Ramage, E.S. Augustus' Propaganda in Spain

Ε. S.
RAMAGE (Bloomington)
Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
From early in his military and political career, Augustus was fully aware of the strategic
and economic importance of Spain for the Roman Empire and for himself. 1 N o doubt
his interest was stirred in 4 5 B.C. when he joined Caesar there. 2 Just three years later he
gained control of this province and retained it in the reshuffling of power that took
place in 4 0 B.C., 3 so that it ultimately became part o f his power base in his struggle with
Antony. 4
Perhaps to some extent before Actium, but certainly in the years after, Augustus set
out to complete the Romanization of the West and bring about its final integration into
the Empire. A n important part o f this process was establishing a strong positive perso-
nal influence on and presence in Gaul, Spain, and Africa. 5 To do this, he promoted and
developed an extensive program of propaganda based ultimately in panegyric of the ab-
solute ruler. The purpose in what follows is to look closely at the phenomenon as it
1 Besides the standard abbreviations, the following will be used in the notes:
Blazquez: J. M. Blazquez, Estado de la romanizacion de Hispania baja Cesar y Augusto, Emerita 30,
1962, 71-129.
CA 1: Symposion de ciudades augusteas, Zaragoza 1976 (Bimilenario de Zaragoza).
CA 2: Symposion de cuidades augusteas II, Zaragoza 1976 (Bimilenario de la colonia Caesaraugusta).
EREP: A Garcia y Bellido, Esculturas romanas de Espana y Portugal, Madrid 1949.
Etienne: R. Etienne, Le culte imperial dans la peninsule iberique d'Auguste ä Diocletien, Paris 1958
(BEFAR 191).
Galsterer: H. Galsterer, Untersuchungen zum römischen Städtewesen auf der iberischen Halbinsel, Berlin
1971 (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abt. Madrid, Madrider Forschungen 8).
Garcia: A. Garcia y Bellido, Las colonias romanas de Hispania, AHDE 29, 1959, 447—512.
Kienast: D. Kienast, Augustus. Prinzeps und Monarch, Darmstadt 1982.
PECS: The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, R. Stillwell (ed.), Princeton 1976.
Pidal: R. Menendez Pidal et al., Historia de Espana 2. Espana romana (218a. de J. C.—414 de J. C.)2,
Madrid 1982.
RIC: C. Η. V Sutherland — R. A. G. Carson, The Roman Imperial Coinage2, London 1984, 1,
41—51, Nos. 1 — 153 (Spanish coins of Augustus).
RPC: A. Burnett — N. Amandry — P. P. Ripolles, Roman Provincial Coinage. Volume 1 from the
Death of Caesar to the Death of Vitellius (44 B.C.-A.D. 69), London/Paris 1992, 63-145.
Trillmich: Stadtbild und Ideologie. Die Monumentalisierung hispanischer Städte zwischen Republik und
Kaiserzeit, W Trillmich - Ρ Zanker (eds.), München 1990 (ABAW N. F. 103).
Vittinghoff: F. Vittinghoff, Römische Kolonisation und Bürgerrechtspolitik unter Caesar und Augustus,
Wiesbaden 1952 (AAWM 1951, 14).
2 Suet. Aug. 8.1.
3 Cass. Dio 48.1.3, 28.4.
4 Cass. Dio 50.6.3-4; Aug. RG 25.2.
5 His propaganda in Gaul: E. S. Ramage, Augustus' Propaganda in Gaul, Klio 79/1, 1997, 117—160.
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K I J O 80 (1998) 2 435
appears in Spain — to examine the methods used, the themes developed, and the effects
achieved.
Although texts are scarce, the coins, inscriptions, and archaeological remains combine
to provide a reasonable picture of the propaganda that blanketed Spain under Augustus.
And a glance at these sources suggests a number of topics for consideration: (1) The
Augustan presence in Spain; (2) the major themes of this propaganda; (3) Augustus and
his personal virtues; and (4) as a kind of climax to this propaganda and panegyric, the
establishment of the worship of the emperor during his lifetime.
I. The Augustan Presence in Spain

Spain became part of the Augustan scheme early and it had an important part to play in
Octavian's Western alliance against Antony. During the years before Actium, he does not
seem to have evinced the same personal interest in this province as he did in Gaul, but
the situation soon changed. In the mid-20's he and his generals campaigned against the
rebellious peoples here; he followed up this military activity with an administrative visit
between 16 and 13 B.C.; he or his agents minted an official imperial coinage in Spain
and allowed an extensive local provincial coinage. Most important of all, he began a
broad program of founding and refounding colonies and establishing peregrine centers.
In each case there was serious reinforcement of the emperor's presence that became part
of the propaganda that he wished to disseminate.
Λ. The Military Campaigns

After the victory at Actium, Baetica came under the supervision of the Senate and Ro-
man people, while Augustus retained control of the rest of Spain, apparently because,
like Gallia Comata, it needed his personal pacifying and civilizing attention. As early as
27 B.C. he went there to establish order and the next year returned to begin a two-year
campaign against the Cantabri and Astures. 6 The troubles were finally brought to an end
by Agrippa in 19 B.C., when he defeated the Cantabri decisively, though not with ease.7
A good part of Augustus' interest in Spain in the 20's, then, was military. His primary
purpose was to bring all Spain finally under Roman control, but he must also have had
in mind establishing a presence for himself as a successful leader in war. With this he
was in a strong Roman tradition. At least five of the governors before him had celebra-
ted triumphs and Augustus joined this group when he was offered one.8 This image of
the emperor as a victorious leader is an important theme in his Spanish propaganda, and
his victories and those of his generals brought the message home from close at hand.
There are other indications of the importance of the actions of these years in Au-
gustus' thinking. He drew in the members of his family as participants. Tiberius and Mar-
6 Cass. Dio 53.22.5, 25.2, 5 - 8 ; cf. Liv. per. 135; Suet. Aug. 20, 2 1 . 1 , 8 1 . 1 . On the Cantabrian War: Pidal
2,1,169—92; F. Diego Santos, tr. R. Schwartz, Die Integration Nord- und Nordwestspaniens als römische
Provinz in der Reichspolitik des Augustus. Von der konsularischen zur hispanischen Ära, in: A N R W 2, 3,
1975, 523—71; A. Rodriguez Colmenero, Augusto e Hispania. Conquista y organizacion del norte peninsu-
lar, Bilbao 1979 (Cuadernos de arquelogia de Deusto. Seminario de arquelogia 7).
7 Cass. Dio 5 4 . 1 1 . 2 - 5 .
8 Triumphs before Augustus: Tr. Cap. 36, 34 B.C.; Tr. Barb. 33, 28, 26 B.C.; cf. R. Thouvenot, Essai sur la
province romaine de Betique, Paris 1940, (BEFAR 149) 152; L. A. Curchin, Roman Spain. Conquest and
Assimilation, New York 1991, 50. Augustus' triumph: Flor. 2.33.53; cf. Cass. Dio 53.26.5.

