Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Chapter 7
Deviance
Contents
Author’s Note
Additional Content in REVEL
Learning Objectives
Detailed Chapter Outline
REVEL Media
John’s Chapter Close-Up: The Chapter Power of Society Figure
John’s Personal Video Selection: The Criminalization of the Mentally Ill
Research for a Cutting-Edge Classroom
Using ASA Journal Teaching Sociology in Your Classroom
Supplemental Lecture Material
• The Elevation of a Hero
• Women in Prison
• Gun Control and Crime Control: The Same Issue?
• Copycat Crime
Essay Topics
There are two halves to this chapter. The first half of the chapter (pp. 176–189) focuses on the
concept of deviance. This half of the chapter is largely theoretical and is concerned with
explaining what deviance is and how it comes to exist. The key ideas are as follows:
Deviance is socially constructed. My experience is that most students come to the course
thinking, more or less, that deviance refers to the specific behaviors that everyone knows
are wrong. The chapter conveys sociology’s major lesson that deviance is created by
society.
There are biological and psychological theories of deviance. They have value. But, as this
chapter explains (pp. 177–178), both these approaches treat deviance as a trait of
individuals; deviance has more to do with the organization of society. Another way to say
this is that most of what comes to be seen as deviance is carried out by people who are,
biologically and psychologically speaking, quite normal.
The social foundation of deviance has three parts, and these are presented on pages
178–179. Each of these parts refers to one the sociology’s major theoretical approaches.
Structural-functional theories appear first, followed by symbolic-interaction theories, and
then social-conflict theories including race-conflict and feminist theories. I have always
enjoyed teaching deviance because, unlike some topics in the discipline that seem to be
most effectively taught from one or another theoretical orientation, this topic allows rich
and diverse insights by applying each of the approaches. What all of the theories share, of
course, is the premise that deviance is created as part of social life.
The second half of the chapter (pp. 189–200) deals with the concept of crime. Crime is a
more straightforward matter of law violation. Technically, crime is a subcategory of deviance
because most deviance is not criminal. On the other hand, most but not all crime is deviant
because some crime (such as victimless crimes or violation of outmoded statutes) falls outside of
what most people would consider to be deviant. This half of the chapter, then, presents data on
the extent of known violations accepting the definitions used by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation. Points to emphasize include:
There are two categories of “serious” or “index” crime used in crime statistics. Crimes
against the person show different patterns than crimes against property.
Data reflect crimes known to the police. Some cautionary comments about interpreting
such data are found on page 190.
FBI data and sociological research give us a good profile of those arrested for crime. Such
data do not reflect all crimes (many or most of which are not cleared by arrest), nor do
they allow for the fact that some arrested persons are not guilty of the crime for which
they have been arrested.
In global perspective, the United States has a relatively high crime rate (see pages 193–
194).
The operation of the criminal justice system is covered on pages 195–200. Many
aspects of the system—from the behavior of police to plea-bargaining to the use of the
death penalty—involve controversy. Most of these topics will support lively class
discussions.
REVEL is the electronic version of this text that provides interactive learning, student learning
assessment, and additional readings and engaging video—at remarkably low cost. All of the
REVEL content has been developed by John Macionis and is seamlessly integrated into the text.
For each chapter, REVEL expands and deepens student learning with rich content including:
In Greater Depth—This interactive graphic allows students to go deeper into the Power of
Society figure at the beginning of the chapter, in this case analyzing illegal drug use in terms of
gender.
Video—REVEL provides students with short videos that present key concepts in engaging ways.
In this chapter, students can access “The Big Picture: Deviance” and a short video applying
sociological theory to deviance.
Surveys—These interactive exercises ask students to assess the extent to which they “break the
rules,” how serious they find the crime problem to be, and students’ own experience as victims of
crime.
In Review—These interactive “drag and drop” exercises allow students to assess their learning
and also to have fun. In this chapter, In Review exercises focus on Merton’s strain theory of
deviance and also the four justifications of punishment.
