651062

research-article2016
JMHXXX10.1177/1557988316651062American Journal of Men’s HealthSriyasak et al.

Original Article
American Journal of Men’s Health

The New Generation of Thai Fathers:

2018, Vol. 12(5) 1368­–1378
© The Author(s) 2016
Article reuse guidelines:
Breadwinners Involved in Parenting sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1557988316651062
https://doi.org/10.1177/1557988316651062
journals.sagepub.com/home/jmh

Atcharawadee Sriyasak, MSc1,2, Anna-Lena Almqvist, PhD1,

Chaweewan Sridawruang, PhD3, Wanwadee Neamsakul, PhD4,
and Elisabet Häggström-Nordin, PhD1

Abstract
Becoming a father for the first time might cause great changes in a man’s identity and lifestyle. Teenage fathers must
strive to balance two competing roles: the teenage role and the father role. The current study design followed
grounded theory methodology to gain a deeper understanding of how Thai teenage fathers reason about becoming
and being a father from a gender equality perspective. Participants were selected from a heterogeneous group of
fathers until saturation was reached (n = 25). Most of the fathers were cohabiting with their partner in an extended
family. An interview guide was developed, a pilot study was undertaken, and interviews were performed on two
different occasions: once during the second trimester of pregnancy and again when the baby was 5 to 6 months old.
The core category, “Male breadwinners involved in parenting,” encompassed persons making the transition from
being solely a teenager to being a teenage father. Most of the fathers accepted the unintended pregnancy and took
on the expected breadwinning responsibility of a father. They prepared for fatherhood and changed their lifestyle.
Their families provided support. Nevertheless, the fathers sought to avoid further unplanned parenthood by learning
about family planning. The teenage fathers emphasized breadwinning first, then involved himself in the child and the
housework. These findings provide an increased understanding of Thai teenage fathers.

