10 Letters, Prison Sketches and Autobiograpical Literature The Case

| JAMAL MALIK
LETTERS, PRISON SKETCHES AND

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL
LITERATURE:
THE CASE OF FADL-E HAQQ KHAIRABADI IN
THE ANDAMAN PENAL COLONY!
I
The Indian-Muslim scholar Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi (1797-1861) hailed
from a prorninent ‘wama family of the Awadh region. Just like the ‘wlama of
Farangi Mahal’ and Allahabad. the Khairabadis were inclined to the idea of
rational sciences (ma‘qulat) and of ‘the unity of being? (wahdat al-wujud),
expounded by Ibn al-Arabi (died 1240). From the seventeenth century onwards,
this scholarly tradition largely rejected the Islam of the Mujaddidiyya branch of
the Naqshbandis. Fadl-el-Haqq, belonging to the Qadiri order, can be thought to
be the last great ‘alim of his line, as his son ‘Abd al-Haqq (died 1899), a teacher
at the Delhi College, was a much inferior scholar than him. Fadl-e Haqq’s own
father Fadl-e Imam (died 1828) was a very prominent writer. There were also
major debates and polemics between the ‘u/lama of Awadh such as
the
Khairabadis and prominently Fadl-e-Haq on the one hand and the better-known
‘ulama of Delhi, descended from Shah Waliullah (died 1762), on the
other, even
‘if there were familial relations between them. The latter were definitely closer to
|Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab’s (1803-92) position on the question
of reform,
‘while people such as Fadl-e Haqq who were representatives of the service elite
jwere hardly reformist. In fact, the Khairabadis were closely linked to the
Mughal
dispensation, and this explains why, despite accepting the patronage
and
) employment of the East India Company, they nevertheless were critical of British
+ ‘rule.
After putting down the Rebellion of 1857, British authorities sentenced
he Indian-Muslim scholar Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi to deportati
on to the
This is an updated and extended version of Malik, “Briefe, autobiographische

Aufzeichnungen
und Geftingnisliteratur’, pp. 52-66.
On the Farangi Mahallis see Robinson, The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall
and Islamic Culture in
South Asia.
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‘ 1857 IN THE MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY
250
st ig at io n to mu rd er an d hi gh tr ea so n. ’
Andaman Islands on charges of in s sc ho la r for
st or io gr ap hy fo rg ot ab ou t thi
Subsequently, the English language hi et ed
no t unt il a fe w de ca de s lat er th at his ma ny -f ac
the next half acentury.” It was ns er va tive
an ag gr es si ve fr ee do m fi gh te r or as a co
life was reconstructed, be it as Is la mi c
ic on fo r bo th th e fr ee do m st ru gg le an d
scholar. Lately, he has become an Ni co ba r
of th e wa qf -b oa rd of An da ma n an d
scholarship. Hence the Chairperson ho la r in
gn po st on th e gr av ey ar d of th e sc
Islands points out in a rather opulent si re of
ch in fac t ha s be co me a ma jo r sh ri ne an d ce nt
South Point. Port Blair (whi
pilg ri ma ge (n az ar ) fo r Mu sl im s an d Hi nd us al ik e) :
ma -F az al -H aq -K ha ir ab ad i is lo ca te d on the Fo re sh ore
The Mazar of Alla
t Vi ll ag e at Por t Bla ir an d is po pu la rl y kn ow n
Road in the outskirts of South Poin 17 97 in
ac e] of Ma za r- Ba ba . He wa s bo rn in
as the Dargah [shrine, tombs, holy pl ra
of scholars in Khairabad (Old Oudh), Sitapu
a noble and affluent family
sc ho la r of Is la mi c st ud ie s an d th eo lo gy , he
District in Uttar Pradesh. A renowned ll y an
la ng ua ge s an d lit era tur e. He wa s eq ua
had also excelled in Arabic de ep
Pe rs ia n la ng ua ge . On ac co un t of his
accomplished scholar of Urdu and za l-
ve ne ra te d an d ca ll ed as ‘A ll am a’ . Al la ma Fa
knowledge and erudition he was er s of
Su fi sai nt of tha t tim e. Th e fo re fa th
Haq Khairabadi was also a great lo gy .
we re re no wn ed sc ho la rs of Is la mi c th eo
Allama had come from Iran who ti c
ow n as Mo ha dd is h (m uh ad di th ; sc ho la r of pr op he
Shah-Wali-Ullah who is kn in
al so fr om th e sa me fa mi ly wh o is bu ri ed
tradition—the hadith) Dehelvi was en ,
ma ’s hi er ar ch y re ac he s to Am ee r- Ul Mo me ne
Menhdiyan in Old Delhi. Alla s tw ic e
a- An hu ’ wi th 32 ge ne ra ti on s. He wa
Hazrat Umar-Farrooq ‘Raziallahutal ti me
ch ie f on ce at De lh i re si de nc y an d se co nd
honoured with the post of kutchery st ru gg le
es e po st s to ta ke par t in fr ee do m
at Lucknow. Later, he resigned from th on of
ns ti tu ti on for ru nn in g th e ad mi ni st ra ti
against British rule. He drew up a co ali ke to
Mu gh al pr in ce s an d th e pe op le of De lh i
liberated Delhi. He roused the fr om
to br in g an en d to the ir he ge mo ny
take up arms against the alien rule and
Indian soil. su ed
tu rm oi l an d up he av al in 18 57 , he ha d is
During the period of
) for in it ia ti ng wa r of in de pe nd en ce to
‘Fatwa-E-Jehad’ (a religious sanction ti ng
He wa s lat er ro un de d up on a ch ar ge of in ci
liberate India from British yoke. d his
th e co ur t of ju di ca tu re at Lu ck no w he co nf es se
sedition. At the trial before e an d
s se nt en ce d to im pr is on me nt fo r lif
guilt without fear or fret and wa
transported to Port Blair on 8th October 1859.
ny bo ok s wr it te n on va ri ou s su bj ec ts in ve rn ac ul ar
He has to his credit ma an t
his cr ea ti ve wo rk s are tw o of his im po rt
and Arabic languages. Among
inq uen ts wer e int end ed to red uce the cos ts of the prison
During colonialism deportations of del
de it pos sib le to cre ate pen ite nti ari es on her isl and s through
apparatus. For example, France ma
185 4: see Fou cau lt, Sur vei lle r et pun ir. Nai ssa nce de la pri son, p. 358.
the law of
, Sha ikh Ikr am. Ish tia q Hus ain Qur esh i, Mus hir ul Hasan. as well
Such as Mohammed Mujeeb
i is stil l kn ow n am on g Urd u-r ead ing cir cle s and
as the baltern historians. though Khairabad
amongst the religiously learned in South Asia.
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Letters, prison sketches and autobiographical literature 251
political treatises ie., *Alsuratul Hindia’® and *Alfitnatul Windia’ which he wrote
at Port Blair while in confinement on cloth pieces and papers with soft coal and
pencil. He sent these manuscripts secretly by hand to his son in) Khairabad
through another political sufferer Mutti-Inayat Ahmed-Kakaurvi. The former
} piece of work, which ts in Arabic prose, is a historical narration and yives the
account of the past events of 1857 uprising that he had witnessed from his own
eyes. The later piece of work consists of two political satires in \rabic verse
form (Qasayads) ending up lastly in admiration of prophet Mohammad by way ot
prayer. These two works reflect his life and appalling condition in prison and thi
treatment meted out to him during confinement at Port Blair prison house
He died on 12th February 1861 at Port Blair and was buried on a piece of
land located at short distance from Seashore Road on way to Corbynscove in the
outskirt of South Point Village at Port Blair
It is said that a person used to graze his cattle in the vieinity of Mazar
one day at noon having been tired due to hot day. slept on a mound under the
shadow of a pipal tree. He dreamt while asleep and heard the Muazzin call in his
dream. When the call was over he saw a white bearded faqir asking him tor water
for purpose of ablution. He then suddenly. got up and performed Zohar Namaz
[midday prayer] after doing his ablution on the spot. Since that day onward he
started visiting that place daily out of reverence to that great bearded person
whom he had dreamt. He started burning an oil lamp during night on the same
spot under the pipal tree. Perhaps this man was a prisoner released from
confinement and was freely settled down in that village
The Dargah is visited by hundreds of persons regardless of caste. creed
or religion everyday. It is also very dear to non-Muslim brothers who visit the
Dargah in large numbers. The people of the Andamans have the belief that on
visit to Dargah of Mazar-Baba, their miseries are taken care of. On fulfilment of
their desires, they happily arrange feast at Dargah and invite friends and poors to
enjoy the feast. Fact remains that the Mazar of Allama Fazal-Haq-K hairabadi
| exists as a true symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity in these islands.
This representation ofthe scholar is full of admiration and memorisation,

rooted in devotion for his person and tied to a concrete place, similar to fadhkirah
(the classic hagiography). This semiotisation of memory therefore needs some
explanation. This is even more the case since a vivid debate about Fadl-e Haqq
has flared up recently between two warring factions that emerged in the
nineteenth century: the first is the movement called Ahl-e Hadith which is said to
have found its way to South Asia from Yemen from the 1830s onwards. It
harboured some of its activists in the Jihad movement most of whom quietened
down after 1857, while its reformism drew inspiration from Ibn Taymiyya (d.
1328), Shah WaliuHah and the Yemenite scholar Muhammad al-Shaukani (1760-
For the identity-giving role of tadhkirah, see the illuminating article by Hermansen and
Lawrence. ‘Indo-Persian Tazkiras as Memorative Communications’
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252 1857 IN THE MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY
1834) in particular. Any acknowledgement of the authority of legal schools

