Rainer vossen & christa König (eds.

): patterns of Linguistic convergence in Africa

h e Btàtler 27 / 28 (2O t5
Fra n kf u rte r Af ri ka n ¡st¡sc
/ t6) LOg- tI7
Rüdiger Köppe Vertag, Kötn

Sub-Saharan lnfluence on Tuareg Morphology

The Case of Full Reduplication

Maarten KOSSMANN

Universiteit Leiden, Netherlands

The T'areg language belongs to the Berber ranguage group. It

is spoken in the cen-
tral and southern parts of the Sahara, in Algeiia, laãli, ñig.., Birkina Faso,
and
Libya. As many Tuareg groups regularly mþrate to the .o"utl1 th"r"
have always
been contacts between notnad Tuaregs and seãentary populations
of the central Su-
dan. Linguistic literature on these contacts is not very extensive,
and as far as sub-
Saharan influence on thg Tuareg language has been mentioned,
túis exclusively con-
cerns the lexicon.rln this article I will argue that there is at least
one point in ir.rareg
morphology which is due to tlie effects of language contact with
sub-Saharan lan-
guages, viz. full reduplication in the verbal stem.
I
1 Tuareg verbal rnorphology is cornplicated, featuring a large number of
different
formal classes which display different formations ortne ¿irrerãnt tense-aspect
i

t stems.
Karl-G. Prasse has established nineteen different classes most of which ïave
I
I large
numbers of sub-classes (Prasse 1972-74). As these sub-classes have
t been established
on the basis of historical argumentation rather than on a strictly synchronic
: basis,
other, more elaborate classifications are possible (e.g. those rnade by Basset
1929).
¿

In the following, I will follow Prasse's classificatory system atlarge.For ease

of ref-
erence, I will make a distinction between what will be called the ,.lrimary
class', and
the other classes, which will be called "extended classes,'., the piiroary
class cone_
sponds to the verbal types integrated in Prasse's class I, while the
extended classes
encompass the classes II-XIX in Prasse's classification. The majority
of Tuareg verbs
belong to Prasse's class I, and almost ail basic ver.bs belong to tilis cíass.
Howwer, as
there is no derivation going on it is difficult to maintain that the "extended
classes,,
are secondary, and an egalitarian approach such as the one advocated
by prasse, pro-
vides the best description of the system.

I Most irnpoltaut are the lexical studies by Gouffé (1971172, 1974) and the
etymological notes
sometimes contained in Prasse et at. (1998) and Sudlow (2001). Sucttow is
the o¡ly author who
notes loanwords fì'om sub-Saharan lauguages other than Hausa. Cf.
also the 1..1¡or.k, by Basset
(1952: 42). on Berber loanwords in Hausa, cf. Gouffe (lg7l/j2, 1974)
andKo.s,rlan¡ (2005).
2
In most cases, the "extended" classes have feahlres not found in the'þrirnary
class,,, such as mor-
phological gemination, but. sotne_ classes can hardly be called "extended,,
in the morphological
sense. One may note that I do not believe that the "extended" stems
are petriflred derived forms.
 -I
11_0 fvlaarten Kossmann: Sub Sahararr itrfluence on Tuareg nrorphology

As Tuarcg ntorphology is to a largc clcgrcc chalactcl'isccl by cotrsotratltal roots r'r,ith

vocalic apophony, thc classes arc clcfinccl by tttcaus ol'thc lcatttrcs of vocalisation,
consonalrtal gemiuation, ancl partial or fìrll lccluplication.
'fhe fbllou'ing schcrttc
gives sonte exarnplcs o1- thc lornral stnrctut'c of vclbs itt thc printat'y class allcl in thc
extcndccl cl¿rsscs.3
IIl - first consonanlal raclical; C] - seconcl conson¿rntal raclicrll D - thilcl consonant¡l rltliclrll

pt'inra¡1, çl¡s5; ¡ll¡(l

¡BCl¡l)
¡B B¡[)
äBt' f u'ith post-r'aclical vocalic ¿rltcrnation ir-r the llrctclitc]
¡IJCul
aB¡(l
scconclalyclasses:5 BBirClirt
BIIãCläl)
BBãC]C'äD
Illlu(lcD
Il¡('¡lll)¡t
BeC¡lXl¡l)
B¡Cl¡nBc(lc[)
Ll¡Cl¡DBaCl¡I)