Boxed Features—Find additional boxed features not available in the printed book, in this case a
Seeing Sociology in Everyday Life box on whether our culture is saying that it is okay to break
the rules.
Video—REVEL provides students with short videos that present key concepts in engaging ways.
In this chapter, students can access “Sociology in Focus: Deviance,” a short video on labeling
theory.
Journals—Short student writing exercises. This chapter’s journals to consider their own
experiences being labeled as deviant, to reflect on the link between deviance and power,
and to share their assessment of the U.S. criminal justice system.
Diversity—These interactive graphics focus on race, class, and gender. This chapter’s diversity
graphics highlight the differing risk of occupational fatality for various categories of the U.S.
population, the risk of being the victim of a hate crime for various categories of people, crime
rates by race, and rates of incarceration by race and gender.
Surveys—These interactive exercises ask students to assess the own attitudes and behavior and
compare themselves to others in the United States or to populations in other countries. This
chapter’s surveys ask students to assess the size of the crime problem in the United States, to rate
their level of confidence in the police, and to assess the performance of police.
A Global Perspective—These interactive graphics focus on global patterns, in this case showing
incarceration rates for nations around the world.
Read the Document—These primary readings allow students to read important sociologists in
their own words. All readings have been carefully chosen and edited to provide rich learning
accessible to all students. This chapter’s reading is Jeffrey Reiman’s “The Rich Get Richer, The
Poor Get Prison.”
_____________________________________________________________________________
Learning Objectives
I. What Is Deviance?
L.O. 7.1: Explain how sociology addresses limitations of a biological or psychological approach
to deviance.
A. Deviance is defined as the recognized violation of cultural norms. What deviant
actions or attitudes have in common is some element of difference that causes us to
regard another person as an “outsider.”
1. One category of deviance is crime, or the violation of a society’s formally
enacted criminal law.
2. The Big Picture: Deviance. Deviance is the topic of this video. It explains that
deviance is a violation of cultural norms. Norms are guidelines or
expectations for how we should behave in our day-to-day lives. Deviance is
relative and varies according to social norms.
B. Deviance calls forth social control, attempts by society to regulate people’s thoughts
and behavior.
1. The criminal justice system is the organizations—police, courts, and prison
officials—that respond to alleged violations of the law.
C. The biological context.
1. Genetic research seeks possible links between biology and crime.
D. Personality factors.
1. Reckless and Dinitz’s (1967) containment theory suggests that strong moral
standards and positive self-image can keep boys from becoming delinquent.
2. Critical review. Most crimes are committed by people who are
psychologically normal.
E. The social foundations of deviance:
1. Deviance varies according to cultural norms.
2. People become deviant as others define them that way.
3. Both norms and the way people define rule-breaking involve social power.
1. The “strain” between our culture’s emphasis on wealth and the limited
opportunity to get rich gives rise, especially among the poor, to theft, the sale
of drugs, or other street crime.
2. Merton’s four types of deviance (responses to failure):
a. Innovation.
b. Ritualism.
c. Retreatism.
d. Rebellion.
C. Deviant subcultures.
1. Cloward and Ohlin (1966) extended Merton’s theory, proposing that access
to illegitimate opportunities for success is also problematic. As a result of
this, three different types of delinquent subcultures may arise:
a. Criminal subcultures.
b. Conflict subcultures.
c. Retreatist subcultures.
2. Albert Cohen (1955) suggests that delinquency is most pronounced in lower-class
youths because they have the least opportunity to achieve conventional success.
3. According to Walter Miller (1958), deviant subcultures are characterized by:
a. Trouble.
b. Toughness.
c. Smartness.
d. A need for excitement.
e. A belief in fate.
f. A desire for freedom.
4. SOCIOLOGY IN FOCUS: Deviant Subculture: Has It Become OK to Break
the Rules? This box presents evidence that at least some people are less likely
today to play according to the rules.
D. Critical review.
1. Durkheim’s work remains important, but communities do not always come
together in reaction to crime.
2. Merton’s theory explains some types of crime better than others and ignores
the fact that not everyone seeks success in conventional terms of wealth.