(madhahib) is refused, Sufism and folk religious practices as well as pilgrimages
connected to shrine cults and visits to the grave of Prophet Muhammad are
rejected and considered as heretical innovation (bid ‘a). At the same time ijtihad
is allo wed for mem ber s of the educ ated elite as well , rath er than conc entr atin g
Islamic agency purely in the hands of the ‘wama. Known as ghair muqallid
(those who reject, even oppose. taglid) they found their social basis primarily
among trading communities, including Muslim notables, landholders and ‘u/ama,
from whom they also obtained patronage by means of different intellectual and
social networks. One of their leading personalities was the administrator and
financier Siddiq Hasan Khan al-Qanauji (1832-90), who was married to the
powerful Begum of Bhopal, while the intellectual leadership was provided by
various emigrant scholars from Yemen.”
In a reaction to this rather urban, mercantile movement, the Hanafite
movement at Deoband. a qasbah near Delhi, was established in 1867, on which
much has been written. The Islamic discourse was complemented by a third
important group, the second of the warring factions: the Hanafite Ahl-e Sunnat
wa al-Jama‘at (the people of the tradition of the Proptet and the community),
also called Barelwis, after Bareilly, the birthplace of their central figure Ahmad
Rida Khan (1855-1922). The movement was primarily active in the agrarian
society of northern India. While the scripturalists (Deobandis and Ahl-e Hadith)
were incl ined to the Naqs hban di orde r and appr ecia ted the idea of the ‘uni ty of
testimony? (wahdat al-shuhud) as propagated by Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624),
the Barelwis tended towards the Qadiriyya and towards popular Indian
interpretations of Ibn Arabi’s complex philosophical idea of the ‘unity of being’.
They attach great importance to the idea of a living and present Prophet
Muhammad, who possessed knowledge of the unseen (‘ilm al-ghayb) and was
omnipresent,being invested with God’s preeminent light. Barelwis organise and
take part in popular festivals, and consider themselves true Sunnis (ahl-e Sunnat
wa al-Jama‘at) their ritual practice being centred on Sufi shrines, particularly the
periodic observance of the death anniversary (‘urs) of the founder of the Qadiri
order, Shaykh ‘Abd al-Qadir Jilani Baghdadi (d. 1166). They claim that
individual believers need the Prophet’s intercession with God if they hope for His
forgiveness.*
The vivid debate about Fadl-e Hatiq between Ahl-e Hadith and the
Barelwis, however, goes back to the tensions petween representatives of the
service elite and reformers in the 1820s. Hence the reconstruction of
Khairabadi’s biography helps to lay open internal Islamic disputes between
reformists (the so-called Indian ‘Wahhabiyya’), the descendants of Shah
The movement has been analysed by Preckel, Jslamische Bildungsnetzwerke und

Gelehrtenkultur im Indien des 19. Jahrhunderts.
See for example Metcalf, /slamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1900.
The Barelwi movement has been portrayed by Sanyal, Devotional Islam and Politics in British
India
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Waliullah, on the one hand and the upholders of tradition and the service elite
the Khairabadis—on the other.
The bone of contention pertained to the unique position of Prophet
Muhammad in the wake of the publication of Shah Isma’il’s (do 1831) polemic
Taqwivat al-Iman (The Strengthening of Faith)” In this book more like an
Urdu edition of Aitah al-Tawhid written in Arabic by the cighteenth-century
~~
———————_—_
=
Arab reformer and Hanbalite, Muhammad b. “Abd al-Wahhab |Shaly Isanecil as
very particular about traditional or transmitted sciences (manqulat), tocusine on
Prophetic tradition, the hadith, and radically rejects any sort of veneration of hols
men and adherence to law schools which he calls Aid’a, heretical innovation
Moreover, he argued that God can create another Muhammad--the Seal of
prophets (khatm al-anbiva)— but would not make him appear on earth. With this
latter argument he attacked the traditional prophetology. which had enveloped
from the mystical idea of the pre-existent Muhammadan light and a pre-existent
Muhammad (imtina‘-e nazir). Fadl-e Haqq. in contrast. maintained that it was
impossible that the Prophet should have a match." The creation of a peer of the
Seal of Prophets was beyond even God’s power. And, in doing so, he also
instrumentalised his friend, the famous Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib (d. 1869). for
whom he got some princely stipends. Apparently, Fadl-e Hagqq Khairabadi also
wrote a Persian pamphlet against the Wahhahivva signed by several
contemporary ‘wlama.'!
The Barelwis tried to style the scholar as a solidarity-creating figurehead
by, for example, expensively re-publishing all of Khairabadi’s works."° and in
this way inventing a genealogy for themselves which goes back to the first half
ot
the nineteenth century in an attempt to monopolise the heritage of Padl-e Hag
qq
and his family. Even contemporary Deobandis acknowledge his achieveme
nts
and impact;'* Fadl-e Haqq’s father Fadl-e Imam’s Mirgat was taught approving
ly
for long years at Deoband. and the celebrated Deobandi historian Mu
hammad
Miyan praised Fadl-e Haqq’s academic and political achievements
quite
extensively.'' Ahl-e hadith, on the other hand. while acknowledging Kha
irabadi’s
expertise in the field of rational sciences and literature. criticised
him on account
f his worldliness, his creating neologisms based in vulgar langua
ge and his
The book was published first in 1824. See Ismail. Support of Faith
In his reply. Tahgig al-fanwa fi Abtal al-Taghwa—finished in
1825—he also declared Shah
Isma’il a kafir
Mirza Ghalib writing to Mirza Rahim Beg Merthi. Aug. 1865
. in Da‘udi. ed.. \fajmu‘ah-e
Nathr-e Ghalib. pp. 170-73: Mihr. ed... Khutut-e Ghalib, p.
560f. cf. *Aqil. Mucin al-Din
*Maulana Fadl-e Haqq. Aik kitabiyati Ja*izah’, in Muhammad Sa‘
id al-Rahman ‘Alawi. ed.
‘Allamah Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi awr Jihad-e Azadi, p. 190
.
See the Arabic dissertation by al-Nisa. 4/-'Allama Fadl Haqq al-
Khairabadi) hayatuhu wa
ma ‘athiruhu ma’ tahqig kitabihi al-thaura al-hindiyva, and
Muhammad Imtivaz-e Haqq
See the positions in Qarshi. ed.. Maulana Fadl-e Haqq Khaira
badi and *Alawi. * Allamah
Fadl-e Haqq
Miyan. ‘Ulama-e Hind ka shandar madi pp. 446-55. relying on
Sherwani. ‘Abd al-Shahid
Khan. transl. and ed.. Al-Thaurat al-Hindivya
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ag ai ns t kn ow le dg ea bl e pe op le (a h! al -h aq q) . Due to
fanaticism (ta‘assub minhu) he re tical
ie nc es (‘ ul um al- sal af) , he te nd ed to wa rd s
his ignorance in traditional sc aq q. "”
which beca me a bo ne of co nt en ti on for th e ah / al -h
innovation (hid‘a), ti ng fr om
is an d Ah l- e Ha di th , ref er to so ur ce s da
Both positions, Barelw
ta nt ia l re sp ec ti ve ly , in cr ea ti ng the my th
the colonial period which were subs e pl ac ke t
an d de -c on st ru ct in g hi m. Th
surrounding Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi Board,
l- Ha q- Kh ai ra ba di . by Ch ai rp er so n, WA KF
(‘Mazar of Allama Faza as the
ot ed ab ov e is as im po rt an t in thi s co nt ex t
Andaman & Nicobar Islands’) qu lyr ici st
pe op le su ch as the fa mo us In di an
plan to mobilise popular and renowned airabadi
ve d— de mo ns tr ab ly a de sc en da nt of the Kh
and filmmaker Akhtar Ja the ‘urs
the de at h an ni ve rs ar y of the sc ho la r. Fo r
family." to help commemorate nti ty an d
ti on . of a sp ec if ic gr ou p’ s cul tur al ide
perfectly provides for the reproduc
secures its coherence in time and space. me n of
e 18 20 s an d 18 30 s in wh ic h we ll -k no wn
This controversy of th
, or ra th er in st ru me nt al is ed , is sti ll en
letters like Mirza Ghalib were involved of Is la m in
re li gi ou s id en ti ti es an d he te ro ge ne it y
vogue and reflects the different ou nd of
te in Is la m al so fo rm s th e ba ck gr
South Asia. This most acrimonious deba iq ue he lps,
on Fa dl -e Ha qq Kh ai ra ba di . Th e cr it
the recently emerging critique of th e
ar ot nd hi s pe rs on in th e co nt ex t
though, to unveil the myth developed ti ve of
at he wa s ,n ot so mu ch a re pr es en ta
Rebellion. The critics maintain th ar gu e— in
an d a bo n- vi va nt . Th ey al so
scholarship as rather worldly inclined pi cu ou s
ho la r of Kh ai ra ba d wa s ne it he r co ns
contrast to his admirers—that the sc wh en in
an d th e Ha nu ma n te mp le in Ay od hy a,
in the affair about the mosque de at h of
tu de —w hi ch fi na ll y le d to th e
1855. he assumed a pro-British atti ma te ri al
wa s he ac ti ve in th e Re be ll io n. Th e
hundreds of Muslim zealots'’—nor ab ou t th e
pr ov id e an y de fi ni te ev id en ce
collected so far does not, however, ci al ly
ic ip at io n. Hi st or ic al an al ys es , es pe
degree of Khairabadi’s alleged part ai ra ba di
ou sl y of th e vi ew th at Fa dl -e Ha qq Kh
Western and Russian, are unanim th e cri tic al
Re be ll io n. At th e sa me ti me ,
was one of those to spearhead the un t.
me nt io ne d ab ov e are ha rd ly ta ke n in to ac co
comments about his participation (1 98 8)
Kh ai ra ba di by Iq ba l Hu sa in
Even the latest contribution on Fadl-e Haqq di ca ti on of
ns id er th em . Th is ma y be an in
from the Aligarh University does not co am on g
be tw ee n In di an sc ho la rs as we ll as
a missing ‘cognitive interaction’
Indian and non-Indian ones. qq’s Ha
historiographical reconstruction of Fadl-e
The basis for our
s in Pe rs ia n, Ar ab ic an d Ur du , wh ic h
biography, then, are his unpublished work
I-I II, 1, p. 347 . Il. p. 245 : al -H ay y, Nu zh at al -khawatir wa