Soltrc olthc cxtelldccl classcs arc rllorc ol'less t'cstlictcci to ccrtaill sçlllantic tyllcs, bLrt
assignment is in mosl cases rathcr fìrzzy. Mcmbcrsltilt ol'an cxtcnclc<1 class is lcxical-
ly cletcnninccl ancl thcre ¿ìre 1lo clerivativc proccsscs itlvolvccl. Only vely ler'r'r,cl'bs iu
thc cxtenclccl classcs have ¿r cot.llìtcrlìr.ìl't in anothcr cl¿rss. E,xtcuclccl classcs occtlr ilì all
attcstccl Bclbcr'laugnagcs, although llot ç\,cry Tualcg cxtcnclccl class is attested cvc-
ryrvhcrc. Gcncrally spcaking, the 1'uarcg systcnl lìts vcly \'\,cll illto gcncral Bcrbcr'
1)attcfrls.
Thcre is olle ulajor exccptiou to thc non-dct'ir¡cc1 ttattlrc ol thc exteuclccl classcs in
Tuarcg. When a vcrb f-orur shoi,r,s 1ìrll lcduplicatiotl therc is a glcat chancc that thcrc
r,i,ill bc a con'csponding lcxical itcrn in al'ìolhcr class - norntally thc 1.lt'irnary class (cf'.
Galancl 2000: 195). Diflcrcnt h'onr thc otllcr cxtctrclccl olasscs, thc scurantics ol'lìlly
rccluplicatccl \¡crbs arc to a largc dcgrcc prcdictablc, csltccially u,ìren thct'c cxists a
corrcsllotlding vcrb in thc pliurary class. Bccausc of'this, it is rc¿rsolrablc to corlsiclcr'
thc vclb stcnl rvith fìrll rccluplicatiort a clcrivccl stclll.6
In Tuarcg, lull ledLrplication is founcl in trvo shapcs, c'lcpcrrcliug ou rvhethcr thc root
has t."r,o or thrcc colìsollalltal t'aclicals.

I As ¡s¡¿rl in ßelbel studjes. aorists al'e given as citation fbl'lns. Itt tlrc fìrllori'ing tloll-itrperalivc
aorist stcurs lather tltan inrpelative fbrnrs u'ill bc citetl.
-1
lu sonie Tualcg dialects thc valiattts ¡BCltr ancl äRC-- have bccll fìlsecl.
5
Initial gcmination in thcsc classes is sr.tpplessccl in the inr¡rclative fbt'tll.
" Tliis does not ncccssalily imply that the proccss ìs fìrlly ¡locluctivc.
 Frankfurter Afrikanistische Bläther 27 /28 (2015/ 16\ 1_11-

cBeC > BBirC.BirC

eBC¡D > lleCeD.BaCloi)

Examples (lwellemurcdcn Tuareg, Nigcr):

chaçl 'to rnake a hole'
bbãçfbìíCl 'to nake hele ancl thcre a hole'
alics 'to cr-rt'
fòresfòt¿s 'to cut in several picces'

The scn.rantics ol fully redr,rplicatcci vcrbs in Tr"raleg cluster around the following
luleallings:
- to do something rcpeatedly,
- to do sonctl-ìil.ìg helc ancl there,
- to do something in a way that the object is t'cnderecl into several pieces,
- to clo somcthing hastily, without mnch care (only in Ahaggar Tuareg).
Using a tertl coincd by Paul Newman (1990) in the framcwork of Chadic studies.
thcse diffcrcut t.ueanir-rgs can bc suumarized nuder a gcneral l.nealling "plulactional".
Examples (Ahaggal Tr"raleg) :
7

cbtle¡' 'to beat violentlY'