3. The general argument that deviance reflects the opportunity structure of
society falls short in assuming that everyone shares the same cultural
standards for judging right and wrong; focuses undue attention on the
behavior of the poor; and falsely implies that everyone who breaks the rules
will be defined as deviant.
B. Deviance and capitalism: Steven Spitzer (1980) suggests that deviant labels are chiefly
applied to those who impede the operation of capitalism.
C. White-collar crime consists of crimes committed by persons of high social position in
the course of their occupations.
1. It is usually controlled by civil rather than criminal law.
2. Most white-collar criminals are treated leniently.
D. Corporate crime refers to the illegal actions of a corporation or people acting on its
behalf.
E. Organized crime is a business supplying illegal goods or services.
F. Critical review.
1. Social-conflict analysis falsely assumes that laws benefit only the rich.
2. It implies that crime arises only in societies that treat their members
unequally.
VI. Crime
L.O. 7.6: Analyze the operation of the criminal justice system.
A. Crime involves two components, the act itself (actus reus) and criminal intent (mens
rea).
B. Types of crime:
1. Crimes against the person involve direct violence or the threat of violence
against others.
2. Crimes against property involve theft of property belonging to others.
3. Victimless crimes are violations of law in which there are no readily
apparent victims.
C. SEEING OURSELVES (p. 190)—National Map 7–1:The Risk of Violent Crime
across the United States. The risk of becoming a victim of violent crime is highest in
low-income, rural counties that have a large population of men between the ages of
fifteen and twenty-four.
D. How Are Crime and Punishment Distributed Across the United States? This discovery
exercise gives students the opportunity to look at how the risk of becoming a victim of
violent crime varies across the United States. In addition, they will examine another
important dimension of the crime issue—where our society locates its prisons.
E. Criminal statistics show crime rising between 1960 and 1990, but declining since then.
1. Official statistics are compiled by the FBI and published as the Uniform
Crime Report, or UCR.
2. Victimization surveys may provide more accurate data.
F. The “street” criminal: A profile.
1. Age. Official crime rates rise sharply during adolescence and peak in the late
teens, falling thereafter.
2. Gender. Men are arrested more than twice as often as women for property
crimes. In the case of violent crimes, the disparity is even greater, with a five-
to-one ratio.
3. Social class. Street crime is more widespread among people of lower social
position. Yet the link between class and crime is more complicated than it
appears on the surface.
4. Race and ethnicity. Both race and ethnicity are strongly correlated to crime
rates, although the reasons are many and complex.
E. Crime in Global Perspective: The U.S. crime rate is high. Two factors which may help
to explain this are:
1. Our culture’s emphasis on individual economic success.
2. The extensive private ownership of guns.
F. WINDOW ON THE WORLD: Global Map 7–1 (p. 194)─Capital Punishment in
Global Perspective. The death penalty does not exist in ninety-eight countries and
territories. In general, high-income nations do not have a death penalty, with a major
exception being the United States.
d. A better economy.
e. The declining drug trade.
VIII. Seeing Sociology in Everyday Life photo essay (pp. 201–202). Use this essay to spark
discussion of how organizations and societies create and employ heroes and villains to define
themselves and to encourage conformity.
REVEL Media
IN GREATER DEPTH [graphic] The Power of Society to Affect the Odds of Being
Incarcerated for Using Drugs: Gender and Illegal Drug Use, found in Module 7.1.
VIDEO The Big Picture: Deviance This video explains how social institutions operate as agents
of social control, how labeling theory helps explain what comes to be regarded as deviant, and
how factors such as money, race, gender, and age give some categories of people the power to
define what is deviant, found in Module 7.2.
SURVEY Breaking the Rules: Rate Yourself, found in Module 7.3.
VIDEO Social Inequalities: Deviance The functionalist view of deviance, described by Emile
Durkheim, is explored in his video, along with the view of deviance as socially constructed,
expressed in labeling theory. Real-life illustrations are provided, found in Module 7.4.
IN REVIEW Merton’s Strain Theory, found in Module 7.5.
