MODERN RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

ASSIGNMENT

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Discussion on Religion, Society and Politics

Submitted To: Rev. Dr. V.S. Varughese Submitted By: Blesson Philip Thomas

Introduction

The interplay of Religion, Society and Politics is interesting. Religion is a social institution. It is fair to
generalize that at both the individual and collective levels, religion is a significant element of society in
nearly every corner of the world, though, of course, this element of society is stronger in some places
relative to others. As religious precepts overlap with issues of political importance, the interaction
between religion at the societal level and politics is all but inevitable. The potential societal religious
interactions with politics include examinations of societal influences on government, the formation of
social-religious political groups, the influence of religion on individual social-political behavior,
interactions between secular and religious populations, and how religious populations cope with
government policy.

As such 1909 the Government of India Act defined India not as a single nation but as a multitude of
diverse “interests” who had to be considered for purposes of government. This act threw the dalits, who
were till then receivers of caste Hindu philanthropy in the middle of Indian politics. It was Dr. B. R.
Ambedkar1 who stood at the head of the dalits during the intense years of political maneuvering and
manipulations. The Poona Pact referring to an agreement between B. R. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi
on behalf of depressed classes and upper caste Hindu leaders is one example of Ambedkar’s leadership on
the reservation of electoral seats for the depressed classes in the legislature of British India government. 2
Political and legal means for dalit liberation are not limited to what Ambedkar did, but it was a beginning.
Here in this paper, we discuss such a political means of dalit liberation in North India, the Bahujan Samaj
Party (BSP) led by Kanshi Ram.3

Sociologists who study the dalit movements, have evolved typologies of the movements. Ghanshyam
Shah classifies the movements as reformative and alternative. The former tries to reform the caste system
to solve the problem of untouchability. The alternative movements attempt to create an alternative socio-
cultural structure by conversion to some other religion or by acquiring education, economic status, and
political power. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) comes under the alternative category. While Shah
considers BSP basically as a religious and secular movement, Gail Omvedt an sociologist, considers the
party as an economic movement of agrestic serfs.

1
He founded the Depressed Classes Institute in 1924. He led the dalits in temple entry satyagrahas in many
places: 1927- Amravati; 1929- Pune; 1930-35 – Nasik. He formed three political parties: Independent Labor Partyin
1936; the Scheduled Caste Federation in 1942; and the Republican Party in 1956.
2
S.K. Gupta, The Scheduled Castes in Modern Indian Politics: Their Emergence as a Political Power (New
Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1985), 302.
3
Aleyamma Zachariah, Modern Religious And Secular Movements In India (Bangalore: Theological Book
Trust, 1998), 271- 289.
From Harijans to Dalits: Identity Formation, Political Consciousness and Electoral Mobilization of
Scheduled Castes in Uttar Pradesh (the study by Ghanshyam Shah)

Political consciousness and participation in politics by the Scheduled Castes (SCs) in UP have been
traditionally low. It was in the immediate post-colonial period that a small, upwardly mobile section of
the community, influenced by the ideas of Ambedkar and under the republican Party of India, was able to
mobile SCs for a short period of time. Since the mid-1980s, a new wave of caste-based mobilization in
north India has bought the SCs into politics in UP under the leadership of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP),
formed by Kanshi Ram. The formation of the SP-BSP coalition government in 1993, supported by OBCs
and SCs, and the formation of the first Dalit-led government in UP in 1995 and 1997, have introduced
far-reaching changes in the politics of UP.4

In the post-independence period, three distinct phases can be identified in the politics of BSP in terms of
identity formation and its impact on electoral politics:

1. From 1956 to 1969, when after an initial period of accommodation with the Congress party, SCs
decide to form their own party- the Republican Party of India (RPI)
2. The failure of experiment led to co-option into the Congress under the leadership of Indira
Gandhi.
3. Since the early 1980s, the SCs movement has entered into a period of revolt leading to the
formation of a separate party, ideology and identity.

A brief evaluation since 1995, the BSP has entered into a regressive phase of alliance with the upper-caste
parties earlier identified as ‘enemies’ which seems to signal the end of a social revolution. Compared to
the Dalit movement in Maharashtra, it became conservative, elitist and election-oriented.