See al-Qanauji, Abjad al-‘Ulum, al -H as ani al-Nadwi, p-
, 1-V IIL ed. by S. Ab u al -H as an ‘Al i
bahjat al-masami‘ wa al-Nawazir
413 f, qu ot in g tr om Si dd iq Ha sa n Kh an ’s Ab ja d al- ‘Ul um.
fam ily ’s ow n tak e on the le ge nd an d my th of
Indeed, it might be interesting to see what the
1o
s. An inq uir y int o thi s iss ue wo ul d, ho we ve r, 29
Fadl-e Haqq has been over the past decade
beyond the limits of this article
dh, Vol s. I-V , p. 202 f. Als o see Qar shi . *Al lam ah Fadl-e Haq
Cf. al-Ghani, Tarikh-e Awa Fad l-e Haq q, P- 60f.
Ism a‘i l Sha hid ’, in *Al awi . ‘Al lam ah
Khairabadi. Jihad-e Azadi aur Shah
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were discovered and made accessible to researchers,!* rather than standard works
on the nationalist and colonialist discourse. In the present case. it is mainly
letters, autobiographical literature and prison sketches lett behind by the scholar
from Khairabad—an important qasbah near Lucknow in the United Provinces in
4 India, which had been a major weaving and textile panting centre. Phe critical
examination of these textually rich ‘relies’ is significant because they offer
unconscious and non-deliberate verdicts of historical events in the torn of
certificates, acts, coins, letters and scientific works, ete.. which were by ature
{| immediate and contemporary. They were not designed to teach the followin:
| generations.'” Hence, it is through these relics that hitherto proven. historical
| perspectives can be interrogated.
The early biography of Fadl-e Haqq can be reconstructed through the
odd available letter. Some of his unpublished notes such as letters to his lather.
the celebrated scholar and the Company's first sady al-sudur in Delhi. badl-e
Imam Khairabadi (d. 1828), illustrate the period between 12341818) and
1237(1822), and provide some knowledge about his entry into the British sery ice
around 1815. To some extent they underline his ambivalent relations with British
politicians, such as during his voyages around Delhi in the capacity of a chiel
record-keeper (sarrishtahdar) accompanying his superiors.) However. such
letters can also provide important hints regarding the processes of mutual
perception and colonial relationship on the spot. Ina letter in Arabic dated Sth
Dhi al-Qa‘ada 1231 [September 1816], Khairabadi states that he had to copy too
many texts and to constantly repeat the same tasks against his will while standine
in front of the authorities. He complains about colonial arrogance and about the
British dishonouring him by not respecting his being a member of the Musl
im
noble class. The only reason for his staying on in Company service was the fear
of losing face if he resigned.” In 1818 his Opinion was almost the same, as he
wrote to his father, again in Arabic, stating that he had to obey orders even ifthey
were against common sense, and that his work wore him out.’
Some of these precious sources are reproduced in al-Nisa, A/-‘A/lam

a Fadl Hagq al
Khairabadi
} jo
In contrast, ‘tradition’ means written works particularly and con
sciously designed for the
historical teaching of contemporary and following generations. For a div
ision of sources into
‘relics’ and ‘tradition’ see Droysen. Historik, p. 37f also see. von Bra
ndt. Werkceug des
Historikers (10), p. 53t.
Cf Khan. ‘Vimo ‘Amal, Lil (Wiga't’ ‘Abd al-Qadir Khani), pp. 255-56:
‘Ali, Vadhkirah-ve
‘Ulama’-ye Hind, p. 376ff.
See his Arabic letter dated 20 Dhi-I-Qa‘ada 1234/Sept. 1819, from
Djina to his father. who
stayed in Delhi. He calls himself ‘a/-mamluk', the slave: see the copy of
his handwritten letter
reproduced in al-Nisa. 4/-‘Allama Fadl Haqq al-Khairabadi, pp.
fei 516-22
Letter reproduced in al-Nisa, Al-‘Allama Fadl Haqq al-Khairabcidi. p.
511. For colonial
arrogance see Fischer. Indirect Rule in India, p. 328f.
See Barakati. Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi awr sann Satawan, p. 21f She
rwani, A-Thaurat al-
Hindiyya; baghi Hindustan, p. 151. For this book see Riyasat ‘Ali Nad
wi’s review ‘Baghi
Hindustan’, pp. 310-18.
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1857 IN THE MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY
256
the sit uat ion in col oni al Ind ia in ge ne ra l an d the

His concern about
Kh ai ra ba d in par tic ula r fin ds ex pr es si on , am on g
decline in the prosperity of y is
18 27 at the la te st —b ut wh ic h un fo rt un at el
others. in a statement from 6.
for the fir st ti me al mo st 10 0 ye ar s lat er, in 192
incomplete and was published
ac co un t of the ec on om ic an d soc ial dec lin e of
This statement gives an interesting i. ”
rul er on be ha lf of the cit ize ns of De lh
Indians, which he addressed to the the
ec on om ic sit uat ion , wh ic h ha d de cl in ed sin ce
Therein he criticised the tis h
nce , es pe ci al ly in the wa ke of im po rt ed Bri
beginning of British influe ng vi
in ha bi ta nt s— Hi nd us an d Mu sl im s al ik e— ha
manufacture goods:~ the native
ni st ra ti on , tra de an d cra fts as wel l as in ag ri cu lt ur e were
hitherto worked in admi d
oy me nt wh il e the Bri tis h we re do mi na ti ng tra de an
now suffering from unempl
fa rm er s did not al lo w th em to pa y the ir tax es
confiscating land. The burden on
isa ns we re su ff er in g as wel l. Wo me n wh o ha d be en
any more, while the art
lin g the ir pr od uc ts we re re nd er ed un em pl oy ed
working on the looms and sel
(C om pa ny ) mo no po ly wh ic h ha d re pl ac ed ma nu al ly
because of the government
al one s. Ad di ti on al ly , the go ve rn or of Del hi,
working looms with mechanic
ha d or de re d the in tr od uc ti on of a su rv ei ll an ce tax
Charles Metcalfe (d. 1846), to
ch lan e in De lh i’ s do wn to wn wo ul d ha ve
(chaukidari tax). Furthermore, ea l
ha ta k) ,” ° wh ic h Wo ul d ge ne ra te en or mo us log ist ica
have an entrance door (p
tro l me as ur e wa s the co ns ti tu ti on of an eq ua ll y
problems for trade. A further con
y of fiv e Hi nd us to fiv e Mu sl im s per dis tri ct. ”
numbered jur
Fa dl -e Ha qq dr aw att ent ion to a sim ila r
Interestingly, followers of
by the Mu gh al em pe ro r in De lh i as a ral lyi ng
Persian statement that was issued
on 25 th Au gu st 18 57 , an d wh ic h wa s pu bl is he d in
call for the insurrection o
tt e an d co mm en te d up on as ‘th e fir st ma ni fe st
translated form in the Delhi Gaze
h ha s be en pu bl is he d in Ind ia, the fir st lis t of
in the European sense whic h
the pe op le by pr om is es un co nn ec te d wit
grievances, the first step to stir up
40- 46. His sta tem ent is not , as exp ect ed. add res sed to
Published by Farugi. Nawa-ve Adab, pp. 181 7). as
e to pow er late r. but to Akb ar Sha h II (d.
Bahadur Shah Zafar (d. 1862). who cam m 182 5-2 7 and
ve rn or of Del hi tro m 181 1-1 9 and aga in fro
Charles Metcalfe. who was the go Thu s this
sec ond per iod in pow er. is men tio ned in the re.
Who introduced changes during his
statement was noted down before 1827 Bayly.
o Bay ly. Rul ers , To wn sm en and Baz aar s, p. 358 !- and
For the general situation see als
Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire. pp. 180-90.
doo rs wit hin the ori ent al cit y see Wir th. ‘Di e ori ent ali sche Stadt: Ein
For the different entrance e pp. 67. Sif .
en zur mat eri ell en Kul tur ’, pp. 45- 94, her
Uberblick aufgrund jiingerer Forschung Inf ras tru ctu re in
hi see Mal ik. ‘Is lam ic Ins tit uti ons and
For the infrastructure in Old Del
Shahjahanabad’. pp. 43-64
sta tem ent of T. For tes cue in 182 0. wh o was of the view that
This may be contrasted with the
. the for mer and pre sen t tim es wit hin thi s ter rit ory , both merchants
“Comparing. therefore
con dit ion gre atl y imp rov ed. Not hin g new or bur the nso me has been
and inhabitants feel their
vex ati ons and ris ks hav e bee n obv iat ed. The y con sequently have no
imposed. while great
int , nor do the y in any res pec t man ife st suc h a dis pos iti on. ”
novel cause of compla ies ofthe
com mis sio ner , Del hi, on the cus tom s and tow n dut
(Report by Mr. T. Fortescue. civil Age ncy .
4. her e p. 172 , Rec ord s of the Del hi Res ide ncy and
Delhi Territory. 1820. pp. 131-21
Lahore. 1911).
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| religion.... The grievances of each class are specified, and a remedy promised if
|
j they will but fight boldly for the old regime ~S The call sought to mobilise
}
affected social groups: the Mughal emperor promised to support the zamindars,
who had been suffering under high taxes, and to regulate their disputes according
4
to the sharia and shastra, Traders, who bore high taxes and suffered under
British monopoly, were also to be supported. The Indian civil servants were
incited to resist while the army was to receive higher pay in the case ol a British
| defeat. Craftsmen, who stood at the edge of ruin, were to be elevated as well i
| they joined the freedom fighters (mujahidin), and Islamic scholars were promised
tax-free land if they joined the combat. On the other hand. supporters of the
British were to be killed and their properties confiscated. It is essential for the
subsequent process of making the myth of Fadl-e Hagqq in contemporary sources
that a connection be drawn between the events of 1827 and those of 1857
After this statement, but not before the death of his father in 1828. Fadl-e
Haqq quit the service in 1831. There are again epistles providing insightful
information about his relationship with the British, such as a Persian note written
by Mirza Ghalib from Rampur in early 1857: Ghalib writes that Khairabadi had
left the civil service because of the rudeness and ignorance of the British rulers
(be tamizi wa qadr na shanasi-ve hukkam), and subsequently had followed an
offer from the prince of Jhajjar.”’ Probably there were also some contestations
with other leading Muslim scholars working for the British, such as Mufti In‘am
Ullah Gopamawi (1857-58), a high jurist nominated by the British in Allahabad
He also went to Saharanpur where his elder brother Fadl-e ‘Azim was Deputy
Collector’ and a special friend of William Fraser, who was Deputy
Superintendent, Delhi, in 1820 and later became the Agent of Delhi until 1835.
This might be in contrast to the statement that Khairabadi was
relinquished by the East India Company because of some corruption issues: he
was not willing to support the politics of interning gamblers as initiated by
Thomas Metcalfe (1795-1853) in 1830, and which eventually also trapped Mirza
Ghalib. Instead of imprisoning gamblers, he let them go!
Although working for various princely states in the following period,
(writing several books in Arabic and Persian, and allegedly using his various
Quoted in Rizvi, and Bhargava. eds. Freedom Struggle in Uttar Pradesh, pp. 453-58, here
p
455.
Letter to Saraj al-Din Ahmad dated 31 Jan. 1832, ‘Abidi, ed. Panj Ahang_ p. 355f-
Barakati.
Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi awr Sann satawan, p. 22f.
On Fadl-e ‘Azim the poet Mu*min Khan Mu‘min wrote a poem titled *Tadmin
shitr Munshi
Fadl-e ‘Azim’; see Kulliyat Mu'min, Allahabad, 1971, pp. 235-37. Acc
ording to Storey,
Persian Literature: A Bio-bibliographical Survey, vols. I-Il, 646, 689, Muhamm
ad-Fadl-e
‘Azim wrote the history of the Nepalese war ( Waqa‘i-ve Kohistan), and a mathnawi (Afsanah
-
ye Bharatpur) on the operation against Rajah Durjan Sai of Bharatpur in the year 1825
-26. He
held the office of
secretary under W. Fraser in Delhi for 20 years. He was an acclaimed poet of
Persian and historiographer. Cf. Storey. p. 1322 and Khan. ‘Jim o ‘Amal. |,
p. 257
See British Library, London, Add. 22624 (khulasa-ye akhbar-e atrafihi), dated 23.5.183
0 and
31.5.1830. Lam grateful to Pr Margrit Pernau for sharing this information
with me.
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1857 IN THE MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY
258
Mu sl im s ag ai ns t Br it is h ru le .” th e sc ho la r from
contacts for the mobilisation of mi ni st ra ti on of
ld a hi gh po si ti on in th e Br it is h ad
Khairabad managed to again ho
ju st be fo re th e ou tb re ak of th e re be ll io n.
Lucknow wi tn es s ac co un ts
an d st at em en ts are im po rt an t
His early correspondence nc e
te at a cr uc ia l ti me an d sh ow th e ex is te
of a member of the Muslim service eli on s wh y hi s
Th is is on e of th e re as
of intensive reciprocal perceptions.
are of pr im e im po rt an ce to hi st or io gr ap hy .
unpublished works
Il
18 57 of fe rs an in te re st in g in si gh t in to
Fadl-e Haqq’s alleged role in
ll ed up on all Mu sl im s to pa rt ic ip at e in
colonial history.” He is thought to haye ca
h, ta ke n ac ti ve pa rt in th e or ga ni sa ti on of a
a Holy War (jihad) against the Britis
wh ic h wa s he ad ed by ‘t he hi gh ly ac co mp li shed
subversive political institution, tion mi ni st ra
an d im pr ov is ed a sy st em of ad
Maulvi Faz! Haq as the director’,** op in io n (f at wa )
de mo cr ac y. Th is le ga l
and constitution based on the principles of he de ni ed in
gh te r pa r ex ce ll en ce . Th ou gh
seemed to have made him a freedom fi di ne ve r de ni ed
Fa dl -e Ha qq Kh ai ra ba
his writings that he had ever killed anyone, cl ai ms of hi s
. Ho we ve r, ap ar t fr om th e
that he had opposed British rule as such di ’s al le ge d
id en ce ab ou t th e ex te nt of Kh ai ra ba
followers, there is no definitive ev pp or te d on ti
no Su ch cl ai ms co ul d be su
involvement in subversive activities, and al ac co un ts .
., let ter s, po em s, au to bi og ra ph ic
the basis of the available material, i-e lh i on 26 Ju ly
Sa di q al -A kh ba r in De
The crucial fatwa was re-published in the De lh i Ur du ’, ”
the Fanwa fr om th e Ak hb ar al -Z af fa r
1857 with the title ‘Copy of hi gh Co mp an y
30 ‘u la ma , am on g th em th e
and duly signed by more than th e Br it is h
). It op in ed th at in ca se
employee Sadr al-Din Azurda (d. 1868 pr op er ty , th e
sl im s an d ap pr op ri at ed th ei r
attacked the city of Delhi, killed Mu re si st mi li ta ri ly .
‘a in ) fo r th os e ab le to
jihad became personal obligation (fard-e ta nt s of th e
we ak en ed by ji ha d th e in ha bi
In case the inhabitants of Delhi were
surrounding regions were to support them.*° ra ba di wa s
is su ed , Fa dl -e Ha qq Kh ai
However, at the time the fanva was s na me
ly in mi d- Au gu st ), an d lo gi ca ll y hi
not in Delhi (he arrived in Delhi on Ah ma d Kh an
e wh o si gn ed th e fa tw a. ” Sa yy id
does not figure in the list of thos
o ros sta nij a 18 57 -1 85 9 gg. v. ind ijs koj |