SEEING SOCIOLOGY IN EVERYDAY LIFE [boxed feature] Deviant Subcultures: Has It
Become OK to Break the Rules? found in Module 7.6.
VIDEO Sociology in Focus: Deviance This video investigates labeling theory, citing recent
examples of how being labeled deviant irrevocably shaped the lives of individuals, found in
Module 7.7.
JOURNAL Personalizing Deviance, found in Module 7.8.
IN REVIEW Applying Theory: Deviance, found in Module 7.9.
JOURNAL Linking Deviance and Power, found in Module 7.10.
DIVERSITY [graphic] Fatal Occupational Injuries among Various Categories of the Population,
found in Module 7.11.
DIVERSITY [graphic] Risk of Victimization by Hate Crimes, found in Module 7.12.
INTERACTIVE MAP The Risk of Violent Crime across the United States, found in Module
7.13.
SOCIAL EXPLORER Explore the share of the population in prison in your local community
and in counties across the United States, found in Module 7.14.
DIVERSITY [graphic] Crime and Race, found in Module 7.15.
DIVERSITY [graphic] Imprisonment Rates by Race and Gender, found in Module 7.16.
SURVEY How Big a Problem Is Crime? Rate Yourself, found in Module 7.17.
A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE [graphic] Homicide Rates, found in Module 7.18.
DIVERSITY [graphic] Locked and Loaded: What Share of People Own a Gun? found in
Module 7.19.
SURVEY Have You Been a Victim of Crime? Rate Yourself, found in Module 7.20.
COMPARISON MAP Capital Punishment/Economic Development in Global Perspective,
found in Module 7.21.
Is conformity or crime simply a choice made by individuals? Do people “get what they deserve?”
Sociologists understand that the answer to the first question is certainly “no,” and researchers
who have examined the criminal justice system of the United States have learned that the answer
to the second is often the same.
The figure found on page 175 of the text is stark evidence of the power of society to shape
human experience. The data here also point to the uncomfortable conclusion that racial bias runs
deep in the way our society defines and responds to drug offenses. According to research by the
Department of Justice and the Department of Health and Human Services, race has no significant
impact on the likelihood that people will use an illegal drug. That is, non-Hispanic whites and
African Americans report rates of illegal drug use that are roughly equal to their share of the
population. At the same time, non-Hispanic whites represent just 30 percent of the inmates in
state or federal prisons who are serving a sentence for a drug conviction. This percentage
represents half the share we would expect based on the proportion of people reporting illegal
drug use. African Americans, by contrast, represent half the inmates serving sentences following
a drug conviction—more than four times what the “use” data would lead us to predict.
Many factors may be at work here. The types of drugs used, the frequency of use, and prior
criminal convictions are not controlled in this comparison. But the inescapable conclusion is that
race itself is playing a big part. That is, race operates as a lens that colors the way people (the
police as well as the public) see individuals, assess their character, and define the significance of
their drug use.
In REVEL, the “In Greater Depth” graphic examines incarceration rates by sex, allowing the
class to explore the effect of gender on incarceration rates for illegal drug use.
____________________________________________________________________________
Early in our nation’s history, people with mental illness were thrown into jails along with
convicted criminals. During the nineteenth century, a reform movement led by Dorothea Dix led
to the creation of asylums where people with mental illness could find some measure of shelter
from the world, if not effective treatment for their disease. By the middle of the twentieth
century, mental asylums had grown in size and were under fire for warehousing people. A new
For each chapter of the text, I am happy to share a short, Power-Point based presentation
informed by very recent research. These presentations deal with highly current and typically
controversial issues that are in the news and are part of the country’s political dialogue. Each
presentation provides a clear statement of the issue, several slides that present recent research
findings from organizations including Pew, Gallup, or other organizations, notes that help
instructors develop the importance of the data, and questions for class discussion.
To access these PowerPoint presentations from REVEL, after creating a course with either
Sociology 16/e or Society: The Basics 14/e, enter the course and hover over the left-hand
navigation menu. The PowerPoints (as well as the Test Item File, Instructor's Manual, and other
resources) can be found in the “Resources” tab.
