopez 19 Leisure and geo-economics: the Hilton and other development regimes in
the Mediterranean South 381
9 "Foreignersin filmmaking 179 Panayiota Pyla
Felicity D. Scott
20 Antiparochiand(its) architects:Greekarchitecturesin failure 40 1
PartIV Technologicaltransfer 195 Konstantina Kalfa

10 ThemakingofarchitecturaldesignasSolgye:integratingscience,industry, Index 477

and expertise in postwar Korea 197

Melany Sun-Min Park

11 Infrastructures ofdependency: US Steel's architectural assemblages on

Indigenous lands 217

Manuel Shvartzberg Carrio

12 Reinventing earth architecture in the age ofdevelopment 237

Farhan Karim

PartV Designingtherural 257

13 Globalizing the village: development media, Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, and

the United Nations in India 259

Olga Touloumi

14 "Ruralizing"Zambia:DoxiadisAssociates'systems-basedplanningand
developmentalism in the nonindustrialized South 279
Petros Phokaides

15 Foodcapital:fantasiesofabundanceandNelsonRockefeller'sarchitectures
ofdevelopmentin Venezuela, 1940s-1960s 303

Fabiola Lopez-Durdn
 Globalizing the^illage
Development media, JaquelineTyrwhitt,
and the United Nations in India

Olga Touloumi

INTRODUCTION
In the early 1960s, Marshall McLuhan told us that the movable type was worldmaking,
allowingforbookstotravelalongcolonialpathsoftradeandconquest. Inhiseruditeprose,
henamed this newworld the "globalvillage. " In numerous presentations andinterviews in
theyearstofollow,McLuhanstretchedthemeaningoftheterm"globalvillage"todescribe
everything from ColdWardiplomacy to the effects ofradio andtelevision. Theterm subse-
quently acquired its ownhistory. McLuhan dressed up his"global village" with the literary
aura of James Joyce's Finnegans Wake and Wyndham Lewis's America and Cosmic Man
while employing anthropological constructions oftribalism forthefoundation ofhismedia
theory, as Ginger Nolan argued recently. 1 What would it mean, though, if this decidedly
marquee term wasbrought in dialogue with its most immediate historical context: the era
ofdecolonization andglobal development institutions suchastheUnited Nations andthe
Bretton Woods organizations? Even asMcLuhanwasdeveloping his mediaideology, new
international systems ofbureaucracy were replacing older imperial orders, andthe "village
wasslowly emerging asa newwayto fold in decolonizing nation states. Development was
deployed asa worid-making enginethatslowlyandsteadilyproduced neweconomic and
social divisions in the world, asM. Ijlal Muzaffar notes. 2 What can welearn about develop-
ment andthe role thatmediaplayedin this newworldorder ifwerevisit the emergence of
the "global village" from the perspective ofUN developmentalism?
Offering an alternative genealogy to McLuhan's "global village, " I will focus on the 1954
UNSeminaronHousingandCommunity Improvement andtheVillageCentre exhibition,
where Jaqueline Tyrwhitt along with the Indian Government and the UN Technical Assis-
tanceAdministration (TAA) construedthevillageasa mediumfordevelopment (Figure 13. 1).
Villages,asAyalaLevinandNetaFenigerhaveshown,enteredthepractice anddiscursive
formation ofmodern architecture and planning on a scale that is still to be reckoned with.3
Behind this exploration lies the hypothesis that Tyrwhitt, planner, McLuhan's colleague at
the University ofToronto, an avowed disciple ofPatrick Geddes, and key actor within the
Congresinternational d'architecture moderne (CIAM), broughtthe"village"asa globaliz-
ingmedium into McLuhan's horizon at a moment when aninterdisciplinary cohort atthe
DOI: 10.4324/9781003193654-19
 261
260 GLOBALIZINGTHEVILLAGE
OLGA TOULOUMI

^thTpos^WoridWarIIdevelopmentideologyofinternationalinstitutions.
THE UN SEMINAR

In1952, ErnestWeissmann,chiefoftheHousingandTowna^Count^Pla^^^^^
^) ^setUVNlDse^Z^fu So^

ing^at i^aIaqueUneTyrwhittwaslookingforwaysinto^v^bws^^d^

^^^=^ES ^

FIGURE 13. 1 JaquelineTyrwhitt with delegates in front ofthe UN Seminar Hall, New Delhi. 1954:
©TheErnestWeissmannArchive.
Source:CourtesyoftheFrancesLoebLibrary,HarvardUniversityGraduateSchoolofDesign.