Narodn og
See also Gordon-Polanskaya, ‘Osvescenie
pakistanskoj periodiceskoj pecan’, p. 173f. pp- 35 5- 65.
ai ra ba d— A Sc ho la rl y Re be l of 185 7’.
See also Husain, *Fazle Haq of Kh . 13 Ma y 1859.
Ne w Del hi: Fo re ig n Pol iti cal Co ns
See the National Archives of India, ar , Vo l. 19/ 31, 32. 33, 34,
of the De hl i Ur du Ak hb
The fatwa was discussed in several issues
ad ‘A ti q Sid diq i, ed. , At ha ra h Sa n Sa tt aw an (18 57) , p. 201 ff.
cf. Muhamm
See Qadiri. Jang-e Azadi, p. 4031f. on a mo nthly salary 0!
wa s in the Al wa r raj a’s ser vic e
‘Maulvi Faz! Hug of Khairabad who hi
Ma ul vi wa s cel ebr ate d th ro ug ho ut Hi nd us ta n for
Rs. 450 now arrived in Delhi. As the p. His arr iva l wa s hig h
of his ai de s- de -c am
wisdom and sagacity the King made him one wo ul d cer tainly influence
Kh an as so wel l kn ow n a Ma ul vi
displeasing to Hakim Ahsanullah a [ho ly wa r] or in an}
[j ud ge me nt ] in fav our of
the King. But Faz! Hug did not pronounce a
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(d. 1898) later commented that this particular fanva was fake (he-as/) and many
of the ‘wlama signed it only under pressure and threat.”* Most of then: were
loyalists anyway, and only a few would really have gone for sia tn tact. the
colonial sources report that ina battle at Harehandpur Pttawah at the beeumine
Ee of December 1858, ‘{A] rebel of high rank called the Moulyie was killed in the
action of the 8th instant. This must be Faz] Hug.’ Similarly. ‘ln the fight of the
8th instant, a leader was killed supposed to be Moulavee Fazul Hug ot Delhi!
As will be seen below, there is a possibility of a namesake from Shalijalanpus
with whom Fadl-e Haqq was confused.
The relevant court files, which would have given sound information
about the legal case against Fadl-e Haqq in 1859.'' could not be found in the
National Archives, similar to so many other documents pertaining to Muslim
culture in the nineteenth century.” However. a translation ot parts of these files
in Urdu as well as an incorrect and incomplete duplicate of the original could be
traced in the library of Rampur. Copies of petitions in Persian and Arabic. which
Fadl-e Haqq had addressed to princes and representatives of the British Crown
asking for his release, as well as petitions by diverse notables. are nonetheless
enlightening.
Some archival data suggest that after his detention in the Alipur prison.
Fadl-e Haqq wrote several petitions to the viceroy.”’ Local notables also
supported him with petitions, but to no avail.’’ Even from Port Blair in the
Andaman Islands where Khairabadi was detained, the scholar tried to send a
request for release to the Empress of
India on 9 January 1860."° His son ‘Abd al-
Haqq. who later was honoured with the title of Shams al-Ulama‘ by viceroy
Dufferin (d. 1902) and who was returned parts of the confiscated land of his
father,” would eventually succeed in pushing through his father’s release
Descendants of the Khairabadi family record that Fadl-e Haqq died on 20 August
1861 even before his pending release, just when his son “Abd al-Hagg arrived at
way mislead the King, though he was known to be in his counsels (Sayyid Mubara
k Shah in
Edwards. Red Year: The Indian Rebellion of 1857. p. 212),
Khan, Asbab-e Baghawat-e Hind. p. 78f.
Qadiri. Jang-e Azadi, p. 406ff.
See Rizvi and Bhargava. eds.. Freedom Struggle, V. pp. 820. 8341
Sinha, ed. Mutu
Telegrams, pp. 45f. 87f.
See ‘Arshi, Imtiyaz *Ali Khan, *Kya Maulana Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi ka 1857
ke fatwa-ye
(sic!) jihad se ta‘alluq tha?’, Tahrik 1957 Reprint in Naya daur (Lakhna‘u), Feb. 1981 pp. 4-
12: Malik, Tahgigi madamin, pp. 90-132
National Archives of India, New Delhi, Foreign Political Cons. 3 June 1859, Nos 387-89
They were said to be not transferred, NT.
See National Archives of India, New Delhi, Foreign Political. Dec. 1860. No. 557
See Memorial of Calcutta Muslims to the Governor-General, National Archives
of India. New
Delhi. Foreign Political, Sept. 1860, Cons. Nos 556-58: in Urdu in Mali
k. Tahqigi madamin
p. 114f.
See National Archives of India, New Delhi. Foreign Political. Sept. 1860
: Sec. Cons. No. 556
Urdu in Malik, Tahgigi madamin, p. 119f.
Sherwani, Al-Thaurat al-Hindiyya. pp. 232, 328f.
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IN TH E MU SL IM HI ST OR IO GR AP HY
18 57
260
ma ny im po rt an t do cu me nt s di sa pp ea re d
Port Blair to receive him.” However, as tr ou bl es of 18 57 , it is
duri ng an d af te r th e
(i.e., were burned or destroyed) before, ag re ed to th e re le as e
cl ai m wi ude that
th ce rt itth e Cr ow n ha d
still no t po ss ib le to
of Fadl-e Haqq. di , on e ha s to turn to
th e ca re er of Kh ai ra ba
In order to shed more light on as p ov er
on wr it in gs , an d to Kh ai ra ba di ’s gr
other source material, such as his pris co nt ex t, fo r ex am pl e,
ge Ar ab ic . Si mi la rl y, the Ar ab ic sp at ia l
the li tu rg ic al la ng ua of hi s
it he lp s to monu me nt al is e th e me mo ry
Mecca. is im po rt an t be ca us e
th e me an in g of po et ry ca nn ot be
admirers. It is in this context that ti on ha s ev er si nc e
tr ad it io na l me di um of cu lt ur al ar ti cu la
unde re st im at ed ; th is d to
em ot io ns, to mo bi li se la rg e ma ss es an
been a me an s to ap pe al to hu ma n
co nt ex t, do cu me nt s th at pe rt ai n to the
vi ve th ei r cu lt ur al me mo ry .” ® In th is
re of im pr is on me nt ar e
et ry (h ab si yy at ) de al in g wi th th e th em e
genre of pr is on po pa ra tus
pr is on as a de fi ni te di sc ip li na ry ap
es pe ci al ly in fo rm at iv e. ” Th e
hi s pr ed is po si ti on an d hi s mo ra l. In th e
infl ue nc es th e pr is on er ’s ev er yd ay li fe ,
ri en ce s, th e pr is on er ca n gi ve in toself-reflection. The
isolation that he ex pe wi th
an d of hi s su rr ou nd in g wo rl d pr ov id es hi m
sile nc e of hi s wi sh es an d de si re s
ns ci en ce , wh ic h he ca n in te rr og at e an d
the possibility of descending into his co Pr ob ab ly th e gu ar d
se ns e th e em er ge nc e of a mo ra l fe el in g.
from wh er e he ca n hi m,
ve d, wh o lo ok s af te r hi m an d su ff er s wi th
be co me s hi s fr ie nd or ev en be lo
of a mi li eu of so li da ri ty an d hi er ar ch y.
while the pr is on su pp or ts th e or ga ni sa ti on
ti ty an d so li da ri ty -i ns pi ri ng fu nc ti on s fo r
Thus, pr is on li te ra tu re ha s sp ec if ic id en
To ge th er wi th th e my th ic al or ig in s an d
th e au th or as we ll as fo r hi s re ad er s.
te ra tu re ta ke s on a ce nt ra l me an in g in th e
wherea bo ut s of th e do cu me nt , pr is on li
th e Mu sl im s, pa rt ic ul ar ly in th e wa ke of
coll ec ti ve me mo ry of pe op le , he re
li te ra tu re a to ta ll y di ff er en t wo rl d is
Indian independence in 1947. In prison wi th it s ow n la ws
e co ns tr uc ti on of an ot he r li mi na l sp ac e
conceive d th ro ug h th
ro to po s or ‘t he ot he r sp ac e’ . Li nk ed to it
pert ai ni ng to ti me an d sp ac e— th e he te
en ts of th e ot he r wo rl d. ” Th e. te xt ,
are insights and autobiographical elem un ti l it ca n be ‘h ea rd ’
in s ut te rl y in te rn al iz ed an d de ep ly si le nt