Many are the reasons for such a result:

1. The colonial period was a pattern of delayed political consciousness for UP. In contrast to parts of
western India which came under the influence of Babasaheb Ambedkar, UP did not experience
any large-scale anti- caste movement during the colonial period which resulted in delayed
development of political consciousness among SCs.
2. The RPI formed in 1958, inaugurated a new and ‘separatist’ phase in the SC movement in UP,
but it proved to be shortlived.
3. The roots of BSP and consequently, its nature and ideology are different from other Dalit
movements/parties.

The founder of BSP, Kanshi Ram, a Chamar Ramdasia Sikh from Ropar in Punjab had two events in his
life that pushed him in this direction- he experienced caste discrimination and was influenced by
Ambedkar’s writings, particularly ‘Annihilation of Caste”. For him, there are two stages by which the
position of dalits/bahujans in society would undergo a transformation. The first is capturing of political
power through mobilization from Brahmins who comprise 10-12 per cent of the population. The later
phases of the movement, the revolution would have to penetrate deeper into the society and transform it,
though how this would be done is not explained. Thus for Kanshi Ram, caste becomes a double-edged

4
Ghanshyam Shah, ed., Dalit Identity And Politics (New Delhi: Sage, 2001), 258.
knife; though at present it is an instrument of oppression, it is to be used as a tool to upset the existing
social order. This amounts to the ‘ideologization of caste’ i.e. using caste as an ideology.

The post-Bahujan phase of the dalit movement had two contradictory mobilisational trends that were
visible: coalition-building with upper-caste parties and a deepening of the movement at the grass-roots
level. First, the BSP leadership, hostile to the SP, in its desire and impatience to capture power moved
politically closer to the uppercaste parties- Congress and the BJP- making it central to any coalition
formed in the state, leading to ‘Dalitisation’ of UP politics. A second significant trend which helped Dalit
movement advance in UP, much more than its politics of electoral mobilization and coalition building,
was a growing grassroots process of ‘Ambedkarisation’ in the countryside. An analysis of the ideology of
the movement according t Sudha Pai5, shows that apart from an emphasis upon organizing the oppressed
and exploited for breaking the caste system in order to overthrow the rule of the three upper castes, the
RPI and the BSP, in contrast to their mentor Ambedkar, lack clear ideology or programme. 6

The Rise of the Bahujan Samaj Party (the study by Gail Omvedt)

The rise of BSP is intimately related to the anatomy of the Dalit power player Kanshi Ram. The post-
Ambedkar leadership was full of lesser mortals whose gradual co-option in other political interests
disappointed Kanshi Ram. Though born as a scheduled caste, he received education. Kanshi during his
early political carrier learnt three lessons:

1. To win the rights of the dalits.

2. To create a platform, for a political movement in an unexplored ground.
3. There were many Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and minorities that suffered in the same
manner as the dalits.

The story of Kanshi Ram indicates that whenever the larger social and political reality overpowered his
own perceived reality, he found himself moulded by the forces beyond his control. Kanshi Ram as a
dynamic social activist, began organizing his own federation after getting inspired by the life and works
of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. He founded the Backward and Minority Community Employee’s Federation
(BAMCEF), based mainly on SC government employees, who were thought of as future leaders for the
party. Kanshi Ram wooed intellectuals, held rallies, and held meetings of various caste communities. He
believed that though the final goal was annihilation of caste, the beginning lay in mobilizing through
castes. Social enlightenment was part of the movement. When BAMCEF, Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangarsh
Samiti (DS-4) and later the Bahujan Samaj Party organized in north India and elsewhere, they publicized
what Kanshi Ram called the four pillars of social democracy in India- Ambedkar, Phule, Shahu Maharaj
of Kolhapur and Periyar.

Kanshi Ram founded DS-4 and it fought the first elections in the early 1980s. This was later transformed
into the Bahujan Samaj Party, founded in 1984. Its gains were modest in the beginning. Its policy was to
put up candidates everywhere, even if they were to lose their deposit. The idea was to accumulate enough
votes at the national level to claim to be a ‘national party’. When this happened, the BSP claimed as its
symbol the elephant, previously the symbol of the Republican Party whose base was mainly in
Maharashtra- a symbol which had followed Ambedkar’s choice of the name, from the US based

5
Sudha Pai is professor at the Center for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
6
Ghanshyam Shah, ed., Dalit Identity And Politics (New Delhi: Sage, 2001), 260- 287.
Republican Party, considered to be the party of Lincoln and hence of the ending of slavery. Uttar Pradesh
remained its strongest base.