tives-live."10
262 OLGATOULOUMI
When Tyrwhitt returned to New Delhi after her short break to attend CIAM, she com-
plained to McLuhan:
This Indian experience is intensely interesting.... I have no idea if I really am achieving any-
thing inconnection with the Government Exhibition onLow-Cost Housing. Its [sicl rather like
my first yearatToronto: one goeson, hopefully, but can't seehowanything isworking out. And
the extreme politeness of the Indian manners is as difficult to guage [sic] as the first contact
with Toronto 'never-give-yourself-away'ness. Usually when I come home in the evening, I feel
just nothing whatever hasbeen achieved during the day: one seems to bestanding still, or to be
digging a hole on the seashore which next day has completely disappeared-though it looked
like a realholewhenyouleft it."
Tyrwhitt was equally perplexed and frustrated by the lack of transparency and progress,
despite endlessmeetings andwork, an experiencethat most UN consultants andadvisers
shared to a greater or lesser degree. She canvassed South and Southeast Asia in a foren-
sic trip to locate collaborators and assemble the pieces of her life-size exhibition to cast
the potential of the rural as the pragmaticand future agentofdevelopment.12In villages
around Punjab but also outside New Delhi, she captured scenes from village life, turning
the"village"intoa kitofparts."AVillageWell," a "VillageCarpenter," a "VillageCart," read
the captions ofphotographs that she mailed to Giedion late in October (Figure 13. 2). 13Her
FIGURE 13. 2 Tyrwhitt's photograph of village in Punjab, India, 1953.
Source: ©gtaArchives/ETH Zurich, Sigfried Giedion.
GLOBALIZINGTHEVILLAGE 263
tour, culminating in theseminarandexhibition,servedwelltheEconomicandSecurity
Councilanditsnascentregionaldivisionoftheworld,articulatingtheEconomicandSocial
Commission for Asia and'the FarEast (ECAFE) group ofcountries asa coherent cultural,
economic,andpolitical region.
THE WORKS OF THE VILLAGE
TyrwhittarrivedinIndiawithanideafora "communitycentre"inNewDelhi,bringing
UN-based technical assistance to CIAM's conversation on urban cores. 14The idea for an
exhibition wasaired first in an ECAFE meeting in Thailand in May 1952, shortly after the
TAA and the Indian Government had signed a contractual agreement to co-organize the
seminar. 15Incommunications with ShriN. P.Dube, thedeputy secretary oftheMinistry of
Works,HousingandSupply,TAAsuggestedtotheministrythatTyrwhitt's"ModelCom-
munityCentre"becomethecentralstagefor"services . . availabletotheIndianvillage
communities. "16AlthoughsheagreedwithKrishnaShridharloglekar,thechiefarchitectof
theCentral PublicWorks Department (CPWD), thattheyshould thinkoftheexhibition as a
"villagenucleus"instead,shekeptalternatingthetwo,revealingtheconceptualconflation. 17
Ina letterto friendsandfamily sheclaimedtheCIAM"core"astheoriginarypointofher
"VillageCentre, " anotherwise "openspaceenclosedbycommunity buildings. "18Resisting
"rurafmaterials" and"ruralwork," the PublicWorksDepartment (PWD) got aroundTyr-
whitt'srequesttohireS.P.Raju,a prominent government engineerwhoseworkonsmoke^
lesschulasplacedhimclosertothe"rural"shewasgettingacquaintedwith,andassembled
instead a small crew of architects and engineers (names included D. V. Rao, Din Dayal,
JoginderBahadur,GulshanRai,andothers). 19WeissmannwelcomedTyrwhitt'scenterfor
addinga "toneofreality" andvisiblymarkingthe differencebetween"developing" and
"moredevelopedcountries, "20whiledemonstrating "thesocialaspectsofcommunity devel-
opment...ina practicalmanner."21Byproducinga modelfordevelopment,theUNwould
alsoclaimitsform-even whileprofessingsoleconcernforcontent-andasa resultactively
articulate an"asceticmodernity" fortheGlobal Southsfuture, asFarhanKarim notes. 22
FortheIndianGovernment's PlanningCommission,however,villagesheldsymbolicand
politicalimportance.TheyconstitutedprimarysitesofNehruvianagrarianreform,where
theprimeminister soughttodivestpastpolitical structures oftheirpower.Nehruhoped
thatthefirsttwofive-yearplans,withtheiradministrativeandeconomicalstrategies,would
underminetheolderimperialclassoflandlordsandintermediarieswhohelddisproportion-
atepowerandaccessto'land.Thegoalwastomakethestatethe"ultimateowner"ofland.
Another areaofconcernfortheprogressive elitewasthecastesystem, seenasanobstruc-
tionto freedomandeconomicgrowth.Nehruviancohortsproposeda transferofpowerto
thepanchayati raj system, a decentralized butnetworked formofvillage self-government
thatdirectlyconnectedvillagestothecentralgovernment,circumventinganyformoflocal
governance-zamWarsandlandlords-particulariythe onesblockingtheNehruviantop-
down technocratic project ofcapitalist development. 23
TheIndian government wasalso running a growing program ofcommunity develop-
mentprojectsthattargetedvillagesasbothphysicalandadministrativeentities,atthetime
under the auspices of the Community Project Administration (CPA) and the National
ExtensionServices.Thefirstsetofthoseexperiments wasadministeredbyAlbertMayer,an
AmericanplannerwhoreachedIndiawith'theUSArmyduringWorldWarIIandstayedto
 264 OLGA TOULOUMI
see his pilot project grow beyond the Etawah region ofUttar Pradesh. 24Mayer described to
Nehru"model"villagesthatwouldleada self-help "revolution" inrural India.Heproposed
a slow grassroots process to identify "needs" and laid out a plan to meet them with some
external guidance and "commonsense engineering. " In 1948, he chose sixty-four villages in
the Etawah region, set up the "pilot project, " and returned to the United Stages, from where
hemaintained distant andsomewhat perfunctory supervision while angling for newpro-
jects, among them the plan for Chandigarh. 25Building Tyrwhitt's village center, therefore,
would serve asa live advertisement ofthe nascent community development program and
aninvitationto solidifyconnectionsamongthevariousstatedepartmentsinvolved(PWD,
CPA, and so on).
The Gandhian village quickly emerged as a concept and a technology that various sides
wished to put to work. For the colonial government, villages had signified an older pre-
modern orderofkinship, socialhierarchies, sharedproperty, andcollective identityagainst
and, at times, through which rulers aimed to govern and assess their sovereignty. Henry
Maine, the British jurist andlegal historian who spent the early part ofhis career in colo-
nial India, claimed that "village communities" andtheir "mode ofholding and cultivating
land"weretheoriginarypoint ofproprietary andprivate law,aswell asthesitesforcolonial
'indirect rule. "26 In the postindependence imagination, certainly in the Gandhian narra-
tive, villages held the significance of an "authentic" pre-imperial social and spatial order
that supervened other internal boundaries such ascaste andreligion. Gandhi, who hadbeen
planning a nation from hisAshrams, resuscitated the image ofa precolonial Indian village
intheconstruction ofsomeessentialIndianidentity, offeringa visualvocabularyforIndian
independence to beaccompanied with the figure ofthe artisan andkhadi-the handspun
cloth ofthe swadeshimovement. "[I]fthevillage perishes, Indiawill perish too," hewrote,
declaring the national significance ofits political value. 27Forhim, rural Indiaheld the key
to independence, while urbanity represented the very forces ofmodernity-capitalism and
industrialization-that haddepleted the country ofits resources. Heinvigorated the image
ofthevillage to criticizeWestern materialism, transforming villages into theprimary sites
of hindswaraj (home rule) andresistanceto the economic andcultural colonizationofthe
Englishman. 28He developed a full program for village swaraj (village self-rule) aimed at
economic independence, education, and a new relationship to the world. His ideal India
would be a world ofcottage crafts and intensive, small-scale farming co-operatives" where
everybody is responsible for his immediate environment and all are responsible for soci-
ety, advocatingforthediscipliningpotentialoflaborandthevirtueofascetism.29Buteven
more interestingly, Gandhihopedvillages wouldbecome schools to educate the newIndian.
Unlike international fairs and their global stage for imperial exploitation, Gandhi believed
village exhibitions to be countercultures ofconsumption, as staging grounds for an eman-
cipatory economics. 30
Tyrwhitt, on the other hand, had been articulating her ideas on the fringes ofCIAM
debates on "urban cores. " She insinuated that claims ofuniversality-not so much those of
cultural specificity or regionalism-drove her proposal for a village center. 31At the time of
herappointment, Tyrwhitt hadjustfinishededitingTheHeartoftheCity,whichconcluded
the CIAM 8 efforts to address the question of"cores" during post-World War II reconstruc-
tion. For those modernist architects, "cores" constituted anessential part ofthe grammar
thatorganizedcommunities acrossscales,fromvillagesandneighborhoodstometropolitan
areas.32During a discussion that mostly revolved around Giedion's earlier call for a new
GLOBALIZINGTHE VILLAGE 265
monumentality, " planners and scholars alike divorced these centers from the economic
infrastructures that supported them-the home, the colonies, the church-producing cores
as iconic forms devoidof social context. Tyrwhitt, however, disagreed: The Core is not
the seatofcivic dignity: the Core is the gathering place ofthe people, " she claimed. 34Tyr-
whitt identified "cores" (either physical or social) as congregative sites for the formation of
publics. 35At the New Delhi Seminar, she brought CIAM thematology, recruiting CIAM
members for presentations and even soliciting the CIAM 9 grids to furnish discussions
with models (although in the end only photographs ofa smaller selection ofpanels were
dispatched to India). 36
She also programmed screenings for visiting technical advisers and experts. J. Arthur
Rank's film, "Homes for All, " Pyrene Manufacturing Company's "A New Development in
Building," "GoodNeighbours," "Howto Lookata Village," and"TheRoadto Kelshi," all