howe ve r, re ma be ra te d or
rl d. Th us , th e te xt ha s to be so me ho w li
fr om th is ot he r, im pr is on ed wo
th is ; un ique an d dr am at ic al ly co ns tr uc te d
liberate it se lf fr om th e co ns tr ai nt s of
of th e te xt ou t of th e pl ac e of th e ‘O th er ’
spat io -t em po ra l se tt in g. Th e sm ug gl in g
tu re . On ly th en ca n th e te xt st ar t to cr ea te
is th er ef or e th e Le it mo ti v of pr is on li te ra
its re ad er s an d pu bl ic , an d it is on ly
to th e ou ts id e wo rl d, th e wo rl d of
a link
P. 65 : Sh ih ab i, Ea st In di a Co mp an y
47
ka ti , Fa dl -e Ha gq Kh ai ra ba di aw r Sa nn satawan,
Bara to ad d to th e co ns tr uc ti on of th e my th
ion se em s
awr baghi ‘Ulama, p. 55. Again. this vers
around Khairabadi. se e As sm an n. Da s kulturelle
memo ry an d id en ti ty
For the function of history, collective .
Gedachtnis. jn , ‘H ab si yy a’ , in Th
ha bs iy ya t. Se e de Br ui
There is a long tradition of prison poetry,
49
Ne w Ed it io n, pp. 33 3f . For contem porary Islamist prison literatul
Encyclopaedia of Is la m,
mi n ha ya ti : Th e Pr is on Me mo ir s of aMu sl im Sister’.
see Cooke, ‘Ayyam
sO
See Foucault, Uberwachen und Strafen. pp. 305, 342.
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outside that it can display its full and versatile meaning and become virulently
active and alive. Through the subversive circumstances of smuggling as well as
through the coding of the text, it achieves a very particular importance in the
cultural memory of a certain audience: it creates curiosity and a specific, albeit
biased and highly personalised, version of history. It obstructs the view for other
historical realities but at the same time creates space for new insights
Furthermore, the enigma attached to reconstruction and non-publication of the
manuscript for some time makes this work seem all the more important
In addition to this, Mecca represents the imagined mythological ideal
caliphate, the navel of the righteously guided world and wma, to which the son
of the deported scholar (see below) is said to have sent the text at a time when
Mecca was linked in many Indian Muslim minds with the Ottomans. who were
emerging as more important after the Mughals had been definitively unseated
Finally Arabic, as the holy language of the Quran, is a proven design tot
this imagined community. Thus historical memory can be used and mobilised for
the reconstruction ofhistory and reinvention of tradition confirmed in the form ot
a narrative.”' In this context the contribution of ‘Abd al-Haqq Khairabadi (the
son) is worth mentioning, as it must have been him who allegedly pieced the
scattered text together and decoded most of it, for which he must have had a key
of some description. However, all the data accessible so far lack information
regarding this important task in the re-creation, re-making and re-imagining of
the text.
It is, however, claimed by Muhammad ‘Abd al-Shahid Khan Sherwani in
his Baghi Hindustan™ that Fadl-e Haqq wrote with pencil and charcoal on shreds
of cloth and paper coded Arabic notes in prose and poetry, notably qasidas,
which were smuggled out of banishment by a prisoner released earlier—the well-
known Mufti ‘Inayat Ullah Kakorwi (d. 1863),°° one of the many Muslim
scholars detained in the Andamans.”‘ Hence, the notion of a local infrastructure
with scholars, intellectual debates and discourses does not correspond to the
popular image that the Andamans were barren islands and that the only
intellectual source was that of memory.*°
Khairabadi’s notes are said to have been reconstructed afterwards by his
ee
5! Cf Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedachtnis.
52
Without, however, references to source material.
Kakorwi was interned because he had issued a fatwa in favour of Nawwab Khan Baha
dur
Khan; see Rizvi and Bhargave, eds. Freedom struggle, pp. 170-75. He wrote a number
of
books in the Andamans and was finally released because he translated Abu al-Fida’
Imad al-
Din al-Aiyubi’s (d. 1331) Taqwim al-buldan (see Brockelmann, Geschichte der arab
ischen
ae II, p. 46; S. IL. p. 44; El(2), 1. p. 1180, a standard book on geography in Arabic into
nglish.
Compare Qadiri, Jang-e Azadi. pp. 429-37, listing dozens of detained Muslim
scholars.
Compare, for example. Haq, ‘The Story of the War of Independence’, p. 23: ‘There
were no
books to study or refer to and every word had to be written from memory
.’
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18 57 IN TH E MU SL IM HI ST OR IO GR AP HY
262
nt to Ab ul Ka la m Az ad ’s (d . 19 58 )
son,” and a copy of this collection was se Gh ad r Hi nd us ta n
cc a. ” Kn ow n as Ta ri kh
father Maulana Khair al-Din in Me Ra hm an Al i’ s
pt wa s me nt io ne d fi rs t in
(Story of the Indian mutiny), the scri dl y us ed ag ai n by
in 19 14 °* an d al le ge
famous biography of Muslim scholars .” Hi s co py wa s
Kh il af at Mo ve me nt
Mutin al-Din Ajmeri (d. 1940) during the s pu bl is he d wi th a
du by ‘A bd al -S ha hi d Kh an Sh er wa ni an d wa
tr an sl at ed in to Ur . It
wi th th e su pp or t of Ab ul Ka la m Az ad
copy of the original only in 1947 on ). Th er ei n th e
yy a (T he In di an Re vo lu ti
became known as al-Lhaura al-Hindi si tu at io n on th e
e pr is on er s an d th e
reasons for the revolt, the misery of th
de po rt at io n is la nd s ar e po in te d ou t. ”
ai ra ba d wa s ab ov e all a gr ea t ex pe rt in th e
For sure, the scholar from Kh in Ar ab ic .
n mo re th an 4, 00 0 ve rs es
Arabic language—he is said to have Writte st ly on lo gi c
hi s va ri ou s sc ho la rl y wo rk s, mo
Furthermore, he was well known for in Ar ab ic , he
r hi s ex ce ll en t kn ow le dg e
and philosophy, in Arabic and Persian. Fo d Kh an .° ' He
s, fo r ex am pl e by Sa yy id Ah ma
was well regarded by various writer dants of Shah
su ch as th e gr ou p ar ou nd th e de sc en
also had a number of critics, or no t is sti ll a
ok ac ti ve pa rt in th e re vo lt
Waliullah. Whether Fadl-e Haqq to em s pe rm it no su ch
ig al no te s an d po
matter of debate. In fact, his autobiograph on of hi st or y an d
an t ro le in th e re co ns tr uc ti
conclusion, but they do play an import -m ak in g of In di an
d re li gi ou s id en ti ty
thus in the narrative of the national an
Muslims.
Ill
xt an d tw o qa si da s of Th e In di an Re vo lu ti on
In the following, a prose te ny ms an d
fu ll of sy no ny ms an d an to
will be analysed briefly. The text at hand is h ce rt ai nl y do es
rd s of th e sa me ro ot , wh ic
contains a large number of Arabic wo en de av ou re d
rm or e, it is sa id th at th e sc ho la r
not facilitate understanding. Furthe qu ot e na me s—
s an d al so tr ie d no t to
to use utmost secrecy in writing these text di en ce ou ts id e the
xt s we re wr it te n fo r an au
_ though one may presume that if the te na me -d ro pp in g
no t ma tt er ed at al l; in fa ct ,
prison, quoting names would have as cr ib ed to Fa dl -
No ne th el es s, th e wo rk s
would have been totally understandable. ou ts tanding
at io n, th ou gh th ey re pr es en t an
e Haqq are a difficult matter for transl
bd al -S ha hi d Kh an Sh er wa ni in his Al -T ha urat al-