436 Ε. S. Ramai.k, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
cellus served in Spain in 25 B.C. and his son-in-law Agrippa was called upon to put
down the final major uprising. In this connection, it is also worth remembering that the
latter was active elsewhere during these years and after the wars served as Augustus'
representative in matters of patronage in places like Emerita and Gades. Finally, in A.D.
4 Lucius was on his way to Spain to join the Roman army when he died at Massilia. 9
The importance of the military activities of the 20's is also shown by the fact that
after returning to Rome Augustus closed the Temple of Janus, no doubt with the usual
ceremony and flourish, signalling the end of war throughout the Empire. He is careful to
mention this event in his Res Gestae, where he also pointedly includes pacifying Spain
and recovering Roman standards captured by the Spaniards among his military accom-
plishments. 10 And the significance of the Cantabrian Wars for his career is surely sug-
gested by the fact that he ended his autobiography with them. 11
Horace reveals the important place that Augustus' successes in Spain had in the cur-
rent propaganda in Rome. He describes the Cantabrians as fond of war and untrained in
bearing the Roman yoke, mentioning them in the same breath with the barbarian Syrtes
and the Scythians. 12 It is no wonder, then, that war with them meant savage fighting for
Augustus and his army. 13 For Horace, the emperor has become an ever-present protector
of Italy and Rome, since, along with other peoples, the Cantabrian, not previously tamed,
now stands in awe of him (.miratur) and the Gauls and the land of harsh Spain now
follow his orders (audit). Indeed, the Cantabrian, and old enemy from the Spanish shore,
has at last been subdued and enchained and plays the slave (servit). It is no wonder, then,
that Augustus, who is responsible for all this, can be compared with a triumphal Her-
cules as he returns victorious from the West. No one now need worry about war with
wild Spain as long as Caesar is safe. 14 Thus both in Spain and in Rome the emperor's
Spanish successes enabled him to build an image as a victorious leader.
Out in the province, however, the influence and presence of Augustus went beyond
victory and triumph. His stay at Tarraco in 26/25 must have made more than a purely
9 Tiberius and Marcellus: Suet. Tib. 9.1; Cass. Dio 53.26.1. Agrippa: Hor. epist. 1 . 1 2 . 2 6 - 2 7 ; Veil. 2.90.1;
Cass. Dio 54.11.2. Lucius: Veil. 2.102.3; Tac. ann. 1.3.3; Suet. Aug. 65.1; Cass. Dio 55.10a.9; cf. V. E.
Gardthausen, s. v. Iulius (Caesar), RE 19, 1917, 473, who says Lucius was to be in control of the West.
10 Aug. RG 13, 26.2, 29.1; cf. Cass. Dio 53.26.5. Oros. 6.21.11 says closing Janus was an honor (honorem) for
Augustus. Cf. H. Volkmann, Res gestae divi Augusti. Das Monumentum Ancyranum, Berlin 1964, 26 n. ad
13. It is likely that the Spanish standards were recovered from the Cantabrians in 25 B.C.; cf. Volkmann 50
η. ad 29.1.
11 Suet. Aug. 85.1. Ε. Malcovati, Imperatoris Caesaris Augusti operum fragmenta4, Turin 1962 (Corpus scrip-
torum latinorum paravianum) XLV1I, points out that 25 B.C. was the year in which Augustus ceased to
carry on war personally. This perhaps gave a certain logic to ending his Commentarii at this point; cf. J. M.
Carter, Suetonius. Divus Augustus, Bristol 1982, 197 n. ad loc.
12 Hor. c. 2.6.2—3, 11.1; cf. Anth. Pal. 7.376, where Crinagoras says Spain lay at the end of the world and had a
largely uncharted coastline. Strab. 3.4.16—17 describes the people on the north coast of Iberia as uncivilized.
13 Hor. epist. 1.18.54—55. He is speaking to Lollius.
14 Hor. c. 3 . 8 . 2 1 - 2 2 , 1 4 . 1 - 4 , 4.5.27-28, 1 4 . 4 1 - 4 3 , 4 9 - 5 0 . Liv. 28.12.12 points out the difficulty involved
in conquering Spain, observing that it held out until Augustus conquered it. Strab. 3.3.8, Flor. 2.33.59, and
Oros. 6.21.21 say that the defeat of the Cantabrians brought "everlasting peace" (Florus, Orosius) to Spain.
The panegyric overtones of these comments perhaps hint that the writers are influenced by the Augustan
propaganda. There must have been other indications of the importance of Spain in the Augustan scheme.
The inscription accompanying the dedication of a statue in the Forum of Augustus in Rome by the pro-
vince of Baetica (AE 1889 60 = ILS 103), for example, celebrates his pacification of that part of the
peninsula: Imp(eratori) Caesari Augusto p(atri) p(atnae) Hispania ulterior Baetica quod beneficio eius et perpetua cura
provinda pacata est.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 437
military impression on the inhabitants. The Elder Seneca's anecdote about his attending
the lawcourts shows him making his presence felt in other ways. 15 Again, Orosius gives a
vivid picture of the envoys from India and Scythia seeking him out here. 16 The mere fact
that they came so far to have an audience with him must have impressed the local
populace. And the pomp and ceremony involved in this event must also have had their
effect, especially if, as Orosius says, these officials from exotic lands so far away show-
ered him with the kind of praise that had been accorded to Alexander the Great. Indeed,
the extent to which Augustus impressed the population of Tarraco is surely demonstra-
ted by the fact that the city dedicated an altar to his worship. 17 And so the imperial
presence and the propaganda associated with it were making themselves felt in a number
of ways in this important part of Spain in the 20's B.C.
B. The Visit to Spain in 16-13 B.C.

Augustus' interest in this part, of the world continued long after the Astures and Canta-
bri were brought under Roman power. His visit to Gaul and Spain between 16 and 13
B.C. was administrative rather than military. Continuing pacification and Romanization
were uppermost in his thinking. The details of his visit are vague, but he seems to have
had as his purpose a continuing organization of the peninsula under Roman power. Ac-
cording to Cassius Dio, he established numerous colonies and dealt with finances and
with matters of freedom and citizenship. There is also at least a possibility that he over-
saw the new organization of Spain into the three provinces of Tarraconensis, Baetica,
and Lusitania at this time, bringing a profound change in the administrative structure of
the province which made Romanization and even "Augustanization" possible. 18
All of this indicates that Spain had an important place in the Augustan program for
the Western provinces. This is further proved by the fact that upon his return from Gaul
and Spain in 13 B.C. the Senate voted consecration of the Ara Pacis in his honor. Au-
gustus makes reference to this in his Res Gestae as he outlines some of the honors
bestowed on him, carefully adding the observation that he had enjoyed success in these
provinces at this time. 19 The Victoria Augusta, then, thanks to the direct intervention of
the emperor, is bringing peace and prosperity. It will become evident from what follows
that both of these are important themes of the Augustan propaganda here in Spain.
