1 Feb 2024 Editorial

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convoluted (adj) ज�टल, complicated
Syn: complex, labyrinthine
Ant: simple, straightforward
dominate (v) प्रभावशाल� होना, influence
Syn: intimidate, command
Ant: follow, obey
rigging (v) प्रदान करना, provide
Syn: supply, beastow
Ant: refuse, withhold
conviction (n) दं डादे श, sentence
Syn : judgement, verdict
Ant : acquittal, exoneration
exile (n) �नष्कासन, expulsion
Syn: banishment, exclusion
Ant: inclusion, return
conspire (v) सािजश करना, cabal
Syn: plot, intrigue
Ant: neglect, disagree
oust (v) हटाना, displace
Syn: eliminate, remove
Ant: hold, retain
barred (v) �नषेध करना, prohibit
Syn: forbid, interdict
Ant: permit, allow
tatter (n) टुकड़े, pieces
Syn: shreds, fragments
Ant: preserve, intact
grappling (v) संघषर् करना, struggle
Syn: scuffle, tussle
Ant: accord, truce
vetting (v) पनु र��ण, probe
Syn: scrutinize, investigate
Ant: ignore, overlook
vendetta (n) प्र�तशोध, rivalry
Syn: revenge, vindictiveness
Ant: forgiveness, harmony
tenability (n) वैधता, legality
Syn: rationality, viability
Ant: illegality, illegitimacy
render (v) बनाना, prepare
Syn: make, fabricate
Ant: destroy, demolish
abound (v) प्रचुर मात्रा म� होना, plentiful
Syn: abundant, profuse
Ant: scant, meagre
persecution (n) अत्याचार, torture
Syn: tyranny, victimization
Ant: relief, conciliation
unsavoury (v) बेहूदा, absurd
Syn: peevish, frivolous
Ant: reasonable, sensible
subservience (n) अधीनता, slavishness
Syn: complaisance, obedience
Ant: rebellious, disobedient
offence (n) अपराध, crime
Syn: felony, transgression
Ant: innocence, righteousness
summon (v) बल ु ावा भेजना, convene
Syn: call, invite, convoke
Ant: dismiss, banish
1. Beggar thy neighbour
Meaning = to do something beneficial for oneself
without worrying about how it affects others.
2. Cover-up
Meaning = an act of preventing something bad
or dishonest from becoming known.
3. Go belly up
Meaning = to go bankrupt.
4. Handed out
Meaning = was sentenced or convicted.
5. Paddle One’s Own Canoe
Meaning = to be able to act independently.
The back-to-back jail sentences former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan was handed out in two different
cases just a week before the February 8 parliamentary elections, show how roles have been reversed in
Pakistan’s convoluted political space dominated by the shadow hands of the establishment. In 2018, when Mr.
Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) was elected to power, the Opposition Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-
N) and the Pakistan People’s Party had accused the military of electoral rigging in favour of the former cricket
star, who was the preferred choice of the generals. A year earlier, Nawaz Sharif, the PML-N leader, had to resign
as Prime Minister over the Panama Papers allegations and later go into exile after his conviction and
disqualification. Today, Mr. Khan has been disqualified and is serving lengthy sentences, while Mr. Sharif is back,
leading the PML-N. Given the way how the military and other state institutions went after Mr. Khan and his
party, there was little surprise in the court proceedings and the verdicts. On Tuesday, he was sentenced to 10
years by a special court in what is commonly called the ‘Cipher case’, on charges that he leaked state secrets,
while on Wednesday, another court sentenced him and his wife to 14 years in the Toshakhana case, for keeping
some of the gifts they had received while he was in power.
Mr. Khan was forced out of power in April 2022 after falling out with the military establishment. He accused the
military and the United States of conspiring to oust him and, at a rally, waved a paper, purportedly a diplomatic
cable sent by the then Pakistani Ambassador to the U.S. in 2022, as evidence, which came back to hit him as a
violation of the Official Secrets Act. His lawyers complain that they were replaced by state attorneys in the
middle of the case and that Mr. Khan was not allowed to give a proper defence in the ‘Cipher’ trial, which took
place inside a jail. His arrest in May led to large-scale protests. But since then, the authorities have unleashed a
systematic campaign to weaken the PTI — many of its leaders are in jail, while several others have left under
pressure or are on the run. Recently, a court barred the party from using its iconic cricket bat symbol in ballots.
Many PTI workers are contesting as independents. While Mr. Khan is in jail and his party is in tatters under state
repression, Mr. Sharif seems to be enjoying the support of the invisible power centre in the electoral arena,
which makes the elections look like a fixed match. Mr. Sharif might make a political comeback, but the real
winner in the unfolding developments in Pakistan, which is grappling with enormous economic challenges, is the
military and the real loser, the country’s democracy.
The Supreme Court’s suggestion for a mechanism to eliminate the perception of vendetta behind the use of
investigative agencies against political opponents is sound in principle, but may not address all aspects of the
problem. A case under formal investigation may be scrutinised for its legal tenability or political motive, but such a
mechanism can do nothing about offences and allegations that are covered up for political reasons. During a recent
hearing on a bribery case against an Enforcement Directorate (ED) officer in Tamil Nadu, the ED sought the transfer
of the probe to the CBI. It also charged that the State police was not sharing details of FIRs it had registered on
complaints against Ministers, officials and others in instances of corruption and illegal mining. The ED, presumably,
wants to probe the money-laundering aspects of these offences, whereas the State government believes these
details will be used to target its ministers and officials as the State is run by a party opposed to the ruling BJP at the
Centre. The Bench’s idea that an independent, pan-India mechanism to vet such cases appears reasonable.
However, much of the criticism of the use of central agencies against political adversaries of the BJP stems from the
view that similar allegations against its party members and allies across the country are seldom investigated.
Corruption allegations abound in several States against key political figures seen as friendly to the Centre, but the
Opposition parties believe the CBI, ED and Income-Tax Department are hardly active there. The Bench is right in
observing that offenders should not be spared only because they claimed to be victims of vendetta. Its remarks
disapproving of retaliatory arrests are also salutary. However, despite the Solicitor-General’s argument that the
courts could intervene in the case of vindictive action, it has to be noted that the ED’s power to summon and arrest
anyone, and the difficulty in obtaining bail in money-laundering cases, renders the Union government quite
invincible if it chose persecution in the name of prosecution. An unsavoury instance of how far politics over the use
of central agencies can sully institutions is the recent episode of a Calcutta High Court judge ordering a CBI probe
into charges against the ruling party in West Bengal, and a Division Bench staying the order. The single judge chose
to ignore the Bench’s order, accusing its presiding judge of political motive. In a welcome move, the Supreme Court
formed a Bench of its senior-most judges and transferred the whole case file to itself for disposal. The perception
of vendetta can only be removed if all agencies chose independence over subservience.
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THE HINDU EDITORIAL @ 8 AM FOR BANK/SSC MAHAPACK USE CODE Y194

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Price 680/- Price 1530/- Starts 1 Feb Use Code Y194

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