This was claimed by Muhammad ‘A
gh i Hi nd us ta n, wi th ou t re fe re nc es to so ur ce mat erial.
Hindiyya, Ba
Ibid.. p. 23
See ‘Ali, Tadhkirah-ye ‘Ulama-e Hind. p. 165. ‘A bd al -B ar i Fa ra ng i Ma ha ll i
suf i an d act ivi st
Mu‘in al-Din Ajmeri met the famous scholar, bi li se pr om in en t sc ho la rs an d
al ‘ur s an d mo
(d. 1926) who went to Ajmer to attend the annu /s la m in Br itish Indian Politics, P-
Ap ri l 19 19 . Se e Qu re sh i, Pa n-
sufis to the Khilafat cause in
102.
See also Malik, ‘Die “Erfindung” von Tradition’, p. 83f.
60
ed. by Kh al iq An ju m, pp. 95 -1 13 ; als o see al-Hayy.
61
See Khan, Athar al-Sanadid, vols. I-III,
Nuzhat al-khwatir, p. 414 ff.
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and important part of Arabie literature p

Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi called the prose writing Risala vhadarivva or al-
Fima al-Hindiyya,’’ respectively Rivala al-thaurat— al-hindivva’' a qissah
(narrative, story). By addressing a defined audience, he denounces the brutal
reaction of the British after the rebellion, time upon time using new words.” He,
who had been living a life of luxury, was betrayed and made a pauper, handed
over to a tyrant who had taken from him his last amenities and bestowed harsh
punishment upon him. This white skinned tyrant (the gaoler) with a black heart
blue eyes, a grim facial expression, red hair and a bad mood had taken away al!
his fancy clothes and instead had given him rags to wear. Khairabadi is now
separated from his family, an accused without defence counsel and prosecutor (41
la mudda’in wa munazi’). The reason this tyrant imposes unimaginable hardship
on him is that the prisoner is a true Muslim and one of the greatest scholars. In
other words, the tyrant is trying to eradicate all traces of Muslim: scholarly
tradition and knowledge.
After these introductory words, Fadl-e Haqq makes his position clear by
analysing the intrigues of the British, whose aim it had been to play off the
various groups against each other.
It was only because of the lies and false promises of the Christian
sovereign that he was detained and deported. The amnesty of Queen Victoria was
ignored. Fadl-e Haqq lamented in his qasidas. Colonial polities and the religious
conversion of Indians connected with it were, according to him, based on two
strategies: (i) The destruction of the traditional Islamic educational system and
the standardisation of religious diversity.”” This would facilitate the Raj’s goal of
national integration. (ii) The introduction of cash crops and the monopolisation of
the grain market with the objective of making Indians materially dependent and
62
The texts, prose and poems are reprinted in Sherwani. 4/-Thaurat al-Hindivva, pp. 26-85, 86-
105 and 106-19. An English translation of the full text is available in Haq, ‘The Story of the
War of Independence’ (being an English translation of Allamah FadI-i-Haqq's Risalah on the
War), pp. 23-57. In addition to the text of the qasida, an Arabic—albeit biased—commentary
was published by one of his admirers. ‘Ali, Ghulam Mihr, A/-yawagiyat al-mihriyya. sharh al-
thaurat al-Hindiyya, Chishtiyan sharif: al-maktabat al-mihriyya. ca. 1964. stressing the
Barelwi point of view.
Risala ghadariyya and al-Fitna al-Hindiyya have pejorative meanings: in the first case it is a
Book of Mutiny, in the second it is The Indian Intrigue
The script in prose has been ‘a continuation of the defence campaign of Maulvi Faz! Haq who
had not lost hope ofhis release and had intended thus to obtain it’. Cf. Husain. Bahadur Shah
Il and the war of 1857 in Delhi with its unforgettable scenes, p. 375f.
[fa inna kitabi hadha kitab asirin kasir khasir ‘ala kafata min hasir; mubtalan bi-kulli ‘asir: la
yutaq wa laufianin yasir; muntazirin li-farjin ‘ala rabbihi yasir]
A diversity that had been the general position of the scholarship in Awadh from the time of the
Qadiri sufi and wujudi, “Abd al-Razzaq (d. 1724) of Bansa, the spiritual guide of the scholars
of Farangi Mahall: this scholarship proved to be important when it came to appealing to a
variety of social and religious groups living in north India at a time when internal feuds were
hampering political and cultural integration. See Alam. ‘Religion and Politics in Awadh
society: 17th and 18th centuries’, pp. 321-50; Alam. The Languages of Political Islam in
India, pp. 98-112: see also Malik, Islamische Gelehrtenkultur in Nordindien pp. 138-46.
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e sc ho la r fr om Kh ai ra ba d al so cl ai me d th at
thus to subjugate them absolutely. Th
oh ib it ed In di an s fr om ex er ci si ng th ei r rit es.
the British pr u an d Mu sl im
od uc ed at fir st in th e Hi nd
Religious restrictions were intr lo st its
rc es . Th e ai m wa s th at on ce th e ar my ha d
units of the British armed fo r fe ar of
no t be br av e en ou gh to re si st fo
religion, other citizens would an d Hi nd u
re po rt s, th ey ha d fo rc ed Mu sl im
punishment. Therefore, Khairabadi ay n) ha d
pi g fat , bu t bo th gr ou ps (f ar iq
soldiers to taste animal fat, especially r su pe ri or s
to a re be ll io n ag ai ns t th ei
refused to do so. This subsequently led . On ce in
ll ed th e lat ter th ei r wi ve s an d ch il dr en
(tarkhan), in which they had ki
er em pe ro r th ei r le ad er .° ’ Th e fra il em pe ro r
Delhi, the troops proclaimed the form Ma ha ll ] an d
ue nc ed by hi s wi fe [Z in at
did not have any experience and was infl ie s of th eir
te d Ch ri st ia ns an d we re in fa ct en em
his Wazir, who loved and respec tu at io n a
au th or it y wh at so ev er .” In th is si
opponents. The emperor lacked any Is la mic
ob ta in ed le ga l op in io n (f at wa ) fr om
group of courageous Muslims” ra ti ve .”
Wa r (j ih ad ) wa s ab so lu te ly im pe
scholars, according to which a Holy
in su rr ec ti on in th e fo rm of a Ho ly Wa r.
This resulted in an sl im s ha d
mp at hi se rs of th e Br it is h, Mu
While all Hindus had been sy an d
sy mp at hj se rs . Th e Ch ri st ia ns ha d ki ll ed
been divided into opponent- and em fr om th e
th e Hi nd us , or ha d is ol at ed th
plundered villages with the support of
rl d by hi di ng th e wh ea t ac cu mu la te d by Ba ni as .
outside wo da nt s, th e
an d th e ki ll in g of hi s de sc en
After the arrest of the emperor ,
le me rc il es sl y. Th e nu mb er of th e de ad
British decapitated and hanged peop on ly if th ei r
th ou sa nd s Hi nd us we re pe na li se d
mainly Muslims, went into the we re th os e
im s be in g sp ar ed th is fa te
participation was proven. The only Musl it h (i ma n) .
th e Br it is h, or de ni ed th ei r fa
who had emigrated, cooperated with
like the servant of the king [Ahsan Ullah Khan],
They should be considered spies
co nq ue r th e cit y.. .. Hi nd u ch ie fs we re
who had enabled the Christians to st ia ns ki ll ed
se nd th em to De lh i wh er e th e Ch ri
compelled to arrest all rebels and fo un d ha d
en pu rg ed . So me of th os e
them. Thus the surrounding regions had be ar re st ed an d
ur , ot he rs ha d be en ki ll ed or
committed suicide to save their hono or fo r lit tle
as. co nc ub in es to di sg us ti ng me n
abused, yet others had been sold or ph an s,
t tr ac e. Ch il dr en be ca me
money, while others disappeared withou Christians
women became widows, and men lost their children. After that the
wa rd s th e ea st wh er e an ot he r ma ss ac re to ok pl ac e.
turned to wa rd s hi s
co nt in ue s, he jo ur ne ye d to
As for himself, Khairabadi d th e
wa s da ng er ou s. Th e Ch ri st ia ns ha d or de re
homeland, Khairabad, although it th e ri ve rs .
av el le r. It wa s ha rd ly po ss ib le to cr os s
Jats to kill and plunder every tr
on 11 Ma y 185 7. Tha t sa me day , the Mu gh al Em pe ro r