producedbytheRationalPlanningCorporation, Tyrwhittthought,wouldeffectivelyillus-
tratevarious forms ofplanning anddevelopment inIndiaandabroad forthevisiting experts,
willfully forgetting that most ofthose films were aimed at a nonexpert local audience. She
set up a small theater for the films, clearing the evening agenda for screenings, an initiative
thatmostplannersandarchitectsfoundunnecessaryanda wasteoftheirtime. Theydidnot
needto beconvinced ofthevalue ofexpertise andplanning. Theywerealreadyexperts. 37
PERFORMINGTHE VILLAGE
At the Village Centre, Tyrwhitt's "core" made room for international institutions to
organize the very space ofidealizedinformality andcommunal living (Figure 13. 3). A
health center, an industrial center for craftsmanship, and an educational center served
as footholds for the World Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion, the International Labor Organization, and UNESCO. Tyrwhitt's village center was
designed to hook the rural into other networks ofthe distribution ofmodernity. 38In fact,
to convince UN representatives, Tyrwhitt argued that a community center would be "a
valuable field demonstration centre for the Agencies involved. "39Designed to replace the
cultural andpolitical centers ofthe past, this newtype ofrural community center would
act as an extension of the state machinery into the countryside, creating a platform for
the introduction of national policies, but also would act as an avenue for international
organizationstoeducatelocalvillagers accordingtostandardsandproceduresdeveloped
at a distance. Tyrwhitt, who claimed that the organization and structure of the village
centerheldmoregravitythanits outwardappearancebetrayed, placedtheschoolandthe
panchayat assembly under the same roof, thus architecturally articulating a connection
between "learning andresponsibility" at the very center ofthevillage. 40In other words,
what Tyrwhitt hoped to be "the basis ofvillage life"-the place where decisions would
be made and the place that guaranteed the autonomy ofthe village's existence-would
already be perceived byvillagers as an administrative extension ofa center located else-
where. Tyrwhitt's plan located the village center separately in space yet connected with
the"experimental village houses. "41Theeducation center, health clinic, grain storage, and
craftsmen'sshedswereall built from sun-driedbricksandrammedearthanddefinedan
open platform, constructing a "microcosm ofvillage culture, " illustrating, to theviewof
the UN, "certain fundamental principles of community living. "42 The exhibition posited
an environmental infrastructure that was "integrated with the village life and displayed
 266 OLGA TOULOUMI
a
D
FIGURE 13.3 Planof exhibitiongroundsandvillagecenter, 1954.
Source:©Tyrwhitt Papers, RIBA.
for all to see" as a model for a modern rural life. 43In a way, the village center constituted
a spatial metaphor for the relationship that the UN wished to have with its periphery
in terms ofa centrifugal expertise that was implemented locally as indigenous, erasing
issuesofdifference andhierarchy andpresenting the two as inseparable. In designing a
structural system that incorporated social unevenness and inequality within itself, Tyr-
whitt saw local variance as ornamental excess that would eventually wither away and
thus intrinsic neither to the universal structure nor to village life itself. "I am a town-
planner who is convinced that town-planning starts with the re-development of the core
GLOBALIZINGTHEVILLAGE 267
of the Community rather than by concentrating all efforts upon its outer fringes, she
announced during a BBC broadcast to England in anticipation ofthe opening. 44
Strikingly, although the exhibition posited tradition as the path toward postcolonial
India, the model village itselflacked anyreligious center. To reckon with religious pluralism
inIndia,TAAmadenospacefora shrine,temple, ormosqueinthemodelvillage. Tyrwhitt,
andbyextension the UN, hopedthat a structural shiftin theorganization ofthevillage
would create a condition wherein the superfluity of caste would disappear. In place of a
shrine, Tyrwhitt's team built a replica ofGandhi's hut, proclaiming it a communal site of
spiritual commemoration ofcorevalues oflndianhood shared byall. 45
A particularly acerbic reaction to Tyrwhitt's proposal came from the Gandhian faction
itself, " in the form ofMridula Sarabhai, an heir to the family that had sponsored Gandhi,
Le Corbusier, and Louis Kahn, aswell as Secretary of the Congress Party S. N. Aggarwal,
who insisted that Tyrwhitt should first visit the ashram. In a manner of speaking, they
wereassertingtheircontroloverGandhi'slegacy. 46Tyrwhittcontestedthisgatekeeping. She
foundtheAshram"prettyphoney[sic]"andarguedthatGandhi'sdisciplesweretransform-
ing a "natural wayoflife . . . into a formalised religion, "47possibly echoing the sentiments
ofSarabhai and contemporary Gandhians as well, who mournfully witnessed the gradual
withering awayofthe Gandhian ideal after independence. 48
For Tyrwhitt, the principal desire was not to enter into the intricacies ofrural society
and economy but rather to fix the position of the village within a network of expertise
and distribution of resources. During the event, the dynamics of funding and financial
support that followed laid bare the character of institutional interests involved. The UN
backed awayfrom the exhibition project, with the argument that housing constituted pre-
dominantly a national problem and that its mandate required the UN to abstain from
investing in local building industries. Without the financial support sheenvisioned, 49Tyr-
whitt importuned the Indian authorities to step in. 50Eventually it wasthe Indian CPAand
CPWDthatbuilthervillagecenter. 51Forlaborandresources, theUN(viaTyrwhitt) urged
CPA and CPWD to use locals and regionally available building material to "fire" up rural
communities visiting the exhibition "with enthusiasm. "52 The exhibition would thus end
up modeling the economy that produced it: all the construction andhousing was erected
with local material andlabor. As for the displays, models donated from South and South-
eastAsiaorganizations, aswell asin situ constructions-hardly uniform or systematic in
tenor-gradually filled up the live exhibition. 53Eventually the exhibition featured around
70 models oflow-cost" housing, in addition to products sampling outputs from the build-
ing industry (Figures 13.4 and 13. 5). 54
Tyrwhitt wasdismayed to find that, although the Indian government hadembraced the
networking opportunity offered bythe UN seminar, the reception ofhervillage center left
much to be desired. "[A]ll my buildings are hated by the whole organization, " she com-
plainedtoherfriends.TheCementandConcreteOrganizationandtheCPWDhadlittle, if
any,interestinthe"mudandthatch,locallymadetiles,sundried...brick"andtheVillage
Centre at large, and for good reason. 55There wasvery little ofthe expertise surrounding
the production oftheVillage Centre thatCPWD andCPAdidnotalreadyknow Tyrwhitt's
focuswasonthevillage asa socialspace;theIndianorganizations, ontheotherhand,were
moreinterestedin equipmentandlow-costhousing.
Tyrwhitthadproposeda return to tradition, inthatsenseopposingNehru'stechnologi-
calvision ofprogress that would provide the superstructure to rationalize andefficiently
268 OLGATOULOUMI GLOBALIZINGTHEVILLAGE 269
organize local expertise and technique. Rather than embrace a modernist aesthetic that
would disrupt the colonial past, asthe Nehruvian faction andthe bulk ofIndian architects
wouldsoonbeurging,shewantedthevillagecentertoreviveprecolonialvillagelife,produc-
ingthefictionofa longcontinuity thathadbrieflybeeninterrupted. 56HereTyrwhitt's ideas
mightbeseenasrevertingtothoseofherproclaimedmentorPatrickGeddes,whosewriting
onIndiashehadstudiedindetail, excerpted, andpublished. 57Thisfictionwouldbeaccompa-
niedthroughtherequisitematerialsignifiers. 58Bricks,bamboo,andrammedearth,Tyrwhitt
argued, constituted the material ofanunspoiled andprecolonial SouthAsia. Theywould
»^'
performanauthenticruralidentitythattranscendedevennationalism, anIndianidentityper
/.
se.Sheencouragedarchitects,engineers,andbuilderstorenderthisautochthonous material
universetheplatformfromwheremodernIndiawouldmoveforwardtowarddevelopmentby
movingbackwardandawayfromthecementconcretethatepitomizedWesternmodernity. 59
InTyrwhitt'splan,universalitywouldbelocalizedthroughstrategicrecoursesofmaterial
andform-the "core"inhermind.Tyrwhitt's specificationsfortheexhibitionwereexplicit:
, '/f^J'^ thelife-sizemodels shoulduselocalmaterial; theoverallcostofthehouseshouldbeafford-
ablebythe"averagevillager"; andthebuildingmustrespond toclimatic requirements, with
thenecessaryinfrastructural provisions toconnectwithfacilitiesforeducation,water,and
agricultural services."Climate"canbereadhereasa geopolitical categoryinthatitreferred
specificallytotropicalcountriesfromtheformerBritishEmpire Themanuallaborusedfor
FIGURE 13. 4 Plan of the village center, 1954. thevillage centerreinscribed within development thebodyofthevillager asa catalyst and
Source: ©Tyrwhitt Papers, RIBA.
agentofprogress.Theprocessitselfbecamea diorama:visitorsweretreatedtoviewsof a
Punjabipotter makingcottagetilesanda blacksmith putting onbolts andhooks,whilecar-
pentersandweaverswentaboutpracticingtheirtrades.Thelaborondisplaywasnotmeant
toproduceanysurplusvaluebuttopresentthelifeofthevillageasa kindofhomeostasis60
Throughout the exhibit, smokeless chulhas, drainage systems, andwells displayed the
UN'S technological imperative for development tempered bylocal knowledge. The model
villagecomprisedofaNehruvian recalibration oftheGandhianideaofa villageeconomy
for rural development, where the clandestine reach ofthe technologic would sneak in and
undothelimits posedbytradition. Insubsequent publications following theexhibition, Tyr-
whitt actively negotiated thisfineline, pronouncing hervillage center asthematerialization
ofGandhi's vision while underplaying the Nehruvian imperatives behind it.