Keywords
fatherhood, grounded theory, teenage fathers, Thailand

Introduction with child care as well as economically (Chirawatkul

While the overall birthrate in Thailand is declining, the
teenage birthrate is rising, which is a challenge in Thai
society. The birthrate among teenagers in Thailand
increased from 39.7 to 53.8 per 1,000 teenage women
during 1990 to 2013 (Ministry of Public Health, 2015).
Thai teenage parenthood is viewed as a problematic, stig-
matized, and serious social problem (Health Intervention
and Technology Assessment Program, 2013; Jahan, 2008;
Nicaise, Tonguthai, & Fripont, 2000). A Thai study on
teenage mothers reported that 59% (n = 215) felt ashamed
to admit they were pregnant, and around half of them felt
that others considered them as bad or impaired. More
than one third of Thai fathers (n = 3,114) were reported to
be less than 20 years of age (Chirawatkul et al., 2011).
The nonacceptance of pregnant teenagers at school and
the fact that teenagers younger than age 15 are not
allowed to work, served to socially stigmatize teenagers
who became pregnant before they were married
(Pungbangkadee, 2008).
In Thailand, pregnant teenagers are not forced to marry,
but they often have to rely on their families for support
et al., 2011). Those who are employed often have unskilled
jobs or jobs with low wages, for instance, as farmers or
factory workers. A low rate of using contraceptives is one
contributing factor to teenage pregnancy; moreover, unin-
tended pregnancies have multiple consequences, includ-
ing effects on maternal and infant health, socioeconomic
status, and economic opportunities (Termpittayapaisith &
Peek, 2013). In addition, around 40% (n = 26,430) of teen-
agers buy condoms at the drug store and only 25% reported
that they received them from health care providers (Bureau
of Epidemiology, 2013). According to regulations on
abortion from 2005, a woman may seek an abortion for
either physical or mental health reasons; however, in the
1
Mälardalen University, Västerås, Eskilstuna Sweden
2
Prachomklao College of Nursing, Phetchaburi, Thailand
3
Boromarajonani College of Nursing, Udon Thani, Thailand
4
Boromarajonani College of Nursing, Uttraradit, Thailand
Corresponding Author:
Atcharawadee Sriyasak, School of Health, Care and Social Welfare,
Mälardalen University, P.O. Box 883, Västerås 721 23, Sweden.
Email: atcharawadee.sriyasak@mdh.se
Sriyasak et al.
latter case, two physicians must agree that the procedure is
necessary (Praditpan & Chaturachinda, 2016). Since the
end of 2014, legal medical abortion is possible also for
teenagers, under the strict control of the Ministry of Public
Health (2015), but teenagers younger than age 18 need
parental consent. However, terminating a pregnancy is
still viewed as a serious sin and as a destruction of human
life according to Buddhist beliefs. Buddhists believe that
life is a link in a chain of continuous rebirths in humans,
depending on the deeds in this life or karma from previous
lives (Choowattanapakorn, 1999). In other words, to carry
out good deeds brings good luck, but doing bad deeds has
evil consequences. According to Buddhist doctrine, an
expectant Thai father should not kill animals, since killing
is considered sinful and might harm the unborn baby
(Sansiriphan, Kantaruksa, Klunklin, Baosuang, & Jordan,
2010). Buddha taught Sad lok yom pen pai tam karma,
which means that people are responsible for their actions.
Becoming a father for the first time might cause great
changes in a man’s identity and lifestyle. Teenage fathers
must strive to balance two competing roles: the teenage
role and the father role. Thai expectant first-time fathers
reported wanting to be a good father and to modify their
behaviors in order to have a perfect family (Sansiriphan
et al., 2010).
Gender Within Families
The roles, responsibilities, and functions of parenting are
changing. The task and responsibility of providing for
one’s family financially has traditionally been assigned to
fathers; conversely, the task and responsibility of provid-
ing child care has traditionally been assigned to mothers
(Maurer & Pleck, 2006). Men are expected not only to be
family breadwinners but also to participate in child care
tasks with the mother (Henwood & Procter, 2003; Lamb,
2010; Premberg, Hellström, & Berg, 2008). Lamb (2010)
conceptualized paternal involvement as comprising three
parts: engagement, accessibility, and responsibility.
Engagement concerns fathers’ direct contact with their
child through shared activities. Accessibility refers to
fathers’ availability for interaction with their child,
whether this interaction occurs. Responsibility refers to
the role of fathers in ensuring their child’s needs are taken
care of, such as by taking the child to day care or provid-
ing for the child financially.
In the Nordic countries, policy makers have strongly
supported shared or equal parenting. The Swedish model
encompasses a family policy which encourages shared
child care between mothers and fathers (Almqvist &
Dahlgren, 2013). Increased father involvement is also the
case in the United States, although not to the same extent as
in the Nordic countries. One study reported that while being
a “good” father was still connected to being a breadwinner,
1369
men were also expected to shoulder more responsibility for
child care (Marks & Palkovitz, 2004). In another study,
teenage fathers stated that providing for the family was the
primary role of fathers (Paschal, Lewis-Moss, & Hsiao,
2011). However, 77% of teenage fathers in another U.S.
study would not raise their child the same way they had
been raised themselves (Lemay, Cashman, Elfenbein, &
Felice, 2010). The major focus for many fathers in the
United Kingdom was described as shouldering the provider
burden for their families (Chin, Hall, & Daiches, 2011).
In Asia, the breadwinner role remains important for
men’s identities, and men’s involvement in caregiving
activities still remains low compared with Western societ-
ies (Yeung, 2013). Although many traditional elements of
family organization are changing, the family is still the
source of how Thai children learn codes of behavior that
guide them throughout their later life (Limanonda, 1995).
Thai society adheres to the Buddhist religion, which
emphasizes harmony, compassion, caring for others, and
responsibility. The core ideology of family roles and duties
has remained relatively constant (Hoffman, Demo, &
Edwards, 1994; Yoddumnern-Attig, 1992). Traditionally,
Thai fathers have been expected to be leaders and protec-
tors of the family as well as providers, whereas Thai moth-
ers have been expected to be housewives and to take care
of the children (Yoddumnern-Attig, 1992). Girls and boys
have different roles and are differently treated in Thai cul-
ture through direct and indirect messages conveyed by par-