6? The insurrection troops entered the city
Bahadur Shah was nominated as their leader. ore the tro ubl es;
ort ed clo sen ess wit h the em pe ro r bef
68 This judgment is in opposition to his rep
rat ive s of the Mut iny in Del hi, pp. 196 , 217 , 223 , 224 .
see Metcalfe, Two Nar
i [jam’ min al-muslimin al-jilad: lil-jidal wa-l-jilad] al- jih ad wa bi
al- zuh had wa ift a’i -hi m bi wuj ub
[ba’d al-istifia wa-l-istishhad min al- ‘ulama’
fat aw aa’imma al-ijtihad]
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|
However, he eventually managed to reach his homeland. In Awadh, a tew
rebels chose the wife of a former king (the wife of Nawwab Wajid ‘Ali Shah,
Hazrat Mahal and her underaged son Birjis Qadr)~ as their leaders. The king
(Wajid ‘Ali Shah), was unreliable, a coward and politically ignorant, because ot
which the British had managed to annex all his territory. Phe royal family was
besieged in their palaces (qusur) in the city (Lucknow). Thus everything had
been turned into the exact opposite of what had been hoped for
After this detailed narrative Fadl-e Haqq describes the dreadful massacre
following the conquest of Lucknow, dwelling also on Hazrat Mahal and her
greedy and incompetent leader, the ‘ami/ Nawwab Ahmad Khan alias Murnnk
Khan, who died on the Andaman isles. Another tamu/ Ahmad Ullah Shah (d
1858) was a formidable man who revolted. However, as Khairabadi says, he was
insidiously assassinated on the order of a Hindu zamindar. °
After arguing that the queen of the Christians (Victoria) lured the Indians
into a trap by issuing orders of amnesty,’ Fadl-e Haqq recounts his own capture,
in full beliefof his amnesty. He also laments that two contentious apostates, who
once disputed with him regarding a verse of the Quran, had given information
about him to the British authorities.” The officer had condemned him. to
imprisonment and exile, and confiscated his property, books and house owned by
his family. However, he was not the only one to fall victim to this intrigue: the
Christians ignored and broke their promises, killing and arresting an indefinite
number of people, and not even sparing the most distinguished families
This is probably a reference to the crossing of the river Ganges near Bhikanpur. There, Fadl-e
Haqq spent 18 days with Habib al-Rahman Sherwani’s father. See Sherwani. *Murasalah be
silsilah-ye madhmun Maulana Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi’, pp. 53-54
For more information on Zinat Mahal and Birjis Qadr see Mukherjee. Awadh in Revolt /857-
1858. A Study of Popular Resistance, pp. 125f. 131. 135f. 1S1ff
73
The order was issued by the Raja of Powain who received Rs 50.000 from the British
74
The proclamation of Queen Victoria on 11 Nov. 1858, in which she ordered that India be put
under direct rule from the Crown, as opposed to rule by the East India Company. states, ‘Our
clemency will be extended to all offenders, save and except those who have been or shall be
convicted of having directly taken part in the murder of British subjects. With regard to such.
the demands of justice forbid the existence of mercy.’ Hazrat Mahal issued a counter-
proclamation warning all Indians not to accept the amnesty (see Edwards. Red Year pp. 171-
73). A discussion about the backgrounds and introduction of the Ta‘allugdari Settlement
1858, which preceded the proclamation and introduced the policy of confiscation, can be
found in Kumar, Peasants in the Revolt: Tenants, Landlords, C ongress and the Raj in Oudh
1886-1922, p. 7ff.
75
The dispute was about Sura 5:51: ‘Oh you who believe! Take not the Jews and Christians for
friends. They arc friends one to another. He among you who takes them for friends is (one) of
them. Allah guides not wrongdoing folk.’ In fact, this verse is made into an issue by Ghulam
Mihr for it showed the struggle between the Wahhabis/Deobandis led by Ahmad Shah Barelwi
and Shah Isma‘il (e.g., wrongdoing folk), both leading figures of the mujahidin movement in
1820s, and the Barelwis/Khairabadis (the righteously guided). It can be speculated that the
British wanted Khairabadi to reinterprete the verse for their purposes, which he might have
declined and for which he was not released while other ‘u/ama such as ‘Inayat Ahmad Kakori.
were.
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Khairabadi claims this to be the true history of the war.

sty le, Fad l-e Haq q als o nar rat es his exp eri enc es of dep ort ati on
In dense
An da ma n Isl and s, the har dsh ip in pri son , his des per ati on, but als o his faith
to the
hel ped him liv e thr oug h the se tim es of har dsh ip: the Chr ist ian s detained
which
vid ing wro ng ver dic ts and pro duc ing fal se evi den ce. The y the n
him by pro
fro m pri son to pri son and tan tal ise d him by mea ns of dif fer ent
transported him
too k off his sho es and clo the s and ins tea d pro vid ed him wit h
inquiries. They
rou gh mat eri al to wea r. The y cha nge d his sof t bed wit h a har d mat tress,
some
med to be cov ere d wit h tho rns . No cup was all owe d to him and the
which see
rif ic. He was giv en wa rm wat er to dri nk, and in spi te of his old
meals were hor
The har dhe art ed ene mie s the n bro ugh t him to an isl and , ie.
age was humiliated.
ns ,” whe re the sun wou ld con sta ntl y shi ne rig ht on his hea d and
the Andama
hil ly pat hs and dan ger ous roa ds mad e wal kin g imp oss ibl e. The air
where difficult
rem ely wa rm and ame nit ies mor e bit ter tha n poi son . The foo d was wor se
was ext
cuc umb er, the wat er wor se tha n sna ke poi son . The sky
than the taste of
led one big loo min g clo ud, whi ch kep t pou rin g out not hin g but sor rows.
resemb
ted wit h mea sle s and poc ks, and fro m the roo fs of the hou ses
The earth looked dot
e onl y dro ps fal lin g lik e the tea rs fro m his eye s. The air was
there wer
the ref ore a con sta nt séu rce of ail men ts. Oft en the re wer e
contaminated and
The sic k had no cha nce to be cur ed; the san e was ber eft of sec uri ty.
epidemics.
dis eas e bec ame ill, and the one wh o was sic k was a def ini te
The one who cured
The re was no emp ath y and pit y wha tso eve r; no dis eas e was not
prey for death.
ima tel y led to dea th, eve n Hyp och ond ria and Ple uri sy.
fatal. Every disease ult
tot all y un kn ow n and ver y dan ger ous . The doc tor cou ld not
There were diseases
wit h a dia gno sis ; ins tea d he gav e med ici nes whi ch wre cke d the pat ient.
come up
an unc lea n per son loo kin g lik e a dev il or mon ste r (sh ait an
If a prisoner died,
com e to dra g the cor pse awa y by the fee t, tak e off his clo the s
khannas) would
cor pse int o a san d hill wit hou t a cof fin and wit hou t per for min g
and dig the
was no gra ve and no bur ial , one did not wis h to die . If sui cid e
ablution. As there
all pri son ers wou ld hav e tak en rec our se to it. It was in suc h an
was not illegal
ill and su cc um be d to dep res sio n. Mor eov er, he cau ght
environment that he fell
dis eas es and alt hou gh his bod y was ach ing , he was mad e to
worms and other
se in the mor nin gs and eve nin gs. Soo n he wou ld die , aft er a
walk and exerci
ble life , wh en he was old and ins ane , wo un de d and
prosperous and enjoya
isla nds see Gov ern men t of Indi a: Sel ect ion s fro m the Rec ord s of the
7 For the Andaman
a, Hom e Dep art men t No. XXV : The And ame n Isl and s wit h Not es on
Government of Indi
Cal cut ta. 1859 . Acc ord ing to repo rts of the cen sus of 188 1, ther e was a little
Barren Islands.
nds whi ch was part icul arly des ign ed for the det ain ees ; see Ind ia
autonomous world on the isla
188 1: Stat isti cs of the pop ula tio n enu mer ate d in the And ama ns. 188 1, Calc utta , 1883:
Census
Sha hja han pur i, Khu shi Ram , Tar ikh -e Jaz ira h-y e And ama n, s.|., 1861; Thanst:i,
also
amm ad Ja‘f ar, Kal a pan i ma' ruf beh taw ari kh ‘aji ba. Delh i, wri tte n in 1879, reprint,
Muh
Jan g-e Aza di, pp. 429 -37 . In Apr . 185 9 ther e wer e 13, 479 pris oner s,
Lahore, 1993: Qadiri:
ic and soci al gro ups and nati onal itie s. The ir med ium of com mun ica tio n
cross-cutting all ethn
whi ch eve ry pri son er kne w on the isla nds. Unti l 192 2 the isla nd ser ved for
was Hindustani,
deportation purposes.
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ulcerated. But still he thanked God tor His merey because neat to him he savy
sick prisoners in chains, who were brought to their daily working place by a
terrible man who did not show any empathy whatsoever. Khairabadi thanked
God for having saved him from these atrocities. Having full belief in God, he
asked the creator in the name of Prophet Muhammad, to tree him from that
horrifying situation and fulfil the divine promise to listen to the destitute
—————
Khairabadi claims to have told his misfortunes in two qasidas. [he first
one, the Hamziyya (the rhyme ends on a famzah), points to the SULA
inspiration (which befell a tormented man, Aamazat al-shavatin, or the sataniy
waswasa). The second qasida, the Dalivya (the rhyme ends in da/), recounts his
hardships. Both qasidas were written in Rajab 1276/December 1859-January
1860 and end with a prophetic eulogy. Herein, he again laments that far away
from his family, his only remaining friend would be water. and he mourns the
loss of his identity as a nobleman, he who has been left defenceless against
attacks by the vices of colonialism (‘mvub). Finally. he implores the prince of
Rampur, Yusuf ‘Ali Khan, whom he had served for some time, to support him
Khairabadi also claimed to have had plans to write a third gasida ending
on nun, however, this work, which would have had over 300 rhymes. could not
be finished due to the circumstances. * If God should deliver him, he vowed to
extend this qasida with the eulogy of a man who, because of his high moral
standards and righteousness, would be noted among nobles (makarim ul-akhlag)
(who this eulogy would have been addressed to remain a mystery).
However, it is interesting to note that in a letter to the Nawwab of
Rampur, he reiterated that he was mistaken for Mir Fadl-e: Haqq Shahjahanpuri.
who was caught for his activities in Bareli or Pilibhit, rather than in Bundi where
Fadl-e Haqq Khairabadi was trapped.”
IV
In the case of Khairabadi, one may suspect a judicial error on the part of
‘the British administration. This is more likely, since there had been a namesake
}
Sherwani, Al-Thaurat al-Hindiyya, p. 118.