C. The Coinage
Another significant factor contributing to Augustus' Spanish presence was the coinage
that he and his agents produced or commissioned. This has been described as "a power-
ful instrument of propaganda". 20 His portrait, which was to be seen on the obverse of
virtually every coin, and his name, which appeared almost as frequently, were carried to
every corner of the peninsula, associated usually with a panegyric message on the re-
15 Controv. 10 praef. 14.

16 Oros. 6 . 2 1 . 1 9 ; cf. Iustin 42.5.6.
1 7 Quint, inst. 6.3.77.
1 8 Cass. Dio 54.23.7, 2 5 . 1 ; cf. Flor. 2.33.59—60. There is no general agreement when Augustus carried out
his reorganization of Spain; dates vary from 27 B.C. to 2 B.C. Cf. Kienast 292 with n. 121.
" Aug. R G 12.2.: [... rebu]s in its provinds prosp[e]re [gestjis.
2 0 M. Grant, From Imperium to auctoritas. A Historical Study of aes Coinage in the Roman Empire 49
B.C.—A.D. 14, Cambridge 1946, 292. He says this of the aes coinage generated at the local level.

438 Ε. S. RAMAGK, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
verse. And this propaganda moved on two levels — the imperial to impress the Romans
settled in Spain and the better educated Spaniards and the provincial to influence the
population at the local level. The former probably originated with Augustus, whether
coming from him directly or minted according to his directives, and its types may be
described as official: retrieval of the Roman standards from the Parthians, building tem-
ples to Jupiter Tonans and Mars ultor, the sidus lulium of 17 B.C., formal honors bestowed
on the emperor by the Senate and the Roman people, the Ludi Saeculares, and even the
repair of the roads in Italy.21
While the imperial coinage seems to come from three mints at the most, the provin-
cial issues that have survived are products of at least twenty centers located in all parts
of Spain. In a number of cases the names of· duoviri, prefects, and aediles suggest the
immediate local source of the issues. 22 But the emperor was certainly involved in the
minting of at least some of this provincial coinage, for example from Emerita, Ebora,
Italica, Iulia Traducta, and Patricia all contain the information on their obverse that they
were issued with the permission of Augustus. 23 How far this authorization went it is
impossible to say, but it is clear that at the very least he was favorably disposed to the
issuance of the provincial coinage and may even have had considerable say about what
appeared on it.
Here the themes are for the most part quite different from those on the imperial
coinage: the founding of colonies like Emerita and Caesaraugusta; celebration of Au-
gustus as pater patriae; tributes to Agrippa, Gaius, Lucius, and Tiberius; recognition of
the Victoria Augusta which brought with it rule over the whole world and prosperity for
all; and dedication of temples to Augustus and to Juno. 24
Notable on both sets of coins is Augustus' relationship to the populace. On the impe-
rial coinage, the Senate and Roman people (SPQR) are to be seen on well over half of
the issues associated with honors bestowed on him: the clupeus virtutis and corona civica; a
triumphal arch and regalia and a temple of Mars Ultor for retrieval of the Parthian stan-
dards; an altar to Fortuna Redux; vows undertaken for his safety; and monuments honor-
ing him for repairing the roads of Italy.25 The obverses of one series of Parthian coins
even contain a dedication by the Senate and Roman people to Augustus, their parent and
savior.26 Behind the obvious propaganda of these issues, there lies a subtle declaration of
the legality of Augustus' position and of the complete harmony that exists between Sen-
ate, people, and emperor. These ideas also underlie his mention of the Senate and Ro-
man people in key sections of the Res Gestae. 27
On the provincial coinage Augustus' name and portrait are associated with the local
populace. Frequently the name of the city on the obverse or reverse makes the connec-
tion. But more to the point are those coins on which the emperor is accompanied by
21 These are catalogues in RIC and will be dealt with below as appropriate.
22 Duoviri: RPC 1 5 7 - 6 1 , 1 6 7 - 7 8 , 1 8 9 - 9 3 , 2 7 0 - 7 5 , 278, 2 8 5 - 8 8 , 3 0 4 - 2 9 , 3 9 2 - 9 6 , 408-12,
4 3 3 - 4 7 . Prefects: 1 6 2 - 6 6 , 3 2 5 - 2 9 . Aediles: 276, 277, 432.
23 Pemism Augusti or var.: RPC 5 - 8 , 1 0 - 1 9 , 50, 51, 6 0 - 6 3 , 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 1 0 7 - 1 0 , 1 2 7 - 3 1 .
24 The coins appear at various points in RPC and will be noted as appropriate in the discussion which
follows.
25 Clupeus and corona: RIC 3 0 - 3 2 , 36, 4 2 - 4 9 , 52, 61, 62, 78, 79, 8 5 - 9 5 . Parthian standards: 8 5 - 8 7 , 9 6 - 1 0 1 ,
1 0 7 - 2 0 A , 1 3 1 - 3 7 . Fortuna Redux: 5 3 - 5 6 . Vows: 57, 1 4 6 - 5 3 . Repair of roads: 140-45.
26 RIC 9 6 - 1 0 1 : SPQR ΡΑΡΕΝΉ CONS(ervatori) SVO and var.
27 This association is a veritable theme in the Res Gestae: 1.3, 4; 4.1, 2; 5.1; 6 . 1 ; 9.1, 2; 10.1, 2; 1 1 ; 12.1, 2;
13; 1 4 . 1 ; 3 4 . 1 - 2 ; 35.1.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 439
local Spanish symbols. He is associated with the bull at Carthago Nova, Tarraco, Lepida-
Celsa, Caesaraugusta, Ercavica, and Segobriga; with the Iberian light horseman at Osca,
Bilbilis, Segobriga, and Segovia; and with other miscellaneous figures at Irippo and Osset
(nude male and grapes), Iulia Traducta (tunny), the "Castulonian Mines" (horse grazing),
and Ilerda (shewolf). In other cases he appears with local deities: Silenus and the River
Goddess at Emerita, an unidentified female deity at Irippo, Hercules at Gades, and a
local nymph at Turiaso. 2 8 In all o f these cases he becomes a close ally, perhaps even a
part, o f the city producing the coin. At Gades, Iulia Traducta, and Tarraco, Agrippa,
Tiberius, Gaius and Lucius turn up on the coins with these associations, in a sense
extending and adding to the image o f Augustus. 29
T h e Iberian horseman and Hercules stand out, for the former was a symbol o f Span-
ish heroism and victory in war, while Hercules was a heroic victor, protector o f men,
and bringer o f civilization. In these two cases, then, the association carries special mea-
ning.
T h e effectiveness o f all this for the Augustan presence and propaganda in Spain can-
not be missed. T h e coinage made all levels o f the populace aware o f the emperor in the
ways in which he wanted them to view him. 3 0 A comparison with the coinage o f Gaul
underlines the special purposes that were part o f the Spanish emissions. There the offici-
al coins come from two mints only, are far fewer, and do not have nearly the number or
range o f types that those in Spain have. T h e provincial coinage o f Gaul is just about
non-existent. 3 1 Thus the Spanish coinage is a far more impressive vehicle for the Au-
gustan propaganda than is that o f Gaul.