ents and relatives. Teenagers have reported that women
perform most of the household work. Outdoor chores and
typical labor tasks such as farming, carrying water, and
cutting down trees are reserved for men (Soonthorndhada
et al., 2005).
Since 2008, governmental campaigns in Thailand
have introduced parenting classes to prepare parents for
their new role and to encourage men to be involved in
child rearing (Ministry of Public Health, 2012). Couples
who work as government officials, state enterprise
employees, and private employees have 90 days of mater-
nity leave and, from 2010, 15 days of paternity leave
(Department of Labour Protection and Welfare, 1998).
This policy does not cover agricultural work, and teenag-
ers younger than 15 years of age are not allowed to work.
Those who are 15 to 18 years old are allowed to work if it
is not harmful to their health (Department of Labour
Protection and Welfare, 1998). In line with this, most
teenage fathers paid more attention to the traditional gen-
der role of breadwinning than to deepening their involve-
ment in child rearing. Teenage fathers and adult fathers
have been reported to be equal when it came to sharing
child-rearing responsibilities with partners (Sriyasak,
Almqvist, Sridawruang, & Häggström-Nordin, 2015).
Several studies have mentioned the relationship
between masculinity, paid work, and housework (Cooper,
1370
2000; Hoang & Yeoh, 2011; Townsend, 2002), drawing on
the classic theoretical formulation of Connell (1992,
1995). Connell (1995) and others (Brines, 1994; Show &
Gerstel, 2009) suggest that men’s involvement in gender
relations at home, especially parenting, provides an impor-
tant (re)construction and expression of various masculini-
ties. Masculinity can be exemplified by two major models
for how men combine family and paid work (Gerson,
2010; Show & Gerstel, 2009): the neotraditional model of
masculinity in which men put their breadwinning first and
rely on their partners for caregiving (Gerson, 2010) and
the egalitarian model, which entails sharing child care or
household responsibilities and paid work equally with
their partner. Men living by the latter model want to have
a modern lifestyle regarding gender issues (Cooper, 2000;
Damaske, Ecklund, Lincoln, & White, 2014). Research
from the United States and Thailand indicates that fathers
are expected to be the main provider of the family (Paschal
et al., 2011; Yoddumnern-Attig, 1992). In addition, their
parental involvement depends on the policy and cultural
context. Meanings and ideologies of fatherhood are
shaped and constructed by societal and cultural processes
(Cooper, 2000).
The transition to fatherhood is a period of multiple
changes. Furthermore, studies on parenting have devoted
more attention to mothers than fathers. Therefore, many
aspects of non-Western culture in upper-middle income
countries (World Bank, 2016) like Thailand need to be
explored and understood from the point of view of teen-
age fathers during their partner’s pregnancy and early
fatherhood. Little is known about how Thai men think
and reflect about fatherhood; therefore, the aim of this
grounded theory study was to answer the question: How
do Thai teenage fathers reason about becoming and
being a father from a gender equality perspective?
Method
Study Design
Grounded theory methodology was used to gain a deeper
understanding of how participants reasoned about becom-
ing and being a father from a gender perspective.
Grounded theory methodology is well suited for investi-
gating complex multifaceted phenomena such as social
issues. The purpose of grounded theory is to comprehend
people’s feelings, behaviors, and actions, and to describe
the stages, phases, and processes of a particular experi-
ence (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
Study Setting and Participants
The participants were recruited either through a district
hospital or at primary health care centers in a rural
American Journal of Men’s Health 12(5)
province in Western Thailand, chosen because it has one
of the highest adolescent birthrates (Ministry of Public
Health, 2015). The inclusion criteria were being a first-
time father, being younger than 20 years of age, and
cohabiting with one’s partner. When the first interview
was finalized, the initial analysis started and new partici-
pants were selected with different ages, geographical loca-
tions, socioeconomic status, and educational level, to
introduce more variety into the sample (Glaser & Strauss,
1967). Selection of a heterogeneous group of Thai fathers
continued until saturation was reached (n = 25). All were
cohabiting with their partner in an extended family, except
one who lived in a nuclear family. Participants’ ages
ranged from 16 to 19 years (Mean = 17.27 years) and all
were Buddhists. More details about demographic charac-
teristics of the participants are presented in Table 1.
Interviews were conducted by the first author in Thai; they
lasted about 45 to 60 minutes and were recorded with a
digital recorder. Participants could choose where to be
interviewed, and in most cases, they chose a calm place in
their home. The data were collected on two different occa-
sions: during the second trimester of pregnancy and when
the baby was 5 to 6 months old. The second trimester was
the time when they began bonding with the fetus (Draper,
2002); the period after childbirth was chosen to give par-
ticipants time to become accustomed to fatherhood, since
parental involvement for first-time fathers has been
reported to increase gradually between 3 and 6 months
postpartum (Ohashi & Asano, 2012).
Procedure and Data Analysis
The interview guide was developed from the research
question and tested in a pilot study with three teenage
fathers. The semistructured interview guide served as an
aid in the interview process (Table 2). The processes of
collecting and coding data took place in parallel, as is
characteristic of grounded theory. The procedures for
data analysis followed the work of Strauss and Corbin
(1990). Interviews were transcribed verbatim into Thai,
and NVivo10 was used to organize data (QSR
International, 2010). The first step in the analysis was
open coding; the first author reviewed the transcripts and
field notes and wrote memos on concepts that emerged
between the initial defining of categories and the first
draft of the completed analysis. A professional interpreter
translated the open coding from Thai to English. The non-
Thai speaking authors read and commented on part of the
interviews. The process of open coding was double
checked by both Thai coauthors to reduce the common
risk of translation distortion (Squires, 2008). Similar con-
cepts were grouped through data reconceptualization into
a more abstract level called a category (axial coding),
summarizing the content (Table 3).
Sriyasak et al. 1371

Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants. the concepts relating to the core category. In the last step,
a preliminary model was formed by relating categories
Characteristics n (%)
together (Figure 1). Both memos and diagrams were use-
Age (years; M = 17.27, SD = 1.10) ful in all stages of the analytical process.
16 4 (16.0)
17 7 (28.0)
18 6 (24.0) Research Ethics
19 8 (32.0) This study was approved by the Ethical Committee of the
(Min-max) (16-19) Public Health Office in the relevant province in Western
Educational background Thailand (PB0027.005/3539) and by the Swedish Ethical
Primary school (Grades 1-6) 4 (16.0) Board in Uppsala (Dnr. 2012/556).
Secondary school (Grades 7-9) 19 (76.0)
Vocational college 2 (8.0)
Educational status Results
Dropped out of school when 1(4.0)
partner got pregnant Core Category
Continued studying 2 (8.0) The core category, “Male breadwinners involved in par-
Did not continue studying 22 (88.0) enting,” encompasses all data from the interviews with
Working status the participants when they made the transition from being
Unemployed 3 (12.0) solely a teenager to being a teenage father (see Figure 1).
Employed 22 (88.0) Most of the pregnancies were unplanned, but the fathers
Family size
accepted the unintended pregnancy and took on the
Nuclear family 1 (4.0)
breadwinning responsibility. The participants prepared
Extended family 24 (96.0)
for fatherhood when becoming a father and changed their
   Teenage mother’s family 16 (64.0)
lifestyles accordingly. In most cases, their families pro-
   Teenage father’s family 9 (36.0)
Marital status
vided support. Nevertheless, the teenagers tried to man-
Married during pregnancy 1 (4.0) age the father role and sought to avoid further unplanned
Cohabiting 24 (96.0) parenthood. In the analysis, the transition to fatherhood
Child-rearing experience was shaped by the societal context, including factors such
Yes 6 (24.0) as family, lifestyles and social values, traditions, religion,
No 19 (76.0) educational system, legal regulations, and the gendered
Birth control patterns within the family.
Uses condom, not consistently 22 (88.0)
No 3 (12.0)
Acceptance of Unintended Fatherhood
Monthly income (US$/month)
No income 6 (24.0) In the couples where the pregnancy was unintended, all
166-333 13 (52.0) fathers accepted it and took on the responsibility of being
>333 6 (24.0) a father because their partner’s pregnancy was already a
fact. The decision to keep the baby was based on legal
regulations, the significance of Buddhist beliefs, and
The second step, axial coding provided a holistic view societal expectations to show responsibility.
of the findings, describing “causal conditions, actions,
intervening conditions, and consequences” (Strauss & Lack of Concern About Contraception. Most of the partici-
Corbin, 1990, pp. 96-97). “Causal condition” refers to an pants were unconcerned about contraception because
event that leads to the occurrence of some phenomenon. they had had sexual intercourse many times without their
“Action/interaction” refers to the strategies devised to partner becoming pregnant. Some participants, however,
handle a phenomenon under a specific set of perceived reported that their partner got pregnant even though they
conditions. “Intervening conditions” help facilitate the used a condom, as one father-to-be stated as follows: “We
strategies taken within a specific context. “Consequences” had sexual intercourse many times; sometimes I used a
are outcomes or results of actions and interactions. The condom and I didn’t think that she would get pregnant”
constant comparative method of analysis was performed (F 17).
while coding and analyzing the data; the author looked
for patterns by comparing incident with incident, incident Realizing the Significance of Buddhist Beliefs. All the teen-
with category, and participant with participant. During age fathers were Buddhists and reflected on the reli-
the third step, selective coding was performed to select gious principles embedded in Thai culture. Most were
1372 American Journal of Men’s Health 12(5)