bctla¡'btdc¡' 'to beal het'e antl thcre violently'
ctrlcr 'to jr"rm¡r vividly at one place '
ncdcnadcr 'to go up and dor.vn (buitocks on a liding camel)'
oslr 'to rlnclo, untie'
ò'.s?lrst1' 'to untie thlearls'
ct¡kotl 'to cut' (< *omkccl ?)
nakadnekad 'to cut hastíly'
nakedn¡ekcd 'to be cut in sevelal pieces'
ckncl' 'to cook nnder'ashes'
kcncfkonol' 'to cook hastily undel ashes'
Iwellemmeclen TL¡areg:
clcy 'to lap (clog, cat)'
wclsqqet\ 'to lap (c1og, cat)'
¡¡tiþy¡pl2¡, 'to lap f-ol a long time, lap up a lot'
2 Full ledr-4rlicatior-r is also lound in othel Bclbel languages than Tnarcg. 'fhere are a
llulllbcr of important differenccs with the Tuareg derivation, which apply to all non-
Tuareg variants of Berber:
a. Full rcclLrplication of triradical \¿erbs is r¡nkuown outsidc Tualeg.
b. With very fèw exceptions, fully leduplicated verbs do not have a non-
lcdr.rplicatecl collnterpart ontside Tuareg. While full recluplication is to a large

7
Note that Foucaulcl (I 95 I ) cloes not clistinguish ¿í fìorr a.
s
The ¡rhonente rTqis thc regul¿ìl'teuse corresponclcnt to lax y
 T
112 Maarterr Kossmann: Sub Saharan irrfluelrce on Tuareg nlorphology

extcnt a clcrivalivc proccss in Tuarcg, it is a lcxical featurc in riol-Ti.raL'cg Llcr'-

bcr.
c. Scmantics arc dìfïcrcut ir.r non-Tualcg Bclber': althor.rgh plulactiottal nrcaniugs
occul this is by no ulcalls gcncral. N4ost fì'cqucntly. lully lccluplicatcd rclcr to
sor"rncls.

This can bc sho',r,u by cor.n¡raling 1'ornrs ancl scmautics ol'lully rcclnplicatcd vct'bs in
tu,o l'uarcg dialccts and in thrcc uon-Tuarcg Bct'bcr langr-ragcs:
Ahaggar Tualcg (Algclian Central Saliara) (bascd on Fotrcatrlcl 195 l):
ll¡(lcD.BcC¡D t' nrostly clerivccl" fiorn cllC¡D (31 oLtt of 50)
ale alnlost exclr-rsively pltuactìonal
':' the clcrivecl I'olnrs
': total o1'pluractionals: -J(r cases 72?ô
':' ononratopoeias: I casc

IIB¡C.BeD ':' r'alcly clcrivecl (9 out of 4.{)

i' total of plr-rlactìonals: l9 cascs - 43'lu
':' ouornatopoeìas: 6 cascs - l47o

Iu,cllctntrrcclcn / Aycr"l'uarcg (Nigcr Sahata) (bascd ou Prassc el ol. 1998):

B¡C'¡l).ß¡C¡D 'f hallof the cases tlct'ivccl fi'onr ¡BC¡D (14 oLrt of 28)
ale in a -rtreat rna.jorìty plr.rlactiottal
':' thc clcrivecl lòr'nts
i'total of plurnction¿rls: llJ cascs - 64'11,
'i' ononratopoeias: not alteste(l

BBirC. BåD ':' r'at'cly clcrivc<l ( l4 oLtt ol (16)

'r' totnl ol ¡rlulactionals: 30 cascs - 45')1,

'l' txrontatopoeias: 6 c¿tscs - 9'X,

I(abylc (Nolth-castcln Algclia) (bascd on Dallet 1953):

UC'D.BCD r' not atlestccl

ULI¡C.II¡C 'k rìevcr clel'ivecl

'-'""':,Tll,i,1lll:ìil'liïïiï,,",
",,
33 ) - 34e,;
lrlrrlactìonals: I ll cascs - 14oÁt0

Ouargla (Algcrian not'th-castcrl Sahara, scclctttary) (bascd on l)clhcurc 1987):

BC'I).BCD ': not attestecl
BB¡C.tleD t' haltlly e vcr clct ivecl
'i' n.tost geucrally lnuncl nreatiings:
ononralo¡rocias: 37 cascs (ou1 of9li) - 38%,
. l¡lutaclion¿tls: 27 case s - 2,\')1'