D. Augustus as Founder
T h e impression that Augustus leaves in his Res Gestae is that he is proud o f his record
as a colonizer o f veterans. He settled large numbers o f them in centers which were
spread throughout the world and included both Spains. Not long after Actium he gave
120.000 veterans in colonies grants o f 1000 sesterces each. Moreover, he reports with
apparent satisfaction that he paid the municipalities for the land assigned to his veterans
and that he was the first to do this o f all those who had ever founded colonies either in
Italy or in the provinces. 3 2 Cassius D i o mentions his colonizing many cities in Spain
when he visited in 15 B.C. and he has been described as being "lavish o f colonisation"
here. And so, as might be expected, "the princeps' character as conditor plays a vital part in
the publicity o f the period . . . " He was, to use Horace's words, a true father o f cities. 3 3
28 Bull: RPC 158, 2 6 9 - 7 3 , 278, 327, 328, 4 3 1 - 4 2 , 4 4 4 - 4 7 , 4 5 9 - 6 1 , 471. Horseman: 2 8 3 - 8 5 , 287, 289,
3 8 7 - 9 1 , 470, 472, 478. Miscellaneous: 5 7 - 5 9 , 106, 132, 259, 260. Deines: 5 - 1 1 , 55, 56, 92, 93, 403, 404.
29 RPC 78, 79, 82, 91, 1 0 1 - 1 0 5 , 2 1 1 - 1 3 .
30 Though they do not appear exclusively in the Augustan levels, the emperor's coins found at Conimbriga
show how much a presence they could make for him at a center that did not produce its own coinage.
Those discovered here come from Caesaraugusta, Calagurris, Celsa, Colonia Patricia, Ebora, Emerita, Irip-
po, Italica, Myrtilis, and even Lyon and Rome. Cf. I. Pereira — J. P. Bost — J. Hiernard, Fouilles de Conim-
briga 3. Les monnaies, Paris 1974, 8—13.
31 RIC 5 1 - 5 8 Nos. 1 5 4 - 2 4 9 . RPC 510, 530, 5 3 3 - 3 6 .
32 Aug. R G 3.3, 15.3, 16.1, 28.1. A. Balil, Las ideas urbanisticas en epoca augustea, in: CA 1, 69 uses these
remarks of the R G to point out that Augustus took delight in being considered the founder of cities; cf.
Grant (above n. 20) 292.
33 Cass. Dio 54.23.7. Grant (above n. 20) 292, 296; cf. 306, 319. Hor. c. 3.24.27: pater urbium; below n. 282.

440 Ε. S. Ramagk, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
With his colonies and peregrine foundations Augustus was not only furthering Roma-
nization of the province, but was also building a positive presence for himself. In doing
this, he was in a direct line f r o m Julius Caesar w h o established settlements of various
kinds in his name throughout Baetica, at coastal centers in Tarraconensis, and on the
frontier in what was later to become Lusitania. 34 The dictator developed a significant
presence by using his family name and to some extent his personal name not only to
designate new foundations but also to rename native cities. Asido, f o r example, took on
the epithet Caesarina and the people o f Castulo may have been Caesarii,35 But use of the
family name was more common. In Baetica, Municipium U . . . Iulium made its appear-
ance, while Iliturgi was also known as Forum Iulium. Again, Hispalis was a Colonia Iulia
and took on special Roman connotations f r o m its epithet Romula, "city of R o m e / R o m u -
lus". 36
Some, with or without Iulia, underlined Caesar's military might and achievements:
Salacia Imperatoria and Scallabis Praesidium Iulium on the northwestern frontier; Urgia
Castrum Iulium, Municipium Martium Urgia and Municipium Triumphale Isturgi in Baeti-
ca; Colonia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco in Tarraconensis. Others incorporated panegyric
virtues of Caesar like courage (Colonia Virtus Iulia Itucci) and generosity (Liberalitas
Iulia Ebora). 3 7 A n d Seria Fama Iulia and Claritas Iulia Ucubi celebrated his renown.
Some epithets seems designed to reflect positively on the city and on Caesar. Presuma-
bly, Lacimurga Constantia Iulia, Iulia Constantia Osset, Sexi Firmum Iulium, and Concor-
dia Iulia Nertobriga were rewarded with their titles because of their loyalty to Caesar in
his operations against Pompey. A n d the good results of Caesar's achievements are also in
evidence: restoration (Segida Restituta Iulia, Contributa Iulia Ugultunia), peace (Pax Iu-
lia), and prosperity (Olisipo Felicitas Iulia, Hasta Regia Felix, Siarum Fortunales). 3 8
34 On Caesar's foundations: Blazquez; Galsterer; Garcia 459—70; Vittinghoff 72—81; H. Bögli, Studien zu
den Koloniengründungen Caesars, Diss. Murten 1966, 12—17. On Augustus' foundations: Bläzquez; Gal-
sterer; Garcia 474—502; Vittinghoff 104—10. Cf. J. M. Blazquez, Ciudades hispanas de la epoca de Augusto,
in: CA 1, 79-136.
35 Asido: Galsterer 65 No. 7; Garcia 477; PECS 100; Vittinghoff 104 n. 8. Castulo: Plin. nat. 3.25; CIL II
3278; Galsterer 70 No. 21.
36 Mun. U . . . Iulium: Galsterer 22-23, 68 No. 80. Iliturgi: Galsterer 13, 66 No. 34. Hispalis: Plin. nat. 3.11;
Isid. orig. 15.1.71: Hispalim Caesar lulius condidit, quam ex suo et Romae urbis vocabulo Iuliam Romulam nuncupavit;
cf. Galsterer 19, 66 No. 27. Perhaps Lucurgentum which Plin. nat. 3.11 qualifies with the words quod Iuli
genus should be added here; cf. Galsterer 67 No. 46. On the problems of attributing colonies with epithets
Iulia and Augusta: Ramage (above n. 5) 409 n. 21.
37 Garcia 499—500 includes Itucci with Augustus' colonies, though it presents problems; Galsterer 67 No. 41
says it was probably Caesarian. W Mierse, Augustan Building Programs in the Western Provinces, in: Be-
tween Republic and Empire. Interpretations of Augustus and his Principate, K. A. Raaflaub — M. Toher
(eds.), Berkeley 1990, 314 says that Ebora received its epithet Liberalitas about 27 B.C. Galsterer 68 No. 7
calls it Caesarian. Indeed, a survey of the names of the colonies of Caesar and Augustus suggests that the
latter did not use such abstract epithets.