From outside of REVEL, please go to www.pearsonhigerhed.com and navigate/search for
Sociology 16/e or Society: The Basics 14/e. The PowerPoints can be found under the
“Resources” tab.
In this chapter, the cutting edge classroom topic focuses on race and the criminal justice
system—specifically, exposing the dangers of “driving while black.”
Any discussion of deviance and/or deviant behavior involves the concept of sanctions in general,
and punishment in particular. Joseph W. Rogers has provided an interesting strategy for teaching
the concept of punishment (“An Introductory Procedure for Teaching the Concept of
Punishment,” Teaching Sociology, 20, October 1992, pp. 135–142). Rogers’s approach consists
of three key areas: (1) a framework for understanding the functions of punishment; (2) a
delineation of ideal criteria for the application of punishment; and (3) a description of
compliance, identification, and internalization as processes that influence conformity. In his
article, Rogers takes the reader through each of these areas, step-by-step, laying out a very
interesting procedure that you may be able to utilize in your classroom during your discussions of
deviance and deviant behavior.
The Seeing Sociology in Everyday Life photo essay in this chapter points out that every society
or organization creates heroes and villains. As Durkheim explained, heroes and villains are a
resource that helps a community define itself (what we are, and what we are not) and also helps
encourage conformity and solidarity among members.
The creation of heroes is not simple nor is it quick. The hero comes to represent a goal or
principle. This means that the person being constructed as a hero must be idealized. For this to
happen, any elements inconsistent with the heroic status must be expunged, ignored, or forgotten.
No doubt, this is why the Catholic Church requires that anyone being considered for sainthood be
dead for a long time.
A recent issue of Time magazine (September 2, 2013) has a cover story on the fiftieth
anniversary of Martin Luther King, Jr. giving the “Dream” speech in Washington, DC. From the
point of view of understanding heroism, it is worth noting that the article is helping to establish
King as far more than the major leader of the African-American community and the civil rights
movement but as a “founding father” of the United States. In short, King now stands in the
pantheon with other heroic figures including Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln. In
embracing Martin Luther King Jr. in this way, our nation is continuing on the journey—still
unfinished—of creating a color-blind society in which people will be judged by “the content of
their character rather than the color of their skin.”
Historically, sociologists have devoted very little attention to female criminal behavior, primarily
because women have been, and continue to be, far less likely than men to commit the actions we
define as serious crime. However, as the text explains, the trend has been for women to represent
an increasing share of people arrested for serious crime. In 2013, women represented about 38
percent of people arrested for property crimes and 20 percent of people arrested for violent crime.
The fact women represent a minority of people in prison leads to some challenges for women.
Most states operate only a single women’s prison, which means that hardened criminals are
likely to be mixed in with lesser offenders and that the variety of educational, rehabilitative, and
vocational programs available to female inmates is generally inferior to those provided in more
numerous men’s prisons.
But the most serious problem for imprisoned women usually concerns their children. About
70 percent of female prisoners are mothers. When fathers are locked away, their children are
usually looked after by their mothers, but when mothers are imprisoned, their children normally
live with their grandparents or are placed in foster care. Separation from their children is usually
intensely painful for incarcerated women; one, living apart from her seventeen -year-old daughter
and seven-year-old son, said “I miss them to death. [Separation] was the worst of all my
experiences in jail. Being locked up wasn’t so bad. [Separation] almost destroyed me. My son is
my heart.”
Because, most states have only one prison for women, mothers are frequently confined
hundreds of miles away from their children, making visiting difficult and expensive. Only one
women’s prison in the United States, Bedford Hills in New York, provides an onsite nursery.
Under these circumstances, many mothers worry about being able to establish and maintain
adequate bonds with their children.
Proposals to help these women center around the expansion of alternative sentencing. If
female offenders could serve their sentences in the community, families would not be broken up
and more advantage could be taken of rehabilitative services located outside prison walls.