Kanshi Ram brought in a young dalit woman, Mayawati, as his chief lieutenant, in effect giving her
control of the party. Mayawati made a major shift in the party policy. She changed the policy of opposing
brahmins and instead began wooing them. “Bahujan Samaj’ was in process of becoming ‘Sarva Samaj’-
the whole society. The unique electoral arithmetic of UP is- 12 per cent brahmins, 12 per cent other
’upper’ castes, 20 per cent dalits. With the largest section of OBCs- the Yadavs under Mulayam Singh-
resolutely aligned against Mayawati, the Brahmin alliance seemed to make sense. Mayawati didn’t ask
the brahmins to change- in the way that the Black movement earlier did in the US. Mayawati though
came close to power at the center itself, it seemed as if dalit empowerment was taking place at the cost of
the loss of the dalit visions.7

Religion and Politics in India: A Historic Perspective

The play of religion and politics in the Indian society can be divided into two:

(a) The Interface between Religion and Politics

(b) The Role of Religion in Indian Politics
(c) The Emergence of Hindu Nationalism
(d) The Genesis of Muslim Politics

(a) The Interface between Religion and Politics

Religion is a mystery among human beings. If there were no religions, it would have been necessary for
man to invent and establish it. According to B.R. Ambedkar, "to ignore religion is to ignore a live wire.”
Religion is an institution or an influence and like all social influences and institutions, it may help or it
may harm a society which is in its grip. Religion or what we call "Dharma", is not one alone. Today we
have dozens of institutionalized religions like Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Jainism, Buddhism, Judaism,
Taoism, Zorastrianism, Bahaism and a lots of minor and modem religions in the Indian society. India has
a history of fragile intercommunity relationship. Secular and communal political forces have always been
in struggle for power against each other for many centuries.Today various religions particularly the
majority religions are used to communalize politics in India and it is analyzed to have effects on the
people of India.8 Secularism and communalism are the realities of India and these two ways of life are
involved in confrontation with each other.

If we go into the historical background of the problem then we find that there was a close interaction
between religion and politics from the Indus valley civilization to the advent of Islam, the second from
the advent of Islam, to the Indian Mutiny of 1857, the third from 1857 to India's Independence in 1947
and the fourth from 1947 onwards. While there was close interplay between religion and politics during
all these phases, the nature, the intensity and the dynamics of this interaction was different during each of
these phases.9 A subtle way of driving a wedge between the Indian people and promoting the identity' of
7
Gail Omvedt, Understanding Caste- From Buddha to Ambedkar and Beyond (new Delhi: Orient
Blackswan, 2011), 91-95.
8
Samson Prabhakar, ed., Inter-Play of Religion, Politics and Communalism ( Bangalore: SATHRI, 2004), 1.
9
T.R.Sharma, "Religion and Politics in Modern India: A Historical Overview" in Moin Shakir
each as a distinct religious group was to record their religion in the decennial census. Towards the end of
the nineteenth century when national consciousness began to acquire organized form in India, the British
introduced with remarkable calculation and foresight, newer and newer methods of dividing the Indians
along religious lines.10

While the British rulers were trying to use the religious divisions of the Indians for consolidating their
political power in India, the leaders of Indian national movement like Tilak and later Gandhi also found it
more convenient to mobilize mass support against the British rule by using religion. They used religious
slogans and symbols. With the blessing of the British government the Muslims cultural organization also
increased their religious activities. The net result of these British policies was that an element of Hindu-
Muslim conflict gradually enveloped the national movement. India witnessed a great bloodbath in 1947
when it got divided apparently on religious lines. More than a million people were slaughtered when the
State of Pakistan was created. The close affinity between religion and politics continued even after 1947.