38 Other Caesarian setdements seems to be connected with deity: Colonia Hispalis Romula (cf. above n. 36),
Nabrissa Veneria (Galsterer 67 No. 53), Ossigi Latonium (Galsterer 67 No. 65). In some of these cases
Caesar's divine lineage seems to be present. Metellinum and Myrtilis were probably Caesarian colonies with-
out any Julian epithet (Galsterer 14, 69 Nos. 10, 12). Vittinghoff 77 feels that Metellinum, which apparendy
maintained its epithet Caecilia from its probable founder Q. Caecilius Metellus, is Caesarian; cf. Bögli
(above n. 34) 13—14. Garcia does not include it with his Caesarian colonies. The important center of Pax
Iulia presents problems. Bögli 14 says it could be Caesarian, but leans towards Octavian; Galsterer 69
No. 16 says it is probably Caesarian; PECS 682 gives it to Caesar or Augustus. Garcia 495—96, Vittinghoff
78, 109, 149, and Μ. I. Henderson, Julius Caesar and Latium in Spain, JRS 32, 1942, 13 all view it as
Augustan. Strabo complicates the issue, since he mentions a Pax Augusta in this part of Lusitania (3.2.15)

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 441
The propaganda e f f e c t of all this cannot be missed. The name o f the Julian family was
carried throughout southern Spain and Caesar's virtues and successes were scattered
everywhere. A t times there were even associations with deity. One of Caesar's purposes
must have been to neutralize Pompey's reputation. In passing, it is important to recog-
nize the fact that Caesar's influence went beyond merely naming these cities. He settled
veterans and civilians in many of them, bestowed Latin and Roman rights, and, if Sueto-
nius is to be believed, furnished them with many fine buildings. 39
The value o f colonization for the pacification of Spain and the establishment o f Ro-
man influence there had been amply proved by the time Augustus came to power and so
it is not surprising to find that he continued and improved upon the methods of this
adoptive father. 4 0 In fact, the ideology of Augustus set the shape of the cities in Spain
f o r the centuries that followed. 4 1
The evidence indicates that he was actively founding settlements or, at any rate, was
not discouraging the process soon after Caesar's death. In 4 4 B.C. Colonia Genetiva Iulia
Urbanorum Urso was established in Baetica in accordance with the dictator's earlier
orders. 4 2 Two years later, in 42 B.C., Lepidus probably founded Colonia Victrix Iulia
Celsa on the Ebro in Tarraconensis, apparently celebrating some Caesarian victory such
as Pharsalus or Ilerda. It is possible to see here the propaganda value of associating
one's name with that of Caesar and the Julian gens, and Octavian may have been behind
the change of name to Victrix Iulia Celsa upon the demise of Lepidus in 36 B.C. 4 3 From
about the same time came Colonia Iulia Gemella Acci in what then was extreme eastern
Baetica, likewise established by Lepidus, perhaps for Octavian, and colonized by veterans
of the First and Second Legions. 4 4 Also in the late 40's Carthago Nova was probably
refounded as Colonia Urbs Iulia Nova Carthago. 4 5 A few years later, in 36 B.C., Octavian
and is the only one to do so. Ptolemy 2.5.5 calls it Pax Iulia. Garcia 495—96 has put forward the plausible
suggestion that it was first a praesidium (Pax Iulia) under Julius and was refounded as a colony under
Augustus (Pax Augusta). He agrees with Vittinghoff 109 n. 4 that the epithet Pax aligns better with Au-
gustus than Caesar. Against this it might be said that Augustus seems to have avoided such abstracts in
naming his colonies in Spain and Gaul (above n. 37; Ramage [above n. 5] 409—13). As far as Pax Augusta
is concerned, J. de Alarcäo, Α urbanizapäo de Portugal nas Epocas de Cesar e de Augusto, in: Trillmich 45
points out that all the epigraphic and literary sources attest to the name as Pax Iulia and suggests that
Strabo has made a slip. This seems perfecdy logical. He may have transformed it into Pax Augusta under
the influence of Emerita Augusta and Caesaraugusta that he mentions in the same breath. While Iulia could
make a connection with Caesar or with Augustus before 27 B.C., the abstract Pax is probably best connec-
ted with Caesar not only for the reason noted already, but also because it was not a particularly Augustan
virtue: Ramage (above n. 5) 425—27.
39 Suet. Iul. 28.1.
40 Cf. Kienast 391; Vittinghoff 104; M. Pfanner, Modelle römischer Stadtentwicklung am Beispiel Hispaniens
und der westlichen Provinzen, in: Trillmich 90.
41 Pfanner (above η. 40) 114.
42 Galsterer 68 No. 87; Garcia 465-67; Vittinghoff 74; Bögü (above η. 34) 12.
43 Galsterer 24-25, 70 No. 22, where he puts the founding date in 48/47 B.C.; Garcia 472-74; PECS
210—11; Vittinghoff 80. Cf. A. Beiträn Martinez, Caesaraugusta, in: CA 1, 220.
44 Galsterer 69 No. 1, who calls it probably early Augustan. Vittinghoff 107 says it is Augustan; he mentions others
claiming it as Caesar's and says it is probably an early Augustan colony (107 n. 4); cf. Bläzquez 75. Garcia 475
says that there is no evidence that Caesar used Gemella as an epithet, while Augustus used it frequently.
45 The date of the colony is not firm. Galsterer 29 seems to want it to be Caesarian, but 70 No. 19 simply
puts it before 27 B.C. Garcia 470 says the best date is 42 B.C. or a little before. The tide is also in some
doubt since it appears only as CVINC. This could be C(olonia) V(ictrix) I(uilia) N(ova) C(arthago), and Bögli
(above n. 34) 14 takes it this way. So does Vittinghoff 79. Galsterer, Garcia, and RPC p. 90 take it as
Colonia Urbs Iulia Nova Carthago.

442 Ε. S. Ramagh, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
may have set up a Julian colony at Emporiae. And Colonia Norba Caesarina, which
appeared in 35 in what was to become Lusitania, bore witness to his expanding inter-
ests. 46 Norba took its place here in western Spain with the Caesarian outposts Colonia
Scallabis Praesidium Iulium and Metellinum, pushing the defensive line thus formed in a
northerly direction.
Perhaps as early as 30 B.C. the Municipium Urbs Victrix Osca came into being in
northeast Tarraconensis above the Ebro. 47 Other centers established before 27 B.C.
when Octavian became Augustus were Iulia Traducta and Astigi in Baetica, Callagurris
Iulia well up the Ebro, and perhaps Turiaso in the same general location. 48
While there are chronological problems with some of these foundations, the evidence
shows that Julian centers continued to appear between 44 and 27 B.C. without cessation.
It might be argued that cities like Urbs Iulia Nova Carthago and Norba Caesarina reflect
the continuing influence of Julius Caesar, but it must not be forgotten that Octavian
after his adoption had become Gaius Iulius Caesar Octavianus. Thus the names of the
Julian centers in essence looked two ways and helped cement Octavian's influence in
Spain through association with his adoptive father. Victrix Iulia Celsa, then, probably
served as the beginning to the image of Octavian as a victorious leader and this was
extended by the military connotations of a site like Iulia Gemella Acci.
In the location of these colonies, as has been suggested above, a broadening geogra-
phical scope is discernible. While Artigi, Iulia Traducta, and probably Acci were in Baeti-
ca, Iulia Traducta was at Gibraltar and so on the southern frontier of Spain and Acci was
in a rough and rugged area as yet largely not Romanized. 49 In Lusitania to the west
Norba reinforced and extended the frontier to the north. In Tarraconensis, while Nova
Carthago lay on the coast and had been established for a long time, Celsa and Calagurris
well inland in a heavily populated area and Osca to the northeast of these and about
halfway between them established a Julian presence in an area from which Augustus
would later launch his efforts at pacifying the north and northwest of the peninsula.