Table 2. Core Questions, Excerpts From the Two Interview Guides.

Concept Interview questions

1.  During pregnancy (teenage fathers’
thoughts and reflections from
the news of pregnancy up to the
second trimester)
2.  After childbirth (teenage fathers’
thoughts and reflections after
childbirth and the baby is aged 5-6
months)
(a)  Please tell me about your feelings when you first learned that your
partner was pregnant? How did you make the decision to keep the baby?
(b)  Has something changed in your life since your partner got pregnant? If so
what could that be? How do you deal with these changes in your life?
(c)  What do you think it will be like to be a father? What are your plans for
yourself after your partner has given birth?
(a) Could you describe your thoughts about yourself as becoming a father?
(b)  What does gender equality mean to you? Do you think that gender
equality has changed? In what way?
(c)  Please tell me about activities when you take care of your baby? How do
you share child care between the father and the mother?
(d) Could it have been share housework between you and your girlfriend?

Table 3. Examples of Citations, Open Coding, Subcategories or Variations Within Categories, and Categories Emerging From
the Interviews.

Subcategories/variations
Citations Open coding within category Category
We had sexual intercourse many times; sometimes Not concerned Lack of concern about Acceptance of
I used a condom and I didn’t think that she would about using contraception unintended
get pregnant. contraception fatherhood
I have to keep the baby. The baby is our flesh and Religious belief Realizing the significance
blood and I didn’t think of getting an abortion; it’s make abortion of Buddhist beliefs
sinful or “bap.” I didn’t want to kill the fetus. sinful
When I found out that my girlfriend was pregnant, Traditional Thai Showing responsibility,
my parents told me to take responsibility and engagement as expected from a
they would talk with my girlfriend’s family about to avoid family traditional father
performing a traditional and informal Thai shame
engagement ceremony to save face for them
[girlfriend’s family].
I was impressed by my father, who was a good Impressed by Own father as a role Managing
father and took care of his family. I was raised his own father model fatherhood
very well and taught to be a good person, to as a good role
avoid alcohol and drugs. He took responsibility model
and did everything for the baby and the family.
We didn’t divide the chores. Mostly, I went to Work first, then Male breadwinner involved
work and she took care of the child and did take part in in parenting
housework. About washing dishes and cleaning, child care and
I helped her when I didn’t go to work. Mostly, household
in the evening I played with him [the baby] or work
sometimes helped him learn to walk.
I don’t want to have another child now. I have to Searching for Awareness of family
focus on caring for the first child. Having a child a reliable planning
increases the cost of living, so I told her to use contraceptive
contraceptive injections.