Source:
Fessler, Susan Raikovitz. “Behind Bars: Women’s Needs Are Unmet.” Albany Times Union
(August 4, 1991) and recent statistical sources.
Discussion Questions:
1. Should serious female offenders be allowed to maintain regular contact with their children, or
should separation be considered part of their punishment?
2. Co-correctional institutions that contain both women and men have been are one possible
solution to some of the special problems which women face in the penal system. Do you
support such institutions, or should prisoners continue to be generally segregated by sex?
Gun control easily ranks as one of the most persistent and divisive issues for Americans over the
past few decades, particularly in regard to handguns and “assault” weapons. Both proponents and
opponents of gun control make claims that link their position on gun ownership to controlling
crime.
The United States certainly seems to have a lot of guns, especially handguns. There are more
guns in this country on a per capital basis than in any other high-income nation. As the text
explains (see pages 193–194), more than half of U.S. households have at least one gun. The
nation’s rate of violent killing, while trending downward in recent decades, is also high by
international standards.
There are cultural reasons for this nation’s high rates of gun ownership and gun violence. Our
frontier history and cultural emphasis on self-reliance certain play a part. The gun killings of
children in the Sandy Hook Elementary School in 2012 and the killings on an Oregon college
campus in 2015 have certainly kept the issue of gun control on center stage. But while the
continued killings have sparked heated rhetoric on both sides, they have resulted in little real
change.
Other countries appear to have more faith in police protection, the restriction of firearm sales,
and the process of certifying and registering legal handgun users than Americans. More to the
point, voters in these countries seem more prepared to connect the spread of firearms and the
increase in the number of deaths from those firearms, whereas people in the United States do not
see a contradiction between owning a weapon and being at risk from its use.
Discussion Questions
1. Why do you think gun ownership is so widespread in the United States? Does this pattern
increase our security as a nation or does it put us at risk? Why?
2. Do you or anyone in your household own a gun? If there is a gun, what is the reason for
owning it?
Copycat crimes are certainly not new phenomena. Looking back in time, Tylenol bottles laced
with poison on supermarket shelves (1982), syringes planted in Pepsi cans (1993), and letters
purposely containing deadly anthrax (2001) all occurred in years when a wave of similar crimes
suddenly began appearing across the country. “Ever since the Columbine High School killings,
the copycat syndrome has been working overtime,” says Adam Cohen. Within weeks of those
shootings, hundreds of schools were hit with Columbine-style, and 20 percent said their schools
had been evacuated because of a bomb threat.
Harvard psychologist William Pollack believes that the epidemic of imitation “starts with
kids who are already close to the edge.” Copycats model themselves on crimes (both real and
fictional) that get a lot of attention. Sometimes copycats are just looking for pointers on how to
commit a crime effectively (mode copying). But copycat criminals are often motivated more by
the sheer thrill of making headlines. “It becomes a power trip for the powerless, those who feel
they have nothing to lose” says Cohen.
While some say less attention should be given to notorious crimes when they happen, others
argue that what’s needed is not less coverage but more information about how these cases turn
out. That’s part of the story few copycats have in mind while daydreaming about their “moment
in the sun.”
Source:
Cohen, Adam. “Criminals as Copycats.” Time (May 31, 1999), p. 38.
Discussion Questions:
1. What’s your sense about the media attention given to events like the Columbine shootings or
the more recent Sandy Hook shootings? Do you think such coverage encourages further
violence?
2. What are some of the factors that create a sense of powerlessness among people in the United
States today that may make people vulnerable to seeking a sense of power through copycat
crime?
_____________________________________________________________________________
Essay Topics
1. Sociologists point out what is and is not defined as deviant varies from time to time and
from place to place. Provide evidence in support of this assertion. How does this claim
support the conclusion that deviance is a product of society?
2. According to Emile Durkheim, why is deviance a necessary resource for all societies?
Specify the ways in which deviance helps any society to operate.
3. Explain how labeling theory shifts attention from what people do to how an audience
responds to what people do. Distinguish between primary and secondary deviance.