The fragment is printed in al-Nisa, A/- ‘Allama Fadl Hagq al-Khairabadi, pp. 234-46.
The letter in question, dated 18 Feb., says that his namesake had been appoirfted Sarrishtadar
of Pilibhit and also worked as Tahsildar of Anwala, In the early days of the uprising, Sayyid
Fadl-e Haqq Shahjahanpuri had become Nazim Pilibhit aid after the fall of Bareli went to
Awadh to be appointed Chakladar of Muhammadi. Later, he took refuge in Jaman along with
the rebel forces of Ferozshah. His close relatives were serving the Company as senior officers,
his brother Maulvi Mubeen being Deputy Collector Saharanpur. He therefore requested, that
Ismail Khan Rais-e Balagarh, who was fully aware of the affairs of the culprit, as well as of
“‘Maulvi Fadl-e Haqq Shahjehanpuri’, may please be approached to write down the details to
Mr. Tarab, Commanding Officer Barely, and Mr. Tarab sends his comments on this report to
the Department of Special Commissioner Lucknow, so that the difference between the affairs
of the two may be proved, and the most grateful servant may be released. See Malik, Tahqiqi
madamin, pp. 130-31.
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Sha hja han pur i) act ive in 18 57 . Thi s err or wou ld pro vid e
(Sayyid Fadl-e Haqq
fou nd ign ora nce or eve n vin dic tiv ene ss of the Bri tis h,
evidence of the pro
of the all ege d ins urg ent is sai d to hav e bee n dis cus sed
especially since the release
by the Cro wn. It see ms tha t the Eur ope an con vic tio n of its sup erior
sincerely
ed a dee per und ers tan din g of the ind epe nde nt cha rac ter of Ind ian
position hamper
dis ed the ir ins igh t int o the aut ono my of oth er cul tur al for ms.
culture, and jeopar
in the cas e of an ant i-B rit ish rev olu tio nar y cou nci l (Ki ng
This might also be true
maj lis -e mus haw ara t), whi ch is sai d to hav e bee n est abl ish ed dur ing
Council or
nn ed by 10 me mb er s fro m civ il and mil ita ry dep art men ts, Fad l-e
the revolt. Ma
one of the m, thi s cou nci l wor ked tow ard s a con sti tut ion ,
Haqq Khairabadi being
y the firs t con sti tut fon al ela bor ati on in Urd u for an ind epe nde nt India.
supposedl
use d Ara bic and Per sia n nom enc lat ure s rat her tha n Bri tis h
These regulations
and ado pte d ma ny ele men ts of Eur ope an sta tes man shi p. It is sai d tha t the
ones,
ed ‘a con sti tut ion bas ed on the pri nci ple s of dem ocr acy ’,” "
Council produc
of the mon arc h.’ Non eth ele ss, the reb els pro cla ime d
curtailing the power
Zaf ar as the Sha h of Hin dus tan , mos t pro bab ly to use the
Bahadur Shah
cro wn as a sym bol for uni fyi ng dif fer ent gro ups . In thi s
legitimacy of theMughal
an iss ued by the Mu gh al emp ero r Bah adu r Sha h Zaf ar is
context the farm
in whi ch he com pla ins of Bri tis h lib era l ide as suc h as equ ali ty of
mentioned,
st to the ema nci pat ive end eav our s of the reb els sug ges ted
education. In contra
eri al far man see ms to be rat her rea cti ona ry. In the cas e tha t sim ila r y
above, the imp
al ide as exi ste d in Ind ian row s, to ger min ate and pus h thr ough
constitution
s, one may ask whe the r the rev olt rea lly aim ed at res tor ing
constitutional notion
er or whe the r tra dit ion al his tor iog rap hy fol low s the ‘tr adi tio nal isa tion’
the old ord
, cor res pon d to the pol iti cs of col oni al res tor ati on. An y oth er
which would, indeed
the uph eav al wou ld hav e mea nt app rec iat ing pro gre ssi ve for ces .
perception of
80
Fadl -e Haq q Sha hja han pur i see Sha uq, Tad hki rah -ye Kam ala n-e Ram pur . p. 320f,
For Sayyid
Jan g-e Azad i, pp. 566 -68 . He was acti ve in Ram pur at the time of Sayyid Ahmad
and Qadiri.
(12 00/ 177 5-1 256 /18 40) , who asc end ed the thro ne in 179 4 but held power only in
“Ali Khan
re. It is said that Fadl -e Haq q Sha hja han pur i was extr emel y
1810 when he became matu
ugh he held hig h offi ces such as Na’ ib Sarr isht adar in the
modest and introverted tho
Ram pur , then Sarr isht ahda r in the Com mis sio nar y of Bare li; dur ing the
Mahkamah Sadr of
z Shah
rebellion he was Tahsildar in Pilibhit or Bheri, participated in the jihad of Mirza Firo
(sha hid) in Jhan si, leav ing beh ind no chil dren . Rizv i and Bha rga va eds,
and died as a martyr
quo tes an offi cer of the cour t of Sha hja han pur , who repo rts abou t the army
Freedom, p. 501,
han pur : One lead er of rebe ls was Fadl -e Haq q of Sha hja han pur , stationed in
of rebels in Shahja
roa h near Muh amm adi . He had the cont rol over 4,0 00 saw ars and 900 Najibs as
Pihani and Pad
cano ns, and also coll ecte d reve nue. Acc ord ing to this sta tem ent Fadl -e Haqq was
well as three
ers, besi des Kha n ‘Ali Kha n of Sha hja han pur , Lon i Sin gh Raj a of
one ofthe six rebellious lead
P+S /6/ 466 , Col lec tio ns 59: Tria l of Raj ah Lon ee Sin gh and Mou lve e
Muthauli (see also ‘L/
Huk ’), Kha n Bah adu r Kha n of Bare li, Wil aya t Sha h and Beg am of Luc know (Hazrat
Fuzl
Mahal).
r Sha h II, pp. lii ff. Part s of the ‘Con stit utio ns’ are rep rod uce d by Mah di,
81
See Mahdi, Bahadu
ibid, pp. 182-92, 389.
Bara kati , Fad l-e Haq q Kha ira bad i awr San n sat awa n, pp. 52-5 9. 82, citing,
Compare also
among others, a number of Mutiny records.
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The Emperor’s farman also stands in contrast to one of his letters addressed to
the Nawab of Tonk, asking him for some dozens of camels with which he
planned to proceed to the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1230), buricd in the
Mehroli subdivision of Delhi, before embarking for Madina, because he
considered the jihad to be senseless.’ Moreover, we hardly know the view from
the margins, such as the story of Umrao Jan Ada, a courtesan from Lucknow. Her
portrayal by Mirza Hadi Ruswa (1858-1931) in the supposedly first Urdu novel
tells a completely different story, as she views the so called trevolutionaries’ a
nothing more than troublemongers. Similar revealing information about the
uneasy situation during the siege is provided by people in other different
professions such as the sweet and wood-seller, moneylenders, cobblers as well as
some hungry sepoys. as can be read in the various Mutiny Papers. which,
however, have not been used by historians for the reconstruction of the historical
narrative so far.“ It is astonishing to note that we find few vernacular voices in
Urdu, and particularly in Persian, being heard in historical accounts of 1857. In
the light of these quite different views, it becomes indeed a problem to definitely
ascertain the nature ofthe 1857 revolt.
A documentation putting together such material lying in the dusty state
and National archives is of utmost importance, since these ‘relics’ do provide an
important and palpable insight into the variety of collective and individual
decisions at a vital cross-section of colonial history. They also allow for the
creation of a distinct colonised identity, and highlight the process of inventing
tradition as well as of mobilising collective identity for a variety of reasons.”°
The account of Khairabadi’s alleged participation in the revolt is as
important to the construction of collective reality as are the doubts about the
authenticity of his authorship of The Indian Revolution. The historical memory
creates the sources it needs for its own reproduction. Thus the importance of
historiography and validity of sources such as letters, autobiographical notes and
prison literature constitute an important basis for the reconstruction of history
and also of the processes of mutual perception at the cross-sections of European
and non-European encounters. |
Bibliography
rimary Materials
ritish Library, London, Add. 22624 (khulasa-ye akhbar-e atrafihi), dated

23.5.1830 and 31.5.1830. Fortescue. T. ‘Report on the customs and town
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1am thankful to William Dalrymple for sharing this insight with me
Therefore, it seems to be too early to state whether there were upheavals in other areas
as well,
such as the Deccan and Bengal.
It may not be out of place to state that since independence, only one M. Phil thesis has been
written on 1857 in the many universities of Delhi,
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| JAMAL MALIK

LETTERS, PRISON SKETCHES AND

This is an updated and extended version of Malik, “Briefe, autobiographische

This representation ofthe scholar is full of admiration and memorisation,

1834) in particular. Any acknowledgement of the authority of legal schools

The movement has been analysed by Preckel, Jslamische Bildungsnetzwerke und

I-I II, 1, p. 347 . Il. p. 245 : al -H ay y, Nu zh at al -khawatir wa

Some of these precious sources are reproduced in al-Nisa, A/-‘A/lam

the sit uat ion in col oni al Ind ia in ge ne ra l an d the

o ros sta nij a 18 57 -1 85 9 gg. v. ind ijs koj |

bd al -S ha hi d Kh an Sh er wa ni in his Al -T ha urat al-

and important part of Arabie literature p

on 11 Ma y 185 7. Tha t sa me day , the Mu gh al Em pe ro r

Khairabadi claims this to be the true history of the war.

Sherwani, Al-Thaurat al-Hindiyya, p. 118.

ritish Library, London, Add. 22624 (khulasa-ye akhbar-e atrafihi), dated

duties of the Delhi Territory, 1820’, pp. 131-214, ‘

‘Abidi. Wazi r al -H as sa n. ed. , Pa nj Ah an g, La ho re , 19 69 .

Assmann, J. Das kulturelle Gedachtnis: Schrift, Erinnerunge und politische

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