concerned about religious beliefs and therefore did not
want their partner to have an abortion. The participants
believed in a Buddhist sin called bap and looked on the
fetus as human being. As one father-to-be expressed as
follows: “I have to keep the baby. The baby is our flesh
and blood and I didn’t think of doing an abortion; it’s sin-
ful or ‘bap.’ I didn’t want to kill the fetus” (F 06).
Showing Responsibility as Expected From a Traditional
Father. All participants felt that they should take respon-
sibility as is expected of a traditional father and accepted
the unintended pregnancy. The participants also followed
a societal tradition recommended in Thailand, a cere-
mony for a couple which is a part of a wedding. By fol-
lowing this tradition, the participants helped the partner’s
Sriyasak et al.
Figure 1. The process of transition to fatherhood among Thai teenage fathers.
family accept the pregnancy. For instance, a father-to-be
reported as follows:
When I found out that my partner was pregnant, my parents
told me to take responsibility and they would talk to my
partner’s family about performing a [traditional and
informal] Thai engagement ceremony to save face for them
[the partner’s family]. (F 09)
1373
Preparation for Fatherhood
The teenage fathers reflected on adjusting to becoming a
father, which involved new duties and coping with a
changed lifestyle. Bonding with the fetus during their
partner’s pregnancy gave them a sense of being a father,
as did support to their partner during pregnancy and
childbirth.
1374
Sense of Being a Father. The participants bonded with the
fetus when they felt fetal movements. Most of them
reported truly understanding the meaning of the word
“Dad.” Some got this feeling during the first trimester,
some in the second trimester. One father-to-be reflected
as follows: “The word ‘Dad’ means something and I felt
a feeling of responsibility. For example, I feel attached to
the baby and will share the responsibility with my part-
ner” (F 04).
Transition and Change of Lifestyle. All participants faced
many other changes in their daily life when becoming a
father. For example, the participants changed from son to
father or from student to working person. They prepared
themselves to be a father by changing their behaviors and
adapting to their new situation. They attempted to cut
down on smoking or cease altogether, and stopped going
out drinking with friends as exemplified by this father:
I’ve changed my habits. For example, I was always out at
night and came back home in the morning. Now, I’ve
stopped going out, and work hard for my child and my
partner. I rarely smoke because my partner wants me to cut
down or stop. I plan to do what my partner asks. (F 22)
Support to Partner During Pregnancy and Childbirth. During
their partner’s pregnancy, most participants helped in tak-
ing care of her by nurturing her and providing emotional
support. Their reason for doing so was a concern for her
health. They took care of their partner during the prenatal
period, as this father told, “I took care of her by buying
good food and milk before I went to work. Moreover, I
prepared milk before bedtime and let her sleep with music
to reduce stress” (F 18). Furthermore, the young fathers
also supported in childbirth by taking their partner to the
hospital when she was in labor, as one father reported,
“When my partner had labor pains, I accompanied her to
the hospital. I also stayed with her for 2-3 days at the
postnatal ward” (F 07).
Managing Fatherhood
The ways teenage fathers managed their fatherhood
included having their own fathers as a role model, by
being breadwinners as their main responsibility, and they
also developed an awareness of family planning. The
main concern of most participants was first, being a
breadwinner and, second, taking care of the child.
Own Father as Role Model. After becoming a father, most
participants learned the fatherhood role by imitating the
example of their own fathers, which included choosing
to do good things. Many wanted, like their fathers, to be
American Journal of Men’s Health 12(5)
the main family breadwinner. One father reported as
follows:
I was impressed by my father, who was a good father and
took care of his family. I was raised very well and taught to
be a good person, to avoid alcohol and drugs. He took
responsibility, and did everything for the baby and the
family. (F 05)
Male Breadwinner Involved in Parenting. Most of the teen-
age fathers felt a societal pressure to be a breadwinner.
They worked hard to provide financial support for their
family. The fathers wanted their partners to take care of
the baby and manage the household economy. Most of
the teenage fathers cared for their child by playing and
talking with their babies after work or on days off. For
instance, a father stated as follows:
We didn’t divide the chores. Mostly, I went to work and she
took care of the child and did housework. About washing
dishes and cleaning, I helped her when I didn’t go to work.
Mostly, in the evening I played with him [the baby] or
sometimes helped him learn to walk. (F 17)
One father reported more involvement: “I helped my
partner to take care of her [the baby] in the evening or at
night such as preparing milk for feeding or changing a
diaper because I am going to work at daytime” (F 14).
When asked if the participants thought that child care
or housework would make them lose their masculinity,
most of the participants answered along the following
lines: “I don’t think that housework and child care made
me lose my masculinity. We have to help each other to
raise our child because he is our son” (F 03).
Awareness of Family Planning. The unplanned breadwinner
responsibility made the fathers aware of their own part in
parenthood by highlighting the importance of efficient
family planning. Most of the young fathers were con-
cerned about their living expenses and having to take
responsibility as a family breadwinner. One father
reported as follows: “I don’t want to have another child
now. I have to focus on caring for the first child. Having
a child increases the cost of living, so we plan to use con-
traceptive injections” (F 12).
A Supportive Family
The participants reported various forms of support from
their family both during their partner’s pregnancy and
after the baby was born. Families provided physical,
emotional, material, informational, and financial support.
For example, one father stated as follows: “I think my
Sriyasak et al.
partner’s mother is the most helpful person. She helped
by taking my partner to the antenatal clinic when I was at
work. She also sometimes offered me money when I was
short on it” (F 21). Interestingly, some participants were
concerned about raising the child independent from their
parents. One father reflected as follows:
I want to go to school but I’m afraid that no one will raise the
child because my partner has to continue school. I would
like to raise my child more independently. Because we have
our own family, we need to help ourselves as much as
possible. (F 02)
Discussion
The primary goal was to gain a deeper understanding of
how teenage fathers reason about becoming and being a
father from a gender equality perspective. The fathers
accepted the unintended pregnancy and took on the
breadwinning responsibility of a father. The participants
prepared for fatherhood when becoming a father and
changed their lifestyle accordingly. In most cases, their
families provided support. Nevertheless, the teenagers
tried to manage the father role and sought to avoid further
unplanned parenthood. The analysis revealed that the
transition to fatherhood was shaped by the societal con-
text, such as family, lifestyles and social values, tradi-
tions, religion, educational system, law, and the gender
pattern within the family.
The causal condition, “Acceptance of unintended
fatherhood,” addressed the participants’ experiences
starting from when they first learned that they were, unin-
tentionally, becoming fathers. Apart from being illegal,
religion was a reason for not wanting their partners to
have an abortion. Most of the fathers had previously been
unconcerned about contraception, but they recognized
the significance of Buddhist beliefs and showed responsi-
bility in accordance with Thai societal expectations of a
traditional father. This finding is supported by earlier
findings that teenage parenthood was associated with low
rates of contraceptive use (Termpittayapaisith & Peek,
2013). An English study investigating ethnic minority
young people also reported that becoming a young parent
resulted in taking increased responsibility (Higginbottom,
Mathers, Marsh, Kirkham, & Owen, 2005). Participants
also expressed feelings of maturity and concerns about