4. Most of us have been labeled at least mildly deviant at some time in our lives. Recount
your own experiences with deviant labeling, making reference to relevant terms such as
primary and secondary deviance, stigma, and retrospective labeling.
5. What is the medicalization of deviance? Explain how the use of marijuana is being
transformed from a criminal behavior to a treatment with “pushers” being redefined as
“dispensers,” and “users” being redefined as “patients.”
6. What are the reasons that the U.S. crime rate is very high in global context? What policies
or programs would you recommend to try to reduce this rate?
7. Identify the four justifications for punishment discussed in the text. Assess the relative
importance of each one in the public view.
8. Describe the criminal statistics available from the Federal Bureau of Investigation. What
can we learn from such statistics? What are several limitations of these data?
Fig. 267.—Chaetoderma
nitidulum Lov.: a, anus; m,
mouth. × 3.
Fam. 2. Chaetodermatidae.—Body cylindrical, no ventral groove,
liver a single sac, kidneys with separate orifices into the branchial
cloaca, two bipectinate ctenidia. Single genus, Chaetoderma (Fig.
267).
Fig. 269.—Pleurotomaria
adansoniana Cr. and F., Tobago.
× ½.
Fam. 4. Bellerophontidae.—Shell nautiloid, spire generally
concealed, aperture large, sinus or perforations central (Fig. 179, p.
266). Ordovician—Trias. Genera: Bellerophon, Trematonotus,
Cyrtolites.
Section II. Azygobranchiata.—One ctenidium (the left) present.
Fam. 1. Cocculinidae.—A single cervical ctenidium, foot broad, no
eyes, shell patelliform, with caducous spire. Single genus, Cocculina.
Deep water.
Fam. 2. Stomatellidae.—A single (left) ctenidium, front third free,
shell nacreous, spiral or patelliform, depressed, last whorl large.
Jurassic——. Genera: Stomatella (subg. Synaptocochlea, Niphonia),
shell depressed, spirally ribbed, spire short, operculum present;
Phaneta, fluviatile only, shell trochiform, imperforate, last whorl
keeled, sinuate in front; Stomatia, spire short, surface tubercled or
keeled, no operculum; Gena, shell haliotis-shaped, surface smooth,
aperture very large; Broderipia, shell patelliform, spiral apex often
lost.
Fam. 3. Cyclostrematidae.—Tentacles ciliated, thread-like, snout
bilobed, foot truncated in front, angles produced into a filament, shell
depressed, umbilicated, not nacreous. Eocene——. Principal
genera: Cyclostrema, Teinostoma, Vitrinella.
Fam. 4. Liotiidae.—Epipodial line with a lobe behind each eye-
peduncle, shell solid, trochiform, longitudinally ribbed or trellised,
aperture round, operculum multispiral, hispid, corneous, with a
calcareous layer. Silurian——. Principal genera: Liotia,
Craspedostoma (Silurian), Crossostoma (Jurassic).
Fig. 273.—Solarium
perspectivum Lam., Eastern
Seas.
Fam. 10. Littorinidae.—Proboscis short, broad, tentacles long,
eyes at their outer bases, penis behind the right tentacle;
reproduction oviparous or ovoviviparous, radula very long; shell
turbinate, solid, columella thickened, lip simple, operculum corneous,
nucleus excentrical. Jurassic——. Principal genera: Littorina (radula,
Fig. 16, p. 20), Cremnoconchus (p. 16), Fossarina; Tectarius, shell
tubercled or spinose; Risella, base slightly concave; Lacuna, shell
thin, grooved behind the columellar lip.
Fam. 11. Fossaridae.—Shell turbinate, solid, small, white, spirally
ribbed, outer lip simple. Miocene——. Principal genus, Fossarus.
Fam. 12. Cyclophoridae.—Ctenidium replaced by a pulmonary
sac, tentacles long, thread-like (radula, Fig. 17, p. 21); shell variously
spiral, peristome round, often reflected, operculum circular.