Midillc Atlas (Ccntlal Molocco) (bascd on T'aì fi 199 1):

llCD.llCD 'r'not ¿rttcstccl

')By "clc.r'ivecl" is nreaut that thclc is a corlcs¡rorrclìng non-reduplicatccl vcrb in anothel verb class.
l') Whc¡r Alabic loans,olcls ale left out ligures alc as 1òllorr's: onornalo¡'rocias 31')4,, pluractionals
9t'lt.
 Fran kfurter Afrikan istische Blàller 27 /28 (2015/ L6) r!3
* hatclly ever
BIlcC.llcC tlerivecl
'' -"':,T:llî,11i"
:iiTlïïi:l'f åu, ",,,, :,, *
plulactionals: l2 cases - 23%
Thc senar.rtics ol Tuareg ancl non-Tuareg Belber arc l1lore diffbrent than suggested
by this chart. Non-Tuarcg Berùer plulactionals with rccluplication oftcn lnc¿rn "to Llrl-
tlclgo a lepctitive l.novcrncut which onc oanllot control". h.t Tualeg, this meaning is
hardly evel fbund with fully reduplicatecl vcrbs (in Ahaggar Tlralcg only once).
3 Frolr a histolical point of view it is quite iurprobablc that the Tuareg sitLratiou is
oliginal. In Tnareg, delived full redr.rplication is most fieqncnt with triradical verbs.
In non-Tuarcg Berber', triladical rcdr,rplication does not cxist at all, r.rot even as ves-
tigc. This would be quite unexpectcd if Ploto-Bcl'ber had had clerivational ftrll re-
duplication of triradical vcrbs.
The picture is mrlch easiel to cxplaiu by laking thc non-Tr,raleg situation as original.
ln that case Proto-Berber hacl non-clcrivativc full rccluplication on thc basis of biladi-
cal l'oots, ancl tlic r.neanings attached to fìrll rcduplication would have hacl the same
fìrzziness of scmantic patteming as for.rnd with thc other cxtendecl stem classes. ln
Tuareg, part of thc biradical reduplicates go back to this Proto-Berber type, which
accounts f'or the high percentagc of non-derivcc'l verbs and the less clear senantics
with biraclical lecluplicatcd folrns. The triradical rcc'h"rplication type is an iuuovatioll
of Tuareg. This can bs surr-ìmarized as f-ollows:
Ploto-Belber Tuareg
a. BBC.llC: non-clelivecl rctctlÍiott 1. BBC.llc r-u.rn-clerivccl fr.rzzy scmantics
fìrzzy semunlics (incl. ¡rhu'actionals)
(incl. some plulactionirls)
b. innoyctÍion 2. BIIC.BC clelivecl plulactional
c. - innovotion 3. BCD.BCD clelivecl pluractional
4 Thus, although not all lecltrplicatecl foms ir.l Tuarcg arc rlcw, pluractional lcdupli-
cation as a derivational process is an ir.rnovation. Thc qucstion is whcthcr this is an
iuternally ol an extcrn¿ìlly motivatecl innovation. lt is clifficult to see what wonlcl be
tltc intcmal motivation ol this changc in Tuareg. In Belber, verbal clerivation takes
place by mealìs of prefixes, and changes in the verb stern only concenl its vocalisa-
tion. ln the non-Tnareg languages, thele is no inclination r,vhatsoever towalcls the
devclopment of dclivational devices on the basis of the extencled stens. Thercfore,
tlte Tnarcg clevelopmcnt of ph.u'actlon¿rl delivation is uuicprc and difficult to motivate
internally.
Whcu tnlning our attcr-rtion to thc langLrages adjaccnt to Tualeg, onc finds that both,
Hans¿r and Songhay havc pluractional clerivation by recluplication. In Hausa, plu-
lactional verbs typically have recluplication of tl-re fir'st CVC seqLrencc. In most cascs
thc second consonant of the f-rrst part assinilatcs to thc first consonant of the second
palt (cxarrplcs fiorn Newrnan 2000 424):
ra4 l\4aarten Kossmann: Sub-Saharan influence on Tuareg nrorphology

bugiìiì 'to beat'

btrbbùgaa < bug-bùgan 'to beat (plur'.)'
kiraa 'to call'
kikkiraa, kirkiraa 'to call (plut'.)'
kaÍàntaa 'to learl'
kakkalànfaa < kai-Ãalàttlaa 'to rcad (1r I Lrr'.)