THE MODEL VILLAGE

FIGURE 13.5 Slideofthe villagecenterwith low-costhousingexhibitionmodels, 1954;
©TheErnestWeissmannArchive.
Source:Courtesy ofthe Frances Loeb Library,Harvard University Graduate School of Design.
To offer her "Village Centre" as a model for development, Tyrwhitt mobilized media. She
understood intuitively that models neededsystematic abstraction andthat the impact of
thevillage center would bemeasured in terms ofits circulation. TheUN provided rolls of
Kodachrome for Tyrwhitt and other delegates to photographically document both exhi-
bition and seminars and asked her to meticulously record newspaper articles and corre-
spondence, producing the institutional archive that regardless got lost within the chaotic
workings ofthis massive bureaucracy. 61Tyrwhitt invited G. F. Middleton, the Australian
architect who built a rammed earth house for the exhibition with a mold hehadperfected
inIsrael,tobringhiscameraandfilm thevillage centerfortheUN.62Inaddition,shehad
the Indian Films Division produce a short documentary ontheVillage Centre fordomestic
audiences,63a filmthatincludedGandhi'sAshraminSevagramandCPAvillagesatPanipat,
hence insinuating UN'Sintervention into national andregional planning efforts. 64
270 OLGA TOULOUMI
Where films and photographs could not reach, radio would. At UNESCO, Tyrwhitt was
encouraged to connect with All India Radio (AIR), the national broadcasting organization
that offered her dedicated airtime for the event. 65The UN believed radio to be an important
medium for reaching rural publics despite literacy barriers, pointing Tyrwhitt to examples
ofrural radio: the National Farm Radio Forum in Canada; the short-lived NBC program for
rural America, The People Act"; and "radio" schools for villagers deployed across Colom-
bia.66Althoughadvertisedasa socialequalizer,ruralradiosethierarchiesofexpertisealong
literacy standards,separatingvillage experts and educators from the villagers, creating a
two-classcitizenshipsystem. Radioinfrastructure, as the Britishhaddemonstratedbefore,
brought rural areas under colonial control. One thinks here of radio sets installed in vil-
lagesquaresfor communallisteningofeducationalprogramsandnews,aimingat"village
uplift but inevitably reinforcing the tiewith theempire. Radio programming aimedto limit
mobility andcreate a newsense ofgratitude to the state, important for urban elites andtheir
ideaofcitizenshippostindependence.67
However, Tyrwhittdid not engagethe rural radio imperative in its full incarnation.The
seminar wasorganized for experts andprofessionals, with no intention to invite the general
publicandfarmersinto its meetingrooms, evensimplyasaudience.Instead,sheprepared
two announcements-one for AIR andone for the BBC Empire Service-to address the two
worldsofthe globalvillage." TotheIndianaudience,Tyrwhittfocusedonlow-costhousing
andthe self-helptechniquespresentedat the seminar,promisingto "seethatthe meetings
cometo someconclusions"andtopublisha "usefulhandbookonhowto getaboutthebusi-
nessofprovidinggoodandlow-costhousesintheverynearfuture." Therewasnot a single
wordonhervillage center. 68To the British audience backin the United Kingdom, shetalked
about the exhibition, indulging her audience in elaborate descriptions ofthe prototypes and
hervillage center, with a passing mention ofthe seminar only at the very end. 69In short, for
her Indian audience sheconstrued expertise asprogress without form andforher compatri-
ots backhome she confirmed the continuation of British involvement in the production of
physicalformandplanning,albeitintheguiseofinternationalismandprogress.
In the years to follow, Tyrwhitt would refer back to her Village Centre as the "Model
Village," situatingher UN workwithin the broaderlandscape of global development. At
Princeton she asked students to design a model village, " and during lectures at Harvard
and North Carolina Chapel Hill she reified her conviction that it was a "model" that she had
deliveredandnotjust a "centre," furtherdivorcinghercreationfromitsparticularcontext.
Sherepeatedher stance in articles publishedinitially for the UN and later for Ekistics. To
Indianbureaucracies,however,Tyrwhittpresentedherexhibitionasaninhabitablesolution
that deserved a life after the UN seminar, urging them to continue using her core after the
exhibitionwasover. Indeed,sheapproachedCPA,PWD,or anypartofthe Indiangovern-
ment that would lend its ear to discuss the future ofher Village Centre as a new pilot next
to the older ones.
Duringheryearlong stayin India,Tyrwhitt also corresponded with McLuhan. Justbefore
leaving Toronto, she had started working with McLuhan and his collaborator, the anthro-
pologist TedCarpenter, on a FordFoundation grant for a newproject on media andculture.
Titled "Changing Patterns of Language and Behavior and the New Media of Communi-
cation, " the research project catered to the appetites of the Ford Foundation, which had
just launched a funding program for interdisciplinary research on behavioral sciences and
adulteducationto benefititsexpandingglobaloperations.70Tyrwhittreceivednoticeofthe
GLOBALIZING THE VILLAGE 271
winningproposalwhileabroad,71andalthoughtheToronto groupconvenedinherabsence,
McLuhan relied onherto shape its research agenda. Hewasanxious about thelackofa com-
mon ground anda sharedlanguage. 72Intheir correspondence, the twowould figureoutthe
structureoftheseminarandtheallocationoffunds,outlininganorganizationalstructure
and a research plan for the next two years. 73Following Sigfried Giedion's proposition for
"interfaculty study"andinhopesofcreating"moreknit andinterwoven" groups, Tyrwhitt
proposed a comparative study ofmethodological approaches that involved reading repre-
sentative texts and discussing research papers. 74Each meeting would be structured around
a paper presentation by the members ofthe seminar and their guests, reframing a gamut
ofentities-money, language, art, for instance-as media. Tyrwhitt also put on the table a
proposal for a "pilot study" atRyerson University on the perception ofthebuilt environ-
ment.TheprojectofferedMcLuhananopportunity todevelopa researchplatformforfuture
criticalcollaborations,suchasthe collaborationwithCBCon a massmediaandeducation
projectthatformedtheempiricalfoundationofMcLuhan'sgroundbreakingUnderstanding