financial issues (Higginbottom et al., 2005).
In the current model, the subcategories: “Sense of
being a father,” “Transition and change of lifestyle,” and
“Support to partner during pregnancy and childbirth”
jointly constitute the category “Preparation for father-
hood,” reflecting strategies used by participants when
they unintentionally became fathers. These findings are
supported by results from a Thai study that first-time
1375
fathers modified their behaviors, for example, by taking
increased responsibility at home, economizing and sav-
ing, and reducing or quitting smoking and drinking
(Sansiriphan et al., 2010). A supportive family played a
vital role in the transition to fatherhood among the teen-
age fathers. These findings correspond with a previous
Thai study reporting that extended families assist in pro-
viding care when the teenage father lacks confidence in
doing activities with the infant (Chirawatkul et al., 2011).
In Thai society, younger persons have to show respect to
the elderly or authorities by listening, being obedient, fol-
lowing suggestions, and refraining from arguments.
These practices affect teenage boys’ self-confidence to
take on the new role as a father. However, some teenage
fathers wanted to be independent from his or his partner’s
parents, especially when it came to child rearing. Teenage
fathers are still in the process of forming their identity,
finding a direction in life (Steinberg, 2011).
There were also teenage fathers who managed father-
hood by using their “Own father as a role model,” “Male
breadwinner involved in parenting,” and “Awareness of
family planning.” The participants represented a new
generation, and after the transition to fatherhood, the
majority emphasized breadwinning first and, second, tak-
ing care of the child and housework. However, most of
participants did not think that engaging in caring for their
child or housework would make them lose their mascu-
linity. This is in accordance with the neotraditional model
of masculinity where men primarily are concerned about
their breadwinning role and rely on their partners for
caregiving (Gerson, 2010). Normally, many less edu-
cated, low-to-middle-class fathers must work long hours
to provide for their families (Marks & Palkovitz, 2004).
Because most teenage mothers stayed at home and there-
fore unavoidably were the primary caretaker and did the
housework, teenage men and women, in their roles as
parents, became unequal. As a result, teenage fathers
played quite a small role in child rearing. In line with this,
most teenage fathers paid more attention to the traditional
gender role of breadwinning than to deepening their
involvement in child rearing (Sriyasak et al., 2015). In
Thai society, as in many Asian countries, the notion of
fathers as breadwinners is still dominant (Chin et al.,
2011; Chirawatkul et al., 2011; Yeung, 2013). The subcat-
egory, “Awareness of family planning,” illustrates that
most of the teenage fathers were keen to use an effective
contraceptive to allow space between possible future
children.
It is interesting to note the development among fathers-
to-be from lack of concern about contraception to aware-
ness of family planning, including spacing of children,
when becoming a father. Most of the teenage fathers real-
ized the increased cost of living when having to take
responsibility as a main provider. It is important for health
1376
care providers to inform young men about contraceptive
use in order to prevent unintended pregnancies.
Strengths and Limitations of the Study
The use of grounded theory as the methodological
approach added strength to this study. In order to
strengthen methodological trustworthiness, the researcher
used a reflexive process to provide a way to control bias
and be aware of preconceptions. Hence, a useful prelimi-
nary model was generated from the study. The findings
help fill knowledge gaps about teenage fathers in rural
Thailand, and could be employed as baseline data for pro-
viding services that meet the needs of teenage fathers in
the near future. Data trustworthiness followed Lincoln
and Guba’s (1999) work. Credibility and dependability
were confirmed as the first author read the transcript and
coded the data independently before discussing codes and
preliminary categories with the fourth author, who is an
expert in grounded theory, until they estimated that more
than 90% agreement was reached. To further enhance
credibility before the second interview, the analysis pro-
cess was discussed with team authors until consensus was
reached, and dependability was achieved through mem-
ber checking, asking participants to give feedback on the
transcript from the first interview. The study was designed
to collect data from the same teenage fathers at different
points in time. This was done to determine the congru-
ence of the studied phenomenon over time. The researcher
kept the raw data, memos and field notes, data reduction
and analysis products, data reconstruction and synthesis
products, process notes, and existing relevant literature to
improve the confirmability of the results. Using theoreti-
cal sampling helped obtain transferability, which refers to
findings in the study that can explain similar situations.
This study recruited cohabiting teenage fathers in a rural
area that has one of the highest adolescent birthrates in
Thailand. The construction of the emerging model could
have been different if the authors had interviewed teenage
fathers living in other contexts (e.g., living in an urban
area, living in an area with low teenage pregnancy birth-
rates, or living in a nuclear family, etc.). Another limita-
tion was that all the participants lived in an extended
family; furthermore, they all lived in the same geographi-
cal area in Thailand, limiting the possibility to transfer
the results to other parts of the country. In future research,
it might be useful to include the perspectives of both teen-
age mothers and fathers, since they influence each other’s
thoughts and reflections.
Conclusion
The purpose of this study was to capture how Thai teen-
age fathers reason about becoming and being a father
American Journal of Men’s Health 12(5)
from a gender equality perspective. The study addressed
causal conditions, action/interaction strategies, interven-
ing conditions, and consequences within the sociocultural
contexts, including factors such as family, lifestyles and
social values, traditions, religion, education system, gen-
der patterns within the family, and the law. Three catego-
ries emerged, namely, acceptance of unintended
fatherhood, preparation for fatherhood, and managing
fatherhood, which cover the transition experiences from
receiving the news of pregnancy until the baby was 5 to 6
months old.
A preliminary model was developed to illustrate the
basic social process. “Male breadwinners involved in
parenting” illustrates how the Thai teenage fathers adapt
to the situation by changing their lifestyle and strive to
care for their families, primarily by taking on the bread-
winner role but also taking care of the child and doing
housework. It provides useful information for health care
providers to gain a deeper understanding of teenage
fathers’ experiences of becoming a father and to provide
care tailored to their specific needs. The couples’ families
play a vital role in helping teenage fathers successfully
pass through this transition. Professionals are recom-
mended to provide health education for teenage fathers,
especially from pregnancy until the child-rearing period.
Services for this particular group should be launched and
organized systematically to enhance the quality of care
for teenage fathers and to promote the infant’s well-being
and future development.
This study aims at contributing to the number of very
few qualitative studies that are starting to investigate
teenage fathers from a gender perspective lens of non-
Western culture in upper-middle income countries. Future
research could be explorative from a cross-cultural per-
spective, meaning that the next step could be employing
the model in different contexts.
Acknowledgments
The authors are grateful to the teenage fathers for their partici-
pation in this study.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with
respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial sup-
port for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this arti-
cle: The authors are grateful to Praboromarajchanok Institute
for Health Workforce Development; the Ministry of Public
Health, Thailand; Prachomklao College of Nursing, Phetchaburi,
Thailand; and the Women’s Health and Reproductive Rights
Foundation of Thailand for partial financial support.
Sriyasak et al. 1377