According to No,vmau (2000: 423), "pluractional vcrtrs inclicatc multiplc, itcrativc,

fi-equcntative, distributivc, ol cxtcnsivc action"..laggar'(200 l:280) clcsclibas the se-
nlalìtics ol ph.ractionals as fsllir$,s: "thcy cx1-x'css ¿ì colllplex lrultiple actiou l)er-
lomred ou a rlì-unbcl ol occasious tly a plurality of subjccts ancl/ol on a plurality of
objects".
In Songhay, plLrlactional rccluplication is rvcll attcstcd in thc Nigel variallts (cL Ber-
narcl & White-l(aba 1994: x). In the gramurars ancl clictionaries of Mali Songhay
conrpilccl by Hcath (1998a, 1998b, 1998c, 1999a, 1999b), there ¿rrc no clçal inciica-
tions l'ol this pattcrn. Horvcvcr', Rojanski (1998) has shorvu that thc saure pattclns as
attcstecl in Nigel arc forurd in Gao Songhay, too, so Hc¿rth's clcscription r.nay contaìu
a lare lacurra herc. The f'ollowirrg typcs of rcch,rplicatcd dcrivccl vcrb forlns u,crc dc-
fìnecl on thc basis ol thc l(aaclo Songhay (Niger) clictionary of l)ucroz & Charlcs
(1978). Thc classification is bascd on lorm¿rl chalactclistics ol'thc rcduplication, but
clocs rrot trkc torrrl pflttcnìs inlo írccor.rìt:
(a) rvhen thc verb stcm has a final vor,r,cl, this is normally clippccl in thc first palt ol
thc redtqllication, e.g.
bígí 'to breah somcthing'
btíg-bígá 'to break somcthing in little pieces'
diirgà 'to nrake.jokes, mìslcacl'
tlàry-dírgà 'to alrvays 1ry to makc.jokcs or 1o rnìsleacl'
lìíuní 'to look n,ithoLrt being scen'
fiíun-liít¡ní 'to lool< f'ol a long linrc r¡n,ithout bcing sce n'
lèeló 'to _r¡lidc'
fèel-lòclé 'to glicle gently'

In somc vcrbs with a closcd fÌrst syllable, thc fiual vowcl is llrcscrvccl, c.g.
fétsì 'to clivicle in trvo parts'
lérsì-férsì 'to divicle in many lrarts'

(b) rvhen thc vcrb clìds i1r a fìnal cousonant, thelc is no clipping:
bilînt 'to loll on the glouncl'
bì/fin-bilìn¡ '1o roll sevclal tinres on thc groLrncl'

b* 'to l<nou,'
bé; þ¡!, 'to know better'
zònkòtn 'to look thlough something. sp),on sornebocly'
zònkò¡n-zò¡tkònt'tolool<attentivcly'
 Frankfurter Afrikanistische BlàIler 27 /28 (2OL5/L6) 1.1,5

Thc senantics of tlte leduplicative llattcnl ccntre aroulìd the f'ollowing mcanings: (1)
to clo sorletl"ring rcpeatcclly,(2) to clo something here and tl-rele, (3) to cio sorncthiug
i¡ a way that the object is rcnclered into sevclal pieces, (4) to do somethir.rg intensivc-
ly, for a lot.tg titlre, ancl (5) to clo soutcthing srnootliiy, with patience.
nain selnantic sphercs correlated to verbal redu-
Iì.ojanski (1998) distinguishcs tr,r,o
plication in Gao Songhay: "multiplicativc f dir¡it.tutive" and "wcakly expresscd
action". This scerrs to lefbr to a situation similal to or iclentical with that in l(aado
SonghaY.

Tuareg, Hausa ancl Songhay plulactioual vet'bs clo r.rot covcl cxactly thc sarne shadcs
of meaning. Whilc the basic pluractional n.reaning, re¡rcatecl action, is founcl in all
thlce languerges, Ahaggar Tuareg has an extension in the domain of "doing soure-
thing hastily, r'vithout much care", whilc Kaaclo Songhay has a subsidiary meaniltg
"to clo sornething sn-roothly, with patience". It may be possible to covcr the Ahaggar
TLrarcg and the Kaado Songhay usage by Rojanski's "weakly expressecl action", but
thc two mcauiugs arc tìot idertical.
ln spite of this partial cliff'erence in scnantics, pluractional dcrivation by recluplica-
tion is quite siurilar in thc thrcc languages. The r.nain fbrmal cliflèrcnce lics in thc fact
that Tualcg ancl Soughay have fìrll rcduplication, while recluplication in Hansa con-
ccms the fìrst syllablc only.
ln Tuareg the plulactional clelivation is an innovation. Plulactionals in Hausa follow
¿r comrnou Chaclic procéclé (Ncwrran 1990) while the wicle atte station of rcduplicatecl