Media or his later project City as Classroom.
ThestoryoftheToronto seminars hasbeenextensively explored. 75Whathasdrawnless
attention isMcLuhan'sgrowinginterest in Tyrwhitt's UNworkin Indiaandinternational
institutions atlarge. Initially McLuhan hadseen in Tyrwhitt a conduit for Sigfried Giedion s
thought andarchitectural culture. 76However, Tyrwhitt's elaborations on her Village Cen-
tre" andhertravels toworkshops around South andSouth EastAsiapiqued hiscuriosity. She
hadspenta fairamountoftimediscussingwithhimherideasaround"cores"andtheCIAM
8 publication shehadcoedited with Josep Lluis Sert andErnesto Rogers, Heart ofthe City
(1952), which McLuhan included in the reading list that featured the likes ofSigfried Gie-
dion, Kari Deutsch, and Dorothy D. Lee.77In addition, he scheduled her for a presentation
on cores and asked her for an essay on the UN seminar and exhibition in India to include
inExplorations (Carpenter's petprojectthatMcLuhanhaddeftlyappropriatedforthesemi-
nar'soutreach campaign). 78Tyrwhitt's workofferedglimpses into thenewworldorderand
its communication systems, and for that reason it was invaluable to McLuhan. At the time,
McLuhan had been exploring the theoretical framework of Harold Innis, the Canadian
political economist who had been researching transportation systems as communication
networks, considering in particular the different perspectives his work brought to media
theory. Departing from hisearlier workon staples (cod, timber, fur) andtheir structuring
role in colonial peripheries, Innis hadlaunched a new research program around a commu-
nicationstheorycenteredonimperial formations. 79"Ithasseemedto methatthesubjectof
communication offers possibilities in that it occupies a crucial position in the organization
and administration of government and in turn of empires and of Western civilization,
Innis claimed in his introduction to Empire and Communications (1950). Innis believed
that the media and communication infrastructures were structural to empires and hence
definedtheiroperational characteristics, resulting in "monopolies ofknowledge thatonly
aggravated differentials. 80Stripping Innis's theory of its political implications-McLuhan
notoriously reduced mediato"sensoryfactors" and"artforms"-he alsosetouttodefinethe
media"bias"ofanemerging globalcondition forwhichtheUNappeared tobetheprincipal
organandTyrwhitt a pointofaccessto theinstitution's networks anddatabase.
YetTyrwhitt's influence onMcLuhan's workishardtotracewithinthisparticular archive.
In the years that followed her return and eventual departure, McLuhan slowly replaced
"tribe" with "village," creating the nowoverused moniker for globalization ofanykind,
 272
OLGA TOULOUMI
economicorcultural-the "globalvillage. " McLuhan'spaperssayverylittleastothenature
ofthischange,butthequestions areworth asking:Why, suddenly, didMcLuhandecide
that "tribe" wasnot enough ofa descriptor for theglobal imaginary thatmassmediawere
probing? Whydid"village" enterhisvocabulary andhow?Interms ofhiscorrespondence
with architectural and planning figures, his admiration for Sigfried Gie4ion andhis col-
laboration withEdmundCarpenter donotsubstantiate this shift. Forthatmatter, neither
GiedionnorCarpenterspentmuchtimethinkingaboutthephysicalrealitiesofviUages^.
The only person in that
group to bring to the table a
perceptions
conversation around cores,
oftheenvironment, andthevalue ofcontextual knowledge andexperience wasTyrwhitt.
Insucha context,howisa historianorscholartodofeministworkinanarchivethatisnot
feministbyeitherdesignorinclination?Howisonetounearthinfluencesandappropria-
tionsthatdonothavea record,particularlyina fieldandcontextwhereveryfewactorscould
imaginethatwomenheldanypositioninsocietyotherthanthatofassistingandcurating
the"auteur"?Perhapsa firststepwouldbetodestabilizethecertaintysurroundingarchives
andthe lnformation the7dellver' theevidence bornebymerefact,' butalsothe^certainty
surrounding authorship andthe fixation on singular figures.
TheworldthatTyrwhittwasnavigatingbecomesverypalpableifweconsiderherroleas
ghosteditorandserialamanuensisfora veritablequeueofmen,firstGeddes,thenGiedion.
andeventually Doxiadis.Giedion,asEllenShoshkeshasmeticulously demonstrated, attimes'
evenappropriated herlanguage, acknowledging herinputonlyinthefiftheditionofSpace,
TimeandArchitecture. 31CanMcLuhan'scitationalsilencenotbeaddedtothislist?Tyrwhitt
spentherthirtiesandfortiesinunstable,visitingteachingpositionsaroundtheworld,with
nojobsecurityata timewhenmostofhermalepeershadpermanentpositionsinprestigious
institutions When^sheconsideredapplyingfortheUNposition,Giediontriedtoshepherd
hertowardUNESCOasaninstitution witha dearagendatowardculture andhencemore
appropriateforwomen.HedeclaredthelargerUNfabricastoo"big"ofanorganizationand
"toomuchinvolved inthepolitics oftheday"forTyrwhitt toparticipate there. Weissmann,
themanwhoofferedherthedirectorshipoftheUNseminar,confidedhisdoubtstoGiedion
abouttheUNwantingto "hirea woman'-presumably fora leadingposition, sincemost
ofthesecretarialworkandhumaninfrastructurewasfilledwithwomen.OnlyCatherine
Bauer,urbanplannerandclosefriend,supportedherambitiontopursuethepositionthat
couldhavethemostinfluenceonthefieldsofplanningandhousing. 82
Within a year ofthe Toronto seminars, Tyrwhitt convinced McLuhan to expand the
university library's collection and add a section on development research. Newacquisi-
tions included ErwinAnton Gutkind's Community andEnvironment: A Discourse onSocial
EcologyandUNESCOreports oncommunications andeducation. 83Theeconomists ofthe
group,mostsignificantlyWilliamThomas(Tom) Easterbrook,foregroundeddevelopment
asoneofthemostpressingissuesthateconomistswereseekingtoresolveintermsof°stud-
iesofcommunications. "84Carpenter andMcLuhan, ontheotherhand,weremore interested
in seeing "underdeveloped countries" asthe sites ofmedia primitivism-Tyrwhitt, not as
much WhenaskedtodiscussherworkinIndia,insteadoftalkingaboutvillages,sheturned
herattentiontooneoftheUNfieldtripstoFatehpurSikri,theMughalemperorAkbar's
historic andabortive capitalcity,foilingtheToronto group's efforts toproject onto Indian
villagesmediatribalism. 85In"TheMovingEye," thearticletofollowhermitial presentation
tothegroup,shearguedthatthe"westerngaze," withits"singleviewpoint"and"dominat-"