(b) The Role of Religion in Indian Politics

The relation between religion and politics goes far back into the history of mankind. Religious symbols,
ideas and institutions have been used by the ruling classes in order to perpetuate their control over
political system. The subordinate classes on their part have been inspired by religious teachings and
messages to revolt against injustice and oppression. Thus, the connection between religion and politics
runs deep. No part of Indian state is without the presence of religion. This has given rise to the feelings of
communalism. In politics religion is used to mobilize all sections and classes of a religious community for
achieving political and economic goals.11 Communalism has been an integral part of Indian politics ever
since the British introduced the principle of electoral representation in public institutions. Since then
religion and communal identities have been exploited and encouraged for electoral purposes. 12

The interplay between religion and politics was further been strengthened in the post-independence era by
some new factors; the first is the existence of religion based political parties. Rashtriya Swayam Sevak
Sangh which was founded in 1925 by Dr. K.B. Hedgewar became a major political factor in the Hindi
speaking Northern states of India. Similarly the Indian Union Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami, the
Majlis-e-Ittihad-ul-Muslimeen have likewise utilised the religious sentiments of the Muslims. During
Emergency, large number of RSS activists were arrested and sent to Jail. The 1980's experienced not only
the growth of social divisions on religious basis but it also witnessed the emergence of religion based
politics as a central factor in elections and public affairs. Thus the Indian States had to grapple with the
new form of religion based politics to safeguard democracy and secularism. 13

(c) The Emergence of Hindu Nationalism

ed., Religion Slate and Politics in India (New Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1989), 41.
10
Ibid., 45.
11
Aditya Mukherjee, "Colonialism and Communalism" in Sarvepalli Gopal ed., Anatomy of a
Confrontation, The Babri Masjid-Ram Janambhoomi Issue (New Delhi: Viking, 1991) 165.
12
K.N. Panikkar, ed., Communalism in India History Politics and Culture (New Delhi: Manohar
Publications 1991), 7.
13
C.P. Bhambhri, Politics in India 1992-93 (New Delhi: Shipra Publication, 1993), 51.
The concept of Hindutva was first articulated by V.D. Savarkar (Hindu Mahasabha) in 1923. It
encompassed the entire gamut of cultural, social, political and linguistic aspect of Hindu life. According
to him "India should belong to only those whose forefathers were born in India and who had not
embraced any faith whose origin could be traced beyond the borders of India. The religions that
originated on Indian soils were Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism. Only their adherents,
therefore were eligible to be called Hindu". This militant characteristic of Hindu Nationalism found
expression in Savarkars slogan: "Hinduise all politics and militarise Hindutva." 14

The rise of Hindu Nationalism has both economic and social factors behind it:

1. the introduction of liberalization of the economy

2. the modern and progressive outlook

The liberization of economy by the Janata Party government (1977) compelled the Congress Party to
assert the Hindu majority in its next elections. The ascendancy of the Congress during 1980s was largely
attributable to the growing importance of religion in Indian Politics, especially the Hindu nationalism. In
the race for the 'Hindu vote the Congress could not match the BJP rhetoric because of its secularist image.
The Congress was in a dilemma. If it went in favour of the Hindus it might alienate the minorities which
had traditionally supported the party. If it did not do so, the BJP was waiting to take advantage of the
situation by making further inroads into the Hindu vote bank. It was against this background that two
controversies came in handy for the BJP, one was the Babri mosque issue and the other was the Shah
Bano case.

The discord over the Babri Masjid is one historical reason of Hindutva uprising. The laying down of the
foundation stone for the Ram Temple in Ayodhya on November 9, 1989 was a dangerous turning point in
the history of Independent India. The seeds for a disintegration of a secular vision of the country were
sown on that day. After the formation of the National Front coalition government (1989) for which the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Left Parties had promised conditional support, the Vishwa Hindu
Parichad (VHP) relaunched the Ramjanambhoomi Movement. The demolition of Babri Masjid on
December 6, 1992 transformed the terms of the strategy of ethno-religious mobilization. The demolition
resulted in communal riots in many parts of the country. In the aftermath of the Mosque's demolition the
Hindu Nationalist Movement was immensely benefited from a 'Ram wave' in North India. The ‘one
nation, one culture’ slogan also got attention in the light of this incident. 15 The emergence of Hindu
nationalism has only heightened communal tension and poisoned the atmosphere of the country. It is still
the reigning concept of Indian Political system.