References Higginbottom, G., Mathers, N., Marsh, P., Kirkham, M., &
Owen, J. (2005). An exploration of the teenage parent-
Almqvist, A.-L., & Dahlgren, L. (2013). Swedish fathers’
ing experiences of black and minority ethnic young peo-
motives for parental leave take-up in different scenarios. In
ple in England: Final report (the University of Sheffield,
E. Oinonen & K. Repo (Eds.), Women, men and children
Sheffield). Retrieved from http://webarchive.nationalar-
in families: Private troubles and public issue (pp. 91-112).
chives.gov.uk/20130401151715/http://www.education.
Tampere, Finland: Tampere University Press.
gov.uk/publications/eOrderingDownload/RW41.pdf
Brines, J. (1994). Economic dependency, gender, and the divi-
Hoang, L. A., & Yeoh, B. S. A. (2011). Breadwinning wives
sion of labor at home. American Journal of Sociology, 100,
and “left-behind” husbands: Men and masculinities in the
652-688.
Vietnamese transnational family. Gender & Society, 25,
Bureau of Epidemiology. (2013). Surveillance of behaviours
717-739. doi:10.1177/0891243211430636
related to HIV/AIDS infection in Thai students. Nonthaburi,
Hoffman, K. L., Demo, D. H., & Edwards, J. N. (1994). Physical
Thailand: Author.
wife abuse in a non-Western society: An integrated theo-
Chin, R., Hall, P., & Daiches, A. (2011). Fathers’ experiences
retical approach. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 56,
of their transition to fatherhood: A metasynthesis. Journal
131-146.
Reproductive Infant Psychology, 29, 4-18. doi:10.1080/02
Jahan, N. (2008). Teenage marriage and educational continua-
646838.2010.513044
tion in Thailand. Journal of Population and Social Studies,
Chirawatkul, S., Rungreangkulkij, S., Jong-Udomkarn, D.,
17, 135-156.
Sawangchareon, K., Anusornteerakul, S., Wattananukulkiat,
Lamb, M. E. (2010). The role of the father in child development
S., . . . Charoenwong, S. (2011). Prevention of and dealing
(5th ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley.
with teenage pregnancy. KhonKaen, Thailand: Centre for
Lemay, C. A., Cashman, S. B., Elfenbein, D. S., & Felice, M.
Research and Training on Gender and Women’s Health,
E. (2010). A qualitative study of the meaning of fatherhood
KhonKaen University.
among young urban fathers. Public Health Nursing, 27,
Choowattanapakorn, T. (1999). The social situation in Thailand:
221-231. doi:10.1111/j.1525-1446.2010.00847.x
The impact on elderly people. International Journal of
Limanonda, B. (1995). Families in Thailand: Beliefs and rela-
Nursing Practice, 5, 95-99.
tives. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 16(1), 68-82.
Connell, R. W. (1992). A very straight gay: Masculinity, homo-
Lincoln, Y., & Guba, E. (1999). Establishing trustworthiness.
sexual experience, and the dynamics of gender. American
In A. Bryman & R. G. Burgess (Eds.), Qualitative research
Sociological Review, 57, 735-751.
(pp. 397-434). London, England: Sage.
Connell, R. W. (1995). Masculinities. Berkeley: University of
Marks, L., & Palkovitz, R. (2004). American fatherhood types: The
California Press.
good, the bad, and the uninterested. Fathering, 2, 113-129.
Cooper, M. (2000). Being the “go-to guy”: Fatherhood, mas-
Maurer, T. W., & Pleck, J. H. (2006). Fathers’ caregiving and
culinity, and the organization of work in Silicon Valley.
breadwinning: A gender congruence analysis. Psychology
Qualitative Sociology, 23, 379-405.
of Men & Masculinity, 7, 101-112.
Damaske, S., Ecklund, E. H., Lincoln, A. E., & White,
Ministry of Public Health. (2012). Key performance indica-
V. J. (2014). Male scientists’ competing devotions to
tor. Retrieved from http://healthdata.moph.go.th/kpi/2554/
work and family: Changing norms in a male-domi-
KpiDetail.php?topic_id=22
nated profession. Work and Occupation, 41, 477-507.
Ministry of Public Health. (2015). Policies to prevent and
doi:10.1177/0730888414539171
resolve teenage pregnancy. Nonthaburi, Thailand: Author.
Department of Labour Protection and Welfare. (1998). Labour
Nicaise, I., Tonguthai, P., & Fripont, I. (2000). School drop-
Protection Act B.E. 2541. Retrieved from http://www.mol.
out in Thailand: Causes and remedies. Leuven, Belgium:
go.th/sites/default/files/images/jpg/01.pdf
University of Leuven.
Draper, J. (2002). It’s the first scientific evidence: Men’s expe-
Ohashi, Y., & Asano, M. (2012). Transition to early parent-
rience of pregnancy confirmation. Issues and Innovation in
hood, and family functioning relationships in Japan: A lon-
Nursing Practice, 39, 563-570.
gitudinal study. Nursing & Health Science, 14, 140-147.
Gerson, K. (2010). The unfinished revolution: Coming of age
Paschal, A. M., Lewis-Moss, R. K., & Hsiao, T. (2011).
in a new era of gender, work, and family. New York, NY:
Perceived fatherhood roles and parenting behaviors among
Oxford University Press.
African American teen fathers. Journal of Adolescent
Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. L. (1967). The discovery of grounded
Research, 26, 61-83. doi:10.1177/0743558410384733
theory: Strategies for qualitative research. New York, NY:
Praditpan, P., & Chaturachinda, K. (2016, January 29). Doctors
Aldine.
must heed abortion needs. Bangkok Post. Retrieved from
Health Intervention and Technology Assessment Program.
http://m.bangkokpost.com/opinion/844176?refer=https%3
(2013). Adolescent pregnancy in Thailand 2013. Retrieved
A%2F%2Fwww.google.co.th%2F
from http://www.hitap.net/…/adolescent_pregnancy_rep_
Premberg, Å., Hellström, A. L., & Berg, M. (2008). Experiences
online.pdf
of the first year as father. Scandinavian Journal Caring
Henwood, K., & Procter, J. (2003). The “good father”: Reading
Science, 22, 56-63. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6712.2007.00584.x
men’s accounts of paternal involvement during the transition
Pungbangkadee, R. (2008). Experiences of early motherhood
to first-time fatherhood. British Journal Social Psychology,
among Thai adolescents: Perceiving conflict between
42, 337-355. doi:10.1348/014466603322438198
1378
needs as a mother and an adolescent. Thai Journal Nursing
Research, 12, 70-82.
QSR International. (2010). NVivo (Version 10) [Computer
software]. Melbourne, Victoria: Australia.
Sansiriphan, N., Kantaruksa, K., Klunklin, A., Baosuang, C., &
Jordan, P. (2010). Thai men becoming a first-time father.
Nursing & Health Science, 12, 403-409. doi:10.1111/
j.1442-2018.2010.00549.x
Show, C., & Gerstel, N. (2009). Fathering, class, and gender: A
comparison of physicians and emergency medical techni-
cians. Gender & Society, 23, 161-187.
Soonthorndhada, A., Kittisuksathit, S., Punpuing, S.,
Varangrat, A., Malhotra, A., Curran, S. R., & Martin, S.
B. (2005). Youth at odds: Thai youth’s precarious futures
in a globalized world. Nakhon Pathom, Thailand: Institute
for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University.
Squires, A. (2008). Language barriers and qualitative nurs-
ing research: Methodological considerations. International
Nursing Review, 55, 265-273. doi:10.1111/j.1466-7657.
2008.00652.x
Sriyasak, A., Almqvist, A.-L., Sridawruang, C., & Häggström-
Nordin, E. (2015). Father role: A comparison between
teenage and adult first-time fathers in Thailand. Nursing &
Health Science, 17, 377-386. doi:10.1111/nhs.12200
American Journal of Men’s Health 12(5)
Steinberg, L. (2011). Adolescence (9th ed.). New York, NY:
McGraw-Hill.
Strauss, A. L., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative
research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques.
Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Termpittayapaisith, A., & Peek, C. (2013). Motherhood in
childhood: Facing the challenge of adolescent pregnancy.
Retrieved from http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/thailand/
drive/CONTENT_ENG_draft_6.pdf
Townsend, N. W. (2002). The package deal: Marriage, work,
and fatherhood in men’s lives. Philadelphia, PA: Temple
University Press.
World Bank. (2016). Country and lending groups. Retrieved
from http://data.worldbank.org/about/country-and-lending-
groups#Upper_middle_income
Yeung, W. J. J. (2013). Asian fatherhood. Journal of Family
Issues, 34, 143-160. doi:10.1177/0192513X12461133
Yoddumnern-Attig, B. (1992). Thai family structure and orga-
nization changing roles and duties in historical perspective.
In B. Yoddumnern-Attig, K. Richter, A. Soonthorndnada,
C. Sethaput, & A. Pramuatratana (Eds.), Changing role
and statuses of women in Thailand: A documentary assess-
ment (pp. 8-24). Nakhon Pathom, Thailand: Institute for
Population and Social Research, Mahidol University.