ingeye," wasslowlybeingreplacedwithnewmodalities ofviewing, outside theempirical
GLOBALIZINGTHEVILLAGE 273
sciencesoftheWest,thatshebelievedstructured FatehpurSikriindistinctways. 86Shetold
McLuhanandthereadersofExplorations thatwhatshehadlearnedwasthepresence of
anotherviewthatwasyetoutofherfieldofcomprehension. McLuhanlaterexpandedher
: to claim that the "electronification" ofcommunications replaced the single per-
ac perspectives. "Today with electronics, he
tive with a field of multiple
"
Tyrwhitt
wrote to
a^hewascontemplatinghisGutenbergGalaxy,thefirstpublicationtointroducetheterm
Global village, " "wehave discovered thatwelive in a global village, andthejob isto create
a£5obal'city,zscenterforthevillagemargins," alludingto Tyrwhitt'scoresbutfurther-
'moreto the'international institutions that'this corehosted asthe managers ofeducation
anddifferential internationalism: mudandbricksinthevillage, filmandpaperinthenew
metropolises.87 _ ...,., _,. .,_... __ir^=.
When McLuhan looked atTyrwhitt's work, hesawsomethii
notparticularlyattendto:atworkinthemodelvillagewastheconstructionofa new"center
wUhoutperiphery. " Thatnew"centerwithoutperiphery"reclaimedoldcolonialchannelsas
itsown'pathwaysofcommunication andtiedtheentireglobeinto"acommunityofcontinu-
ouslearning": learning to earna living, learning one'srolewithin thecommunity, eventu-
allylearning howto inhabit andoccupy even the most familiar structures asiftheywere
foreign"UnUkea tribe,itwasasifthe"village," especiallyTyrwhitt'svillage,materializedin
spacewhathearguedwashappeningwiththeIndonesian
adventofmass media Everyonehada Place
irTyrwhitt's viUage-the Indian farmer, the UNESCOdelefa
builder, the te'
theCIAM planner-and itwastheirplaceinthechainofdevelopment thatdetermined
theirrelativepositiontothesystemsofinformation circulation thatsoughttoreiteratethe
social and economic dif-
structurara symmetries that made their presence necessary. These
ferencesstructuredthewaylocalcommunitiesexperiencedtheirlinkagetoandplacewithin
global networks andthepostcolonial world.
CONCLUSIONS
Tyrwhitt'sVillageCentreisrevealingofthedifferentialinternationalismthatinformedthe
governmentaUoogicofthe UN.Duringtheseminar,itwasnot"NehrushowingIndia"but
ratherTyrwhitt"showingNehruIndia"anew,pointingtotheevermoreprominentrolethat
technical advisers played in the ordering ofthe world. 88Tyrwhitt's innovation was to pro-
ducesomethingmundaneandreplicable^asopposedtothespectacular,whichtraditionally
drawscrowds.Sheshowedpeoplewhattheyalreadyknew,theIndianvillage,andtoldthem
thattheyactuallydidnotknowit."This'VillageCentre'incorporatesnothingthatisnot^n
theexistingprogrammeoftheCommunity ProjectsAdministration " Tyrwhittclaimed "It
is'simplyTvIsual expressionoftheidea," shenoted. 89Initsefforttoimparttechniquewith^
outfonntotheIndiangovernment, theUNendeduplockingbothinternational expertsand
local communities into their respective positions.
Atthesametime,developmentalisminthevillageacth
AmericanandEuropeanexperts,reconfiguring thenetworkofurbanplanningactorsinthe
post-WoddWarIIperiodas'theCIAMwasheadingtowarditsresolution Theseminarintro-
ducedTyrwhitttc/DoxiadisatthesametimethatitintroducedDoxiadis-andotheruN
consultants suchasCharlesAbramsandJacobCrane-to thedeveloping world. Ekistiks,the
journalaroundwhichDoxiadisbuilta communityofplanners^startedin1954asananno^
tatedbibliographyunderthetitleTropicalHousingd-PlanningMonthly Bulletin, a response
 274
OLGA TOULOUMI
to conversations between Doxiadisand Tyrwhitt in Delhi. These conversations, and the
journal comingoutofthem, aimedto activelyproduce thecommon groundbetweendevel-
opment and planning. 90Tyrwhitt returned to the role of a UN technical consultant three
more times, establishing programs on town and regional planning in universities around
theworld,fromToronto toBandungandfromtheUKtoMumbai.Rather(hanshrinking
the consultant's operative territory, thevillage ended up expanding it.
Bringing McLuhan's conceptual term vis-a-vis this history allows us to demytholo-
gize the global village" and the narratives of "prophecy" with which it has been asso-
ciated. McLuhan was not interested in predicting the effects of economic and cultural
globalization, thecausaloutcomes that somanydevelopment experts professed inhawk-
ing their intellectual wares. He limited himselfto observing the new communications
infrastructures and systems of information circulation that international institutions
put forward after 1945. To introduce it in media theory, McLuhan had to divorce the
globalvillage from itsempirical grounding intheUN'Sdevelopment workanddepoliti-
cizeit from its governmental mission, recastingit asa metaphor to describe a newform
ofcolonialism. Toputit inthewordsofGayatri C. Spivak,McLuhan'sappropriation of
the rural to describe the electrification of communications was "colonialism's newest
trick. "91The "village" as a conceptual tool ofglobalization would make it possible to
imagine rearranging the physical world, redistributing resources, and expanding the
operations of capital while disguising itself as a form of self-determination, an ideo-
logicalsleightofhandnecessitatedinthepost-1945worldordergiventhedecolonizing
fervor amongst the UN'S newest nation-states. The "global village" was never meant to
besingular; rather, it wasmanyparallel systems that mayor maynothaveoverlapped
andthat functioned to separate the circulation ofinformation from that ofcapital, a
process that sustained rather than resolved social and economic difference on a global
scale. And within these overlapping systems, development, in its essence, mobilized
media-the technical adviser, film, radio, thevillage-to actuallyenlargeandstabilize
the organization, not the world.
NOTES
1 Nolanaddressespoignantlyinherworktheproductionofthe"primitive"and"savage"asanalyticalcategoriesin
anthropologyandmedia.GingerNolan,TheNeocolonialismoftheGlobalVillage(Minneapolis:UniversityofMin-
nesotaPress,2018);andGingerNolan,SavageMindtoSavageMachine:RacialScienceandTwentiethCenturyDesign
(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,2021).
2 ArturoEscobar, Encountering Devehpment: TheMakingandUnmakingoftheThirdWorld(Princeton, NT:Princeton
UniversityPress,1995),M.IjlalMuzafFar,"ThePeripheryWithin:ModemArchitecture andtheMakingoftheThird