These tendencies are strongly reflected in the foundations and refoundations after 27
B.C. Now the emperor's colonizing activity increased considerably as part of his efforts
at pacifying and Romanizing the peninsula. The founder emerged regularly in the epithet
Augusta attached to the names of the settlements, but he continued to trade on Iulia to
some extent and even used Caesar's name in one or two instances. As early as 26 B.C.,
46 Emporiae: Galsterer 26—27, 70 No. 32; J.-N. Bonneville, Les patrons de municipe d'Emporiae (Ampurias)
Espagne, REA 88, 1986, 194. Garcia 467—69 seems to want a Caesarian foundation in 45/44 B.C. and an
Augustan in 15 B.C. Norba: Bögli (above n. 34) 13 calls it probably Caesarin and Vittinghoff 77 wants it to
be Caesar's. Galsterer 23—24, No. 13 dates it to about 35 B.C. Alarcäo (above n. 38) 52 puts it in 35 or 34;
cf. A. Tovar, Iberische Landeskunde. Die Völker und die Städte des antiken Hispanien, Baden-Baden 1976,
2, 236. Garcia 478—79 says the cognomen alludes to Caesar and the colony probably is to be dated as late
as 24 B.C.
47 Galsterer 71 No. 55: „spätestens augusteisch"; Vittinghoff 108; cf. RPC p. 114. Etienne 358—59 says that
the new politics of urbanization under C. Calvisius Sabinus (31—29 B.C.) and T. Statilius Taurus (29—28
B.C.) brought the constitutions of five cities: Dertosa, Saguntum, Calagurris, Osca, and Turiaso.
48 Iulia Traducta: There is general agreement that it was Octavian's: Galsterer 32—35, 65 No. 10; Garcia
493—94; PECS 422; RPC p. 83. Astigi: Galsterer 65 No. 4. Calagurris: Galsterer 70 No. 18; RPC p. 135;
Vittinghoff 108. Turiaso: Galsterer 71 No. 71: „spätestens unter Augustus"; Vittinghoff 108 n. 3. P. Bosch-
Gimpera, Katalonien in der römischen Kaiserzeit, in: ANRW 2, 3, 1975, 588 mentions a Castrum Octavia-
num in northeastern Tarraconensis, saying that it probably came from Augustan times. It was perhaps an
early camp established in the 30's to protect against incursions from the north.
49 Cf. Garcia 475.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 443
the peregrine S e g i s a m a Iulia w a s e s t a b l i s h e d at the s c e n e o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s wars w i t h the

Cantabrians in n o r t h e r n Tarraconensis. A n d just t o t h e n o r t h o f this w a s t h e n e w native
s e t t l e m e n t o f Iuliobriga. T h e latter's harbor o n the c o a s t , P o r t u s V i c t o r i a e I u l i o b r i g e n s i u m ,
surely a d v e r t i s e d the v i c t o r i e s o f A u g u s t u s o v e r the Spaniards in this area and u n d e r l i n e s
t h e p r o p a g a n d a m o t i v e s that lay b e h i n d t h e s e f o u n d i n g s . 5 0 A t t i m e s this family e p i t h e t is
c o m b i n e d w i t h A u g u s t a , p e r h a p s t o indicate a r e f o u n d i n g o f a Julian c e n t e r by t h e e m p e -
ror: A u g u s t a U r b s Iulia G a d i t a n a in Baetica and C o l o n i a Faventia Iulia A u g u s t a Paterna
B a r c i n o and C o l o n i a Iulia Ilici A u g u s t a o n the c o a s t o f T a r r a c o n e n s i s . 5 1 A u g u s t u s a l s o tra-
d e d o n t h e n a m e o f his a d o p t i v e father, w h i c h , o f c o u r s e , w a s also his, in Caesarobriga in
Lusitania and c o m b i n e d it w i t h his o w n e p i t h e t in C o l o n i a Caesarina A u g u s t a A s i d o in
B a e t i c a and at Caesaraugusta w h i c h w a s t o b e c o m e the m o s t i m p o r t a n t city o n the E b r o . 5 2
W i t h m o s t o f t h e s e f o u n d a t i o n s A u g u s t u s f o l l o w e d Julius in o n e i m p o r t a n t r e s p e c t : h e
retained the native n a m e in the title. T h i s w a s true o f A c c i , O s c a , Calagurris, S e g i s a m a ,
Barcino, Ilici, and A s i d o . T h i s w a s also t h e c a s e w i t h m o s t o f t h e c e n t e r s w h e r e A u g u s t u s
u s e d his e p i t h e t t o mark t h e m as his o w n : C o l o n i a A s t i g i A u g u s t a F i r m a and C o l o n i a
Augusta G e m e l l a T u c c i in Baetica and M u n i c i p i u m A u g u s t a Bilbilis, C o l o n i a Forum
A u g u s t u m Libisosa, and M u n i c i p i u m Saetabis A u g u s t a , all in T a r r a c o n e n s i s . 5 3 M u n i c i p i u m
A u g u s t u m G a d i t a n u m in B a e t i c a and A s t u r i c a A u g u s t a and Bracara A u g u s t a or B r a c a r u m
o p p i d u m A u g u s t a in n o r t h w e s t e r n T a r r a c o n e n s i s s h o w variants o f this combination.54
50
Segisama Iulia: Ptol. 2.6.50; PECS 818, where the epithet is Augustan; Bosch-Gimpera (above n. 48)
544. Iuliobriga: PECS 422, where it is given a date of 29—19 B.C. and described as the first Roman
establishment in Cantabria founded by Augustus. Bläzquez (above n. 34) 126 describes it as the one city
worthy of mention among the Cantabri. Cf. AE 1976 354a, b; Galsterer 48 n. 83, who quotes CIL II 4192:
Iuliobrigenses ex gente Cantabrorum; Kienast 405 with n. 185. Portus Victoriae Iuliobrigensium: Plin. nat. 4.111;
cf. Bosch-Gimpera 544.
51
Gades: Galsterer 1 7 - 1 9 , 66 No. 25; PECS 3 4 1 - 4 2 ; Bläzquez (above n. 34) 8 9 - 9 3 ; Henderson (above n. 38)
7; Tovar (above n. 46) 37—48. Gades may not have been a Caesarian foundation: below n. 54. Barcino: Gal-
sterer 27—28, 69 No. 11: „wohl augusteisch"; Garcia 482—84, who says it is Augustan. The point will be
made later that Paterna refers to an earlier founding by Julius (below nn. 63, 64); cf.J. O. Granados Garcia,
Notas para ele studio topografico de la colonia Barcino en el siglo 1: La primera muralla de la ciudad, in: CA 2,
215—23; I. Roda de Mayer, Barciijo. Su fundaciön y titulos honorificos, in: CA 2, 229 who refers to Gades and
seems to like a double foundation for Barcino also. Vittinghoff 107 gives the final epithet as Pia rather than
Paterna, an interpretation that seems not to have caught on. Ilici: Galsterer 26, 70 No. 40; Garcia 492—93;
cf. M. Tarradell, Las ciudades romanas en el Este de Hispania, in: CA 1, 295—96.