Terrestrial only. Cretaceous——. (i.) Pomatiasinae, shell high,
conical, longitudinally striated, operculum consisting of two laminae
united together. Single genus, Pomatias. (ii.) Diplommatininae, shell
more or less pupiform, peristome thickened or reflected, often
double. Genera: Diplommatina (subg., Nicida, Palaina, Paxillus,
Arinia), shell dextral or sinistral, small, columella often denticulated;
Opisthostoma (Fig. 208, p. 309), last whorl disconnected, often
reflected back upon the spire. (iii.) Pupininae, shell more or less
lustrous, bluntly conical, lip with a channel above or below. Genera:
Pupina (subg., Registoma, Callia, Streptaulus, Pupinella, Anaulus),
Hybocystis (Fig. 205, p. 305), Cataulus, Coptochilus,
Megalomastoma. (iv.) Cyclophorinae, shell turbinate or depressed,
operculum corneous or calcareous. Genera: Alycaeus,
Craspedopoma, Leptopoma, Lagochilus, Cyclophorus (Fig. 206, p.
306); including Diadema, Aulopoma, Ditropis, and others),
Aperostoma (including Cyrtotoma and others), Cyathopoma,
Pterocyclus (subg., Myxostoma, Spiraculum, Opisthoporus, and
Rhiostoma (Fig. 180, p. 266), Cyclotus, Cyclosurus, and
Strophostoma.
Fam. 13. Cyclostomatidae.—Ctenidium replaced by a pulmonary
sac, tentacles obtuse, foot with a deep longitudinal median groove;
central tooth, lateral, and first marginal more or less bluntly cusped,
second marginal large, edge pectinate; shell variously spiral, spire
usually elevated, aperture not quite circular; operculum generally
with an external calcareous and an internal cartilaginoid lamina,
rarely corneous. Terrestrial only. Cretaceous——. Genera:
Cyclostoma (subg., Leonia, Tropidophora, Rochebrunia, Georgia,
Otopoma, Lithidion, Revoilia), Cyclotopsis, Choanopoma (subg.,
Licina, Jamaicia, Ctenopoma, Diplopoma, Adamsiella), Cistula
(subg., Chondropoma, Tudora), Omphalotropis (subg., Realia,
Cyclomorpha), Hainesia, Acroptychia.
Fig. 274.—Cyclostoma
campanulatum Pfr., Madagascar.
Fam. 14. Aciculidae.—Ctenidium replaced by a pulmonary sac,
tentacles cylindrical, pointed at the end, eyes behind their base, foot
long and narrow; central tooth and lateral very similar, pinched in at
the sides, external marginal broad, edge finely pectinate; shell small,
acuminate, with a blunt spire, operculum corneous. Terrestrial only.
Tertiary——. Genus, Acicula (= Acme).
Fam. 15. Truncatellidae.—Ctenidium replaced by a pulmonary
sac, proboscis very long, eyes sessile, behind the base of the
tentacles, shell small, evenly cylindrical, apex truncated in the adult.
Eocene——. Genera: Truncatella (subg., Taheitia, Blanfordia, and
Tomichia), Geomelania (subg., Chittya and Blandiella), Cecina (?).
Fam. 16. Rissoidae.—Eyes at the external base of the tentacles,
epipodium with filaments, operculigerous lobe with appendages;
central tooth pleated at the basal angles, lateral large, bluntly
multicuspid, marginals long, narrow, denticulate at the edge; shell
small, acuminate, often elaborately sculptured, mouth entire or with a
shallow canal, operculum corneous. Marine or brackish water.
Jurassic——. Principal genera: Rissoa (subg., Folinia, Onoba,
Alvania, Cingula, Nodulus, Anabathron, Fenella, Iravadia, and
others), Scaliola (shell agglutinating fragments of sand, etc.),
Rissoina (lip thickened, operculum with an apophysis as in Nerita),
Barleeia, Paryphostoma (Eocene).
Fam. 17. Hydrobiidae.—Eyes at the outer base of the tentacles,
penis behind the right tentacle, prominent, operculigerous lobe
without filaments; radula rissoidan, central tooth often with basal