World"(Diss.,Cambridge, Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology, 2007).
3 AyalaLevin andNetaFeniger, "Introduction: TheModem Village," Thejournal ofArchitecture 23, no. 3 (2018):
361-366;AyalaLevin,"TheVillageWithin:AnAlternative GenealogyoftheUrbanVillage," ThefournalofArchitec-
ture 23, no. 3 (April 3, 2018):392-420.
4 ThebasicagreementwassignedonApril2, 1952.See:SupplementaryAgreementNo.7 totheBasicAgreementconcern-
ingTechnicalAssistancebetweentheUnitedNationsandtheGovernmentofIndia,October30, 1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
5 JaquelineTyrwhitt,HistoryofUNSeminaronHousing& CommunityImprovement,May3, 1954.Tyl/32/1,RIBA.
6 LetterfromHinderto Steinig,February24, 1953.Tyl/31/9,RIBA.
7 Shoshkes'sthoroughbiographyshowshowintegralTyrwhittwasto post-WorldWarIIplanningculture. See:Sho-
sbkes,faqudineTyrwhitt; Shoshkes;EllenShoshkes,"JaqueUneTyrwhittandtheInternationalFzation ofPlanning
Education," inUrbanPlanningEducation: Beginnings, GlobalMovement andFutureProspects,eds.AndreaI.Frank
andChristopherSilver(Berlin:Springer,2018),65-80.Formoredetailsonthewarcorrespondencecourse,see:Ines
MariaZalduendo,"raquelineTyrwhitt'sCorrespondenceCourses:TownPlanningintheTrenches," 2005,https://
dash. harvard. edu/handle/1/13442987.
275
GLOBALIZINGTHE VILLAGE
8 LetterfromHindertoSteinig,May14, 1953.Tyl/31/9,RIBA.
9 LetterfromTyrwhitt to Hinder, October 11, 1953.TyT/31/9, RIBA.
10 Letterfrom Tyrwhitt to Hinder, lane 23, 1953.TyJ/31/9, RIBA.
11LetterfromTyrwhitttoMarshallMcLuhan,August30, 1953.43-5-6-10-6, Gtaarchiy/ETK ^ ^ " , _,
U LetterfromTyrwhitttoMr.EbrahimalKari,September4,l953^Tyj/31/3,RIBA;andLetterfromH.L.Keenleyside
toIndianMinisterofForeignAffairs,June16, 1953.TyT/31/9,RIBA.
13Thesetishere:43-5-6-10-t-Fl;43-5-6-10-4-F3,and43-5-6-10-4-F4,Gtaarchiv/ETH. ^^ ^^
14LetterfromHindertoP.S.Lokanathan, June3, 1953.TyJ/31/9, RIBA.FormoreonTyrwhitt-suse ofthe-wre'm
' theexhibitionsee:Sbosbkes,"laquelineTyrwhitt," 141-164;FarhanKarim,"Negotiatinga NewVernacularSubject-
hoodforIndia,1914-54:PatrickGeddes,laquelineTyrwhitt,andtheAnti-UtopianTurn," SouthAsialoumalfor
Culture 5 & 6 (n. d.): 51-72.
15MemorandumfromJaquelineTyrwhittoN.P.Dube,June23, 1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
16Letter from L.SteinigtoShriN. P.Dube,June 10, 1953.TyJ/31/9, RIBA.
U LetterfromTyrwlutt'toHinder, June19,1953.TyJ/31/9, RIBA.Formore information onthearchitects andplace
oftheUNseminarwithinNehrusprogram,seePeterScriverandAmitSrivastava,India(London:ReaktionBooks,
2015), 134-137, 147-151.
18LetterfromTyrwhitt,February12, 1954.TyJ/32/l,RIBA. ^ . _... " , ..
19Tyrwhittpp reluninary Budget for the UN-TAB ViUage Centre" July 1953, Letter from Tyrwhitt Hinder, Sep-
8 to
tember19,1953;andI.Tyrwhitt,MemorandumonPositionofWork,November^,1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
20ErnestWeissman. 'OpenmgRemarks,InternationalFederationforHousingandTownPlanning,Proceedingsofthe
SouthEastAsiaRegionalConference,February1-7,1954.Ty;/29,RIBA.
2 lUntitled document. May 19, 1953. TyJ/31/9, RIBA. . _ ... . .,, . , .,
22For"an~m-depth"discussion" ofthe debatesandpractices thatinformed Tyrwhitt-s embeddedmodel village, see
' FarhanKanm.'AWermsm ofAusterity: DesigninganIdealHouseforthePoor(Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University
23ParthaCh'atterjee,A PossibleIndia:EssaysinPoliticalCriticism(DelhiandNewYorfcOxfordUniversityPress,1998),
31-34, 40-50;M.S.Swaminathan, .'lawaharlalNehruandAgriculture inIndependentIndia," CurrentScience59,no^
):303-307.Fora conversationaboutNehru'stechnocraticpoliciesandtheemergenceofa "quantitativestate;-
see'theimportant conversation setupbyAteya Khorakiwala: AteyaKhoraJdwala, meWeU-Tempered' En^ronment^
"Modem"Architecture intheQuantitative State, India(1943-1984) (Ph.D.thesis,Harvard University, 2016). Ginger
Nolan'schapterinthisvolume(Chapter7)highlightsfurtherissuespertainingtotheseinitatives
24Al'ic7Thomer,-"Nehru,AlbertMayer,andOriginsofCommunityProjects"EconomicandPoliticalWeekly16,no. 4
25 Fo9r8ahiito7ncTe xammation of the project, see Nicole Sackley, -Village Models: Etawah, In<lia>andtheMakingand
Remaking ofDevelopment intheEarlyColdWar," Diplomatic History 37,no.4^September 2013):^749-^78^N
CuUathw'nieHungryWorld:America'sColdWarBattleAgainstPovertyinAsia(Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniver-
sityPress,2013),80-94. .", <". ,. ."""_"""TT-;..»^
26KarunaMantena,AlibisofEmpire:HenryMaineandtheOriginsofIndirectRule(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversity
Press, 2009), 2-11, 119-147. _.....
27MohandasGandhi,VillageSwaraj.ed.H.M.Vyas(Ahmedabad:NavajivanPublishingHouse,1962),30-^2.
28HereI amextendingTrivedi'sargumentthatthekhadiconstituteda critiquetoWesternmaterialism toUsomm
the'viUage.'See:Us!Trivedi,dothingGmdhi'sNation:HomespunandModemIndia(Bloomington, IN:
UniversityPress,2007), 1-37.
29 Gandhi, Village Swaraj, 10. _ ... . . " ". ,,. _.. _^, ... »":.
30 Ibid., 170-172. Fora discussion ofthe place ofcraftsmanship inGandhian andpost-Gandhian thought, seeAnn-
' damDutta,-:Z7ie'Bureaucracyof-Beauty:'Designm theAgeofItsGlobalReproducibility(NewYorfcRoutledge,2007),
31JaquelineTyrwhitt,"TheViUageCentreattheExhibitiononLowCostHousing,Delhi,1954:Ekistics52, no. 314/315
32EricPaul'Mumford, TheCIAMDiscourseonUrbanism, 1928-1960(Cambridge, MA:MITPress,2000),201-204.
33SigfriedGiedion,°TheNeedfora NewMonumentality;inNewArchitectureandCityPlanning:A Symposium. <
PaulZucker (NewYork: PhUosophical Library, 1944). . . _. _ , ., " . _.,
34laquelmeTynAitt,-CoreswiththeUrbanConstellation," mCIAM8:TheHeartoftheCity:TowwdstheHWMKat^n
'ojWsanLife,eds.JaqueluieTyrwhitt,JosepLluisSert,andErnestoN Rogers(London:LundHumphries,1952),103.
35 Tyrwhitt, Sert, and Rogers, CIAM8, 36-40. ^ ". , . ^ ,,,
36Letter'fromTyrwhittto Hinder, November 9, 1953; and Letter from Hinder to Tyrwhitt, December 23, 1953.
TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
37 LetterfromHindertoTyrwhitt,December22, 1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
38Memorandum fromJaquelineTyrwhittoN.P.Dube,June23, 1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
39LetterfromHindertoP.S.Lokanathan,June3, 1953.Tyl/31/9,RIBA.
276 277
OLGA TOULOUMI GLOBALIZINGTHEVILLAGE