plulactionals in Songhay is an inclication that it is an old process in this lar.rguagc

fàmily, too. As internal motivations for the clcvelopnent of the Tuareg piuractional
clelivation arc difTctrlt to find, it is highly probable that it is a calque on a sub-
Saharan lar.rguagc. Whethet'this was Songhay or Hansa - both ianguagcs which Tua-
reg has bcen in a stcacly contact with f'or along tin'ic - is irrpossiblc to dccicle.
It has ofien been claimec'l that morphology is the rrost difficult part of glat.nrnar to be
borrowecl. The case of full recluplication in Tlrarcg is a countcr-cxample to this. At
lcast in the nolthern dialects of Tlrerreg, such as Ahaggar Tualcg, loanworcls frou.l
sub-Saharan lnngr.rages ale relatively rale (Chakcr 1986: 304) whilc dilect phonolog-
ical influcnce is clifficult to prove. Still, all Tlrarcg dialects have takcn ovcr tl-re sub-
Saharan plulactional clelivation. The existence of cxtcndcd stcms in Berber, ancl cs-
pecially of the dcvisc of (non-derived) firll lcdLrplication with biradical stcr.r.rs
provicled a fon'nal glicl into which the new derivation¿il stern was easily fit. The mair-r
iunovatior.rs which occullecl wclrr' l'ilst ihe application of a semantic f-eature to a lor'-
ural class, which had fuzzy serlantics bcfole (and kcpt it in rnzury cases), and then the
cxtension of the f-omal pattcrn t'oln biladical stcrns to tliraclical stclns.
116 N4aarten Kossnrann: Sub-Saharan influence on Tuareg nrorphology

Rcfcrcnccs
Bassct. A. 1929. Ltt luttgtre herbèra. lllorytlnlogic, lc vet'be, ëtude tle lltetnes. Paris.
Lcroux.
Basset, A, 1952. Lu langue lrct'bèrc. Lonclon, Ncu, Yorl< & l-ot'onto: Oxf'orcl Utrivcr'-
sity Prcss.
tJclnard. Y. & M. Whitc-l(aba. 1994. Dic.:tiounttit'c;.tt'titu fi'unc'cris (Rcyrhliclue cltr
Niger) . Pat'is: Agcttcc clc Coopóration Cultulcllc ct TcchtliclLtc.
Clhal<cr', S. l98(r. Ahaggar'(lingtristiqtrc). [:rtr'.1,¡:¡çp¿tlic ßet'!ùrc.ltl,303-30-5.
Dallct,.1.-M. 1953. Le t,ct'be. kallt,le. Ijort-National: Fichicl clc Docunrclttation Bct'-
bòrc.
Dcllrctrlo, .t. 1987. Agerrcrvv u itt,olen Íaggot'S!'enl-îattuni/ / Diclionttctire rtuurgii
.fi'u ttç:cri.s. Paris: SE l.AF.
Dtrcloz, .1.-M. & M.-C. Charles. 1978. Lerique .>'ot¡ey (,sorrgþu.1:) fìurtçcti.t. Pttt'let'
l¡uutlo cttt Got'ottol. Paris: L'Flarlttattatr.
cle Forrcarrlcl. C. 195 1. Dic'lir¡nnuire /otroreg -fi'uuç:tri,s. Dialr:r'fe tle l'Altttggcr¡'. Paris:
Inr¡rlimclic Nationalc dc Flal.rce.
Galancl. L. 2000. La languc tor-rar'òguc. hr: Chal<cr, S. & A. Zaborsl<i (ccls.). Etucle,s
het'hct'es cl chantilc¡-,sentiliclttcs. il4clunges of/èrt.s à l{url-G. P¡'¿rs.sr:. Pat'is
& Louvain: Pcctcrs. I 89-20 I .

CioLrl'fó, C. 191 1112. Notcs clc lexicologic ct c1'ólynrologic soudanaiscs. lll. Coutacts
dc vocabLrlairc cutrc lc haoussa ct lc bcrbòrc. C)otrrples t'enclus du GLI:,C'S
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