52
Caesarobriga: Galsterer 68 No. 4 does not mention a founder; CIL II p. 112 says it can be either Caesar's or
Augustus'; G. Alföldy, Römisches Städtewesen auf der neukastilischen Hochebene. Ein Testfall für die Roma-
nisierung, Heidelberg 1987, 58—59 calls it Augustan. Asido: Vittinghoff 104 η. 8, followed by Garcia 477 and
Galsterer 20, 65 No. 7, sees it as a Caesarian municipium and an Augustan colonia. Caesaraugusta: below n. 69.
53
Astigi: Galsterer 65 No. 8; Garcia 481—82, who gives its name as Colonia Augusta Firma Astigi; Kienast
394; Vittinghoff 104. Tucci: Galsterer 68 No. 79; Garcia 500-502; Vittinghoff 104; Tovar (above n. 46)
119-20. Bilbilis: Galsterer 25, 69 No. 12; PECS 154; Vittinghoff 108; cf. M. A. Martin Bueno, Bilbilis. El
significado de lo Augusteo, in: CA 2, 145—51; idem, Bilbilis Augusta (Calatayud, Zaragoza), in: Trillmich
2 1 9 - 3 9 . Libisosa: Plin. nat. 3.25; Galsterer 71 No. 48; Vittinghoff 107; cf. B. Galsterer-Kröll, Untersuchun-
gen zu den Beinamen der Städte des Imperium Romanum, BJ 9, 1972, 113 No. 189. Saetabis: Plin.
nat. 3.25; Galsterer 71 No. 62; Bläzquez (above η. 34) 116.
54
Gades: Its name presents problems. In CIL II 1313, it appears as Mun(idpium) Aug(ustum) Gad(itanum), but
Plin. nat. 4.119 refers to it as Urbs Iulia Gaditana, where the Roman citizens are called Augustani. If the
latter is its true title, then the city may also have undergone a Caesarian foundation. Cf. above n. 51; below
n. 61. Asturica Augusta: Galsterer 30, 69 No. 5; PECS 105; Bläzquez (above n. 34) 126; M. Pastor Munoz,
Asturica Augusta ifundaciön de Augusto?, in: CA 2, 69—76; Τ. Mananes, Asturica Augusta, in: CA 2,
77—86; A. Tranoy, La Galice romaine. Recherches Sur le nord-ouest de la peninsule iberique dans l'anti-
quite, Paris 1981, 191-93. Bracara Augusta: Galsterer 30; PECS 162; Tranoy 193-96.

444 Ε. S. RAMAGH, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
Indeed, Augustus went well beyond Caesar in putting Roman and native elements toge-
ther in the names and titles of his peregrine settlements. This is most obvious in Iulio-
briga and Augustobriga in northern Tarraconensis and Caesarobriga and a second Au-
gustobriga in eastern Lusitania, which are striking Romano-Celtic combinations. 5 5 Lucus
Augusti may also be included here, since it seems to be named after a grove that had
local native religious significance. 56
Some o f Augustus' foundations are like Caesar's in that their names and titles had
additional connotations. Augusta Gemella Tucci and Augusta Emerita alluded to the fact
that they were military setdements, while Portus Victoriae Iuliobrigensium reflected the
military successes o f Augustus. 5 7 It has already been suggested that Victrix Iulia Celsa,
Victrix Osca, and Portus Victoria Iuliobrigensium also served as reminders o f Augustus'
victorious ways and the peace and pacification that they had brought. Again, Colonia
Astigi Augusta Firma may have deserved its colonial status because of its loyalty (Firma)
to Augustus or perhaps to Caesar. A n d Colonia Faventia Iulia Augusta Paterna Barcino
was probably named to honor it f o r supporting (Faventia) Caesar (Iulia, Paterna). 5 8 While
there is some indication that in using these names Augustus is following in his adoptive
father's footsteps and at the same time is aiming f o r a propaganda effect, it should be
noticed that these foundations are far outnumbered by those whose names and titles
carry no such message. 5 9
By combining the Julian, Caesarian, and Augustan names with native places and tribes
the emperor was in a sense promoting and perhaps even announcing an alliance between
Roman and Spaniard rather than complete defeat for the natives at the hands of a
foreign invader. It is difficult to know precisely what e f f e c t he achieved in most cases, but
it is perhaps possible to get some insight in the case of his new foundations in northern
55 On Augustus' peregrine foundings in Spain: Galsterer 16; Kienast 405—406; Alföldy (above n. 52) 58
n. 176. luliobriga: above n. 50. Caesarobriga: Galsterer 68 No. 4. Augustobriga (Tarrac.): Galsterer 17 n. 6,
69 No. 6. Augustobriga (Lusit.): Galsterer 53; T. Ortego, Perduraciön de las ideas urbanisticas de Augusto
en las villas romanas del Alto Duero, in: CA 2, 201, speaks of „la importante Augostobriga".
56 Galsterer 30; Kienast 405 with n. 184; PECS 528; Bläzquez (above n. 34) 126; Tranoy (above n. 54)
196—99. The parallel with Lucus Augusti in Gallia Narbonensis is perhaps important; cf. Kienast 393;
Ramage (above n. 5) 412.
57 Tucci: above n. 53; Emerita: Galsterer 23, 68 No. 9; Garcia 485-92; Kienast 394-95 with n. 133; Vitring-
hoff 109; M. Almagro Bäsch, La topografia de Augusta Emerita, in: CA 1, 189—211. Cf. below nn. 69—71,
73—75. Portus Victoriae Iuliobrigensium: above n. 50.
58 Astigi: above n. 53; Barcino: above n. 51; below n. 63.
59 To these Augustan foundations two should be added: Nova Augusta in the interior of Tarraconensis: Plin.
nat. 3.27; Ptol. 2.6.56. Galsterer-Kröll (above n. 53) 114 No. 215 includes it among the peregrine settle-
ments. Porta Augusta: Ptol. 2.6.50; Galsterer-Kröll 114 No. 218. Augustan foundations apparendy without
further qualification: Baetica: Urgao Alba: Plin. nat. 3.10; Galsterer 68 No. 85: „spätestens 11/12 η."