40 Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, "Creation ofthe Village Centre (Delhi)," Ekistks 52, no. 314/315(1985): 431. 80HaroldAdamsInnis,EmpireandCommunications (Toronto: Dundurn Press,2008),21-32, 138-163;HaroldA.
41 Taqueline Tyrwhitt, "ManyProblems in theEvolution oftheIdealVillage," TheStatesmans Engineering Feature, n.d. Innis,TheBiasofCommunication(Toronto:UniversityofTorontoPress,1951).
TyJ/39/2, RIBA. 81 Shoshkes, "laqueline Tyrwhitt, " 116. _.. " , ^ ., ".
42 Technical Assistance Programme, United Nations SeminaronHousingandCommunity Improvement inAsiaand 82Shoshkes'saccountisfilledwiththeseincidents.QuotesbySiegfriedGiedion,CatherineBauer,andErnestWeiss-
theFarEast,NewDelhi,January21-February1954,December1, 1954.Tyl/28/3,RIBA. mann are found in Shoshkes, 104, 154.
43 UnitedNationsRegionalSeminaronHousingandCommunityImprovement,FinalDraftofQonclusions.Tyl/28/3, 83AtthetimeGutkindwasworkingon InternationalHistoryofCity Development.SeeCulture& Communications
RIBA. Seminar, "Additions to Library," March 1955. TyJ/17/3. RIBA.
44 Broadcast Talk to England, Script January 19, 1954. Tyl/32/1, RIBA. 84Culture& CommunicationsSeminar,26thMeeting,1954/55.TyJ/17/3,RIBA.
45laquelineTyrwhitt,"ManyProblemsintheEvolutionoftheIdealVillage," TheStatemansEngineeringFeature,n.d. 85Notedonthe8thMeeting,Culture& CommunicationsSeminar,UniversityofToronto,November24, 1954. 3-T-13-
TyJ/39/2,MBA. l-8, Gtaarchiv/ETH.
46 Letter from Tyrwhitt to Hinder, December 22, 1953. TyJ/31/9, RIBA. 86JaquelineTyrwhitt,"TheMovingEye," Explorations,no.4 (February1955):115-119.
47 LetterfromTyrwhitt, February12, 1954.TyJ/32/1,RIBA. 87NfarshallMcLuhan,LettersofMarshallMcLuhan,ed.MatieMolinaro,CorrineMcLuhan,andWilliamToye(Loa-
48Tyrwhitt,<"IheVillageCentreattheExhibitiononLowCostHousing,Delhi,1954"430. don:OxfordUniversityPress, 1987),278.
49 Housing and Town and Country Planning Section, Department of Social Affairs, United Nations, United Nations 88Tyrwhitt, "Creation oftheVUlageCentre (Delhi), 432.
Regional SeminaronHousing andCommunity Improvement, NewDelhi, 20January-17 February 1954. TyJ/28/3, 89InternationalFederationforHousingandTownPlanning,ProceedingsoftheSouthbastAsiaRegional^onrerence,
RIBA. February1-7, 1954.TyJ/29,RIBA. " ... . ^,, ^, _ ,....,_
50 Letter from Tyrwhitt to Hinder, June 19, 1953. TyJ/31/9, RIBA. 90Sw. 'TropicalHousing'^ PlanningMonthly Bulletin, no.3 (October 1955).Constantinos A. DoxiadisArchives
51 Letter from Tyrwhitt to Hinder, October 15, 1953. TyT/31/9, RIBA.
52TyrwhitttoDube,Memorandum,June23,1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.FarhanKarimschapterinthisvolume(Chapter12) 91GayatnChakravorty Spivak,"CulturalTalksintheHotPeace:Revisitingthe'GlobalVillageJ-incosmoPolttlcs:
explicates a similar currency ofoptimism and "hope" in the construction section. Thinkmg'andFeelingBeyondtheNation,eds.PhengCheahandBraceRobbins(Minneapolis:UniversityOfMin-
53 Tyrwhitt, Low-Cost Housing, October 1, 1953. Tyl/31/9, RIBA. nesotaPress, 1998),343.
54Tyrwhitt,"TheVillageCentreattheExhibitiononLowCostHousing,Delhi,1954"430.
55 JaquelineTyrwhitt, "MyUNJobin Delhi, 1954"Ekistics52, no. 314/315(1985):489-489.
56 See:SeminaronArchitecture. March1959(NewDelhi:LalitKalaAkademi, 1959).
57 Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, PatrickGeddes in India(London: Lund Humphries, 1947).
58 Memorandum from Jaqueline Tyrwhitt to N. P.Dube, June23, 1953. TyJ/31/9, RIBA.
59Tyrwhitt,"Chandigarh," RoyalArchitecturalInstituteofCanada32,no. 1:11-20,12;andPlaneMadras/Bangalore,
November 21, 1953. TyJ/31/4, RIBA.
60TaquelineTyrwhitt,"ManyProblemsintheEvolutionoftheIdealVillage," TheStatemansEngineeringFeature,n.d.
Tyl/39/2, RIBA.
61 Letter from Hinder to Tyrwhitt, January 29, 1954. TyJ/31/9, RIBA.
62 TyrwhittNotes.July14, 1953.TyJ/31/9,RIBA.
63 UnitedNationsHousing& CommunityImprovement,Memorandum,February2, 1954.TyJ/29/3,MBA.
64 Letter from Tyrwhitt to Hinder, March 4, 1954. TyJ/31/9, RIBA.
65 FromTyrwhittto Hinder,June10, 1953.TyT/31/9,RIBA.
66 United Nations, SocialProgress through Community Development (NewYork: United Nations Bureau of Social
Affairs, 1955), 84-86.
67IsabelHuacujaAlonso, "Radio,Citizenship, andthe'SoundStandards'ofa NewlyIndependent India," PublicCulture
31, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 117-144.
68 ProfessorTyrwhitt'sBroadcast,January3, 1954.TyJ/32/1,RIBA.
69 Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, Broadcast Talk to England, lanuary 19, 1954. Tyl/32/1, RIBA.
70 Ford Foundation, Announcement of Interdisciplinary Research and Study Program. Box 204, Folder 26,
MM-LAC.
71 Fortheletter informing Tyrwhitt, seeLetterfrom SidneySmithto Tyrwhitt, May29, 1953.TyJ/18/2, RIBA.
72 Letter from McLuhan to Tyrwhitt, July24, 1953. TyJ/18/2, RIBA.
73 MichaelDarroch,"TheToronto School:Cross-Border Encounters, Interdisciplinary Entanglements, " inTheInterna-
tionalHistory ofCommunication, eds.PeterSimonson andDavidW.Park(NewYork:Routledge, 2016), 276-301.
74 Letter from Tyrwhitt to McLuhan, August 20, 1953. TyJ/18/2, RIBA.
75 Darroch, "The Toronto School: Cross-Border Encounters, Interdisciplinary Entanglements"; Michael Darroch,
BridgingUrbanandMediaStudies:laqueline Tyrwhitt andtheExplorations Group, 1951-1957"CanadianJournal
ofCommunication 33(2008): 147-169;RetoGeiser,GledionandAmerica:RepositioningtheHistory ofModernArchi-
lecture(Zurich:GtaVerlag,2018),372-388.
76 ChangingPatternsofManandSocietyAssociatedwiththe NewMediaofCommunication.Box204, Folder26,
MarshallMcLuhanCollection,LibraryandArchivesCanada(MM-LAC).
77 Letter from McLuhan to Tyrwhitt, October 14, 1953. TyJ/18/2, RIBA.
78LetterfromMcLuhantoTyrwhitt,October29, 1953andDecember8, 1953,TyJ/18/2,RIBA;andReportoftheFord
Seminar, 1953-55.Box 204, Folder26, MM-LAC.
79AlexanderJohnWatson,MarginalMan:TheDarkVisionofHaroldInnis(Toronto: UniversityofToronto Press,
2006), 3-25.