(d) The Genesis of Muslim Politics

14
Horst Hartman, Political Parlies in India (Meerut: Meenakshi Mudranalya, 1984), 112.
15
Zoya Hasan, "Changing Orientation of the State and the Emergence of Majoritarianism in the
1980's" in K.N. Paniickar ed., Communalism in India History Politics and Culture (New Delhi:
Manohar Publications, 1991), 146.
The history of Muslims political consciousness and their political participation is that in the beginning of
the 20 century Muslims formed Muslim League with the patronage of the British government. Till the
Non-cooperation Movement both the Muslim League and Congress were very close. In later years the
Muslim League became a mass organization and more anti Congress and communal in approach. In 1940,
the Muslim League demanded a separate sovereign State for Muslims and as a result Pakistan was
formed. However Muslims in India due to lack of dynamic leadership became the most backward in all
walks of life. Their drawback is that they are not politically united. Though few efforts were made but
they were all futile. Since Independence Muslims in India are in dilemma. Muslim Politics usually does
not move beyond the game of survival wherein they vote a party to protect their very identity only. Their
literacy rate is abysmal. Their job representation in both public and private sector is shockingly low.

In the post- Independence era in order to strengthen the Muslims politically a convention of Muslim
leaders were held at Lucknow in 1964, Muslim leaders of all shades of opinion joined hands together to
solve their problems and an organization came into existence known as Majlis-e-Mushawarat. 16 The
Majlis-e-Mushawarat presented a number of demands regarding the Status of Urdu, restoration of the
Minority character of Aligarh Muslim University, the Preservation of the Muslim Personal Law, the
revision of the text books etc before the government. In later years the concept of Secular Nationalism
drifted towards the Religious Nationalism. With the Shah Bano affair the Indian Politics became more
communalized. The Supreme Court decision angered the Muslim parliamentarians and denounced the
Supreme Court for presuming to interpret the Quran.

The Mandal commission that reserved seats for the OBCs also accommodated reservation for muslims,
which agitated the Hindu majority in politics. In order to counter the Mandal mobilization of the OBCs by
the Janata Dal the BJP acquired all possible campaign for temple construction at Ayodhya, Later on the
politics of reservation played a hard time game in the political parties and national politics of minorities.
To win back the Muslim vote bank the Congress Party even promised to create a ministry of minority
welfare.

Conclusion

India is a secular State and the State does not recognize any religion as official. However, in practice the
Indian State does not dissociate itself from religion. It recognizes all religions and their social practices.
The Indian State not only regulates the places of worship it also patronises some places of worship.
Keeping in view the importance of religion, the framers of the Indian constitution had opted India to have
a Secular and Democratic Structure. The term ‘Secularism’ as the ordering of communities, nations, and
states has relevance in the discussion of religion, society and politics. 17 The primary task before the Indian
leadership was therefore to contain Hindu communal aggression and channelize it into nation building
activity. The word Secularism later on added to the constitution, carries a specific meaning in the Indian
context which differs from the sense in which it is commonly used in the west at the conceptual level and
also in practice. According to Jawaharlal Nehru "Secularism does not obviously mean a State where

16
Mohammad Abid, Politics in Uttar Pradesh 1950-1980, (Aligarh: Kitab Ghar Educational
Publisher, 1986), 159.
17
Andrew Copson, Secularism- A Very Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019), 22-25.
religion as such is discouraged. It means freedom of religion and conscience; including freedom for those
who may have no religion.”

Today Secularism has a serious engagement in the dialogue between religion and society, also religion
and politics. The recent mandate for majority agenda, destroys the concerns of the minorities. The
Citizens Amendment Act (CAA), National Register of Citizens (NRC), National Population Register
(NPR) are all discussions of the reality faced by and feared by minorities in India. The game of
fundamentalism versus secularism is an area of engagement for the dialogues between religion, politics
and society. The formation of Bahujan Samaj Party and the talks on Religion, Politics and Society are
basically platforms raising concerns of sovereignty, socialism and secularism, that which the constitution
of India needs to uphold in the contemporary situation, in all three tiers of Indian democracy i.e.
Legislative, Judiciary and Executive.

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