Lusitania: Conimbriga: PECS 237; J. Alarcäo — R. Etienne, Le Portugal a l'epoque augusteene, CA 1,
179—85; Bläzquez (above η. 34) 129; cf. above n. 30. Egitania: PECS 293. Tarraconensis: Ercavica: Galste-
rer 70 No. 33. Salaria: Galsterer 27, 71 No. 64; Garcia 498-99; PECS 797. Turiaso: above n. 48. Perhaps
Ulia Fidentia in Baetica should be included: Galsterer 68 No. 84: „spätestens 4 η.". Bögli (above η. 34) 13
seems to take it as Caesarian. There are no doubt other foundations that should be added here. Corduba
seems to be a special case: Galsterer 9—10, 66 No. 22; Garcia 451—54; PECS 239—40; Tovar (above
n. 46) 86—92; A. U. Stylow, Apuntes sobre el urbanismo de la Corduba romana, in: Trillmich
259—82. Corduba had been founded as a colony in 152 B.C. and the epithet Patricia first appears on the
coins after 27 B.C. (Galsterer 10), perhaps in 15/14 B.C. (Stylow 263 n. 11). Augustus seems to have
established two legions here (Galsterer 10: Legions 5 and 10; Garcia 453: Legions 2 and 10[?]; cf. Stylow
263 n. 11) and it was at this time that Patricia was added to its name (Garcia 453, followed by Galsterer
10). Why this epithet meaning "Patrician" was applied is not clear.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 445
and northwestern Tarraconensis. Here it was strategically important for the Romans that
the natives be moved from their settlements in the mountains and hills to new locations
on lower ground. 60 It is entirely possible that new names like Bracara Augusta and Iulio-
briga or Augustobriga were meant to make the move more palatable for these people.
Not only was there an alliance between Spaniard and Roman here, but the new settle-
ments sponsored by Augustus and the Romans were no doubt superior to the old haunts
of the natives.
While the emperor was in a direct line from Julius Caesar in much of this, there are
indications that he was moving away from his predecessor's conventions to establish his
own. In the first place, there is less emphasis on virtues and other positive ideas in the
names and titles of his colonies. Again, the epithet Augusta after 27 B.C. moved the
focus normally and naturally to himself from the Julian family and Caesar. In some cases
he may be asserting precedence over Caesar as he refounds or, at any rate, gives additio-
nal privileges to his adoptive father's settlements and adds his epithet to the title. Au-
gusta Urbs Iulia Gaditana perhaps shows Augustus taking precedence over Caesar at this
important city.61 And the same may be true of Colonia Iulia Ilici Augusta and Colonia
Caesarina Augusta Asido, with the latter perhaps being a municipium under Caesar and
receiving colonial rights from Augustus. 62 Finally, there may be some of the same pur-
pose behind the name of Colonia Faventia Iulia Augusta Paterna Barcino. Perhaps, as
some believe, this is first and foremost an Augustan foundation with the emperor using
the combination Iulia Augusta to indicate this. But it is also possible that Barcino's title
indicates first a Julian foundation, perhaps a municipium, that was then refounded as a
colony by Augustus. 63 There is a clue that this is the case in the epithet Paterna, which
Augustus apparently used to advertise the fact that his father had originally founded
these colonies. 64 Indeed, if an original center Iulia Faventia Barcino is posited, then Juli-
us was probably honoring this city for supporting him (Faventia) in his operations in
Spain. Augustus, then, as with Gades, Asido, and perhaps Ilici subtly replaced Julius as
the founder by adding his epithet Augusta. Paterna reinforces this impression, for,
though it on the one hand is respectful recognition of his father's original foundation, it
is at the same time a subtle reminder that the son has now supplanted the father as
founder.
Augustus' colonies, municipia, and peregrine establishments superseded Caesar's in addi-
tional ways: they were larger and had a wider variety and distribution in Spain. The first
point is perhaps obvious, but it is important for the impression that the emperor inten-
60 Cass. Dio 5 4 . 1 1 . 5 , who says this happened to the Cantabri; Flor. 2 . 3 3 . 5 9 - 6 0 ; Bläzquez 117, 1 1 9 ; Pidal 2,
1, 196; AJarcäo — Etienne (above n. 59) 177. Augustus seems to be following an earlier policy of Caesar,
for Cass. Dio 37.52.3 tells of Julius in Lusitania ordering natives to move to the plains so that they cannot
use their bases for marauding. The fact that these people did not follow the orders is a clear indication that
the change was unpalatable for them. Presumably, defeat by Augustus followed by carefully planned joint
foundations made these moves more acceptable. It is tempting to view a site like Nova Augusta (above
n. 59) in the rugged interior as a new establishment replacing one on the heights.
61 Perhaps the two epithets show a refounding of a Julian colony by Augustus with this event celebrated on
the coins where Agrippa is eulogized as municipi parens, municipipatronus, and patronusparens (RPC 77—84); cf.
RPC p. 81, where the idea is referred to with approval; Vittinghoff 75—76.
62 Ilici: Galsterer 26 disagrees with those who say the evidence shows a Julian colony followed by an Au-
gustan founding; cf. above n. 51. Asido: above n. 52.
63 Barcino: above n. 51.
64 Cf. Aries and Narbonne in Gaul: Ramage (above n. 5) 410—11 with n. 27.

ded to make on the populace. The first substantial Roman remains come from Augustan
times and reveal cities many times greater than earlier.65 What has been called a new
monumentality now appears. 66 There is also a variety evident in the large number of
peregrine establishments. These range from the likes of Segisama Iulia through Asturica
Augusta and Bracara Augusta to centers like Augustobriga, Caesarobriga, and Iuliobriga.
They, of course, represented an adaptation to circumstances as Augustus extended his
influence and that of Rome through uncivilized parts of Lusitania and Tarraconensis.
None of Julius' foundations fell into this category.
Again, the distribution of Augustus' foundations was substantially different from that
of Caesar. The latter's settlements were largely in Baetica with some in Lusitania and
fewest in Tarraconensis. They were for the most part in the southern, more Romanized
part of the peninsula. By contrast, the Augustan centers established in Tarraconensis far
outnumber those of Caesar and are spread throughout the province. 67 This, too, is the
result of the same circumstances that brought the peregrine centers. But even in Baetica,
where Roman influence had had a long period of development, Augustus established his
presence throughout the province with strategically located foundations. Moreover, he
made important cities like Gades on the southwest coast and Iulia Traducta at Gibraltar
on the southern frontier part of his system. In Lusitania, Norba and Emerita not only
were centers for defense, but were also meant to overshadow and even supersede Cae-
sar's Metellinum. And Caesaraugusta, which, as noted earlier, soon eclipsed Celsa and the
other centers on the Ebro, may have served this same strategic purpose. 68 In a number
of ways, then, Augustus went about subtly replacing his adoptive father as part of estab-
lishing an image for himself throughout Spain.
Augusta Emerita and Caesaraugusta deserve attention as colonies especially designed
to serve Augustus' purposes. They balance one another, the one on the frontier in Lusi-
tania in the west and the other on the frontier in northeastern Tarraconensis. Both Stra-
bo and Mela make the association. The former connects them as colonies that show the
complete Romanization of the natives and Mela singles them out as the most notable
(clarissimae) cities in their respective provinces. 69
65 Pfanner (above n. 40) 8 4 - 1 1 5 , esp. 8 4 - 8 5 ; cf. Blazquez 81.
66 H. von Hesberg, Bauornament als kulturelle Leitform, in: Trillmich 352.
67 A rough count shows the following distribution: Baetica: Caesar 22, Augustus 8. Lusitania: Caesar 7, Augu-
stus 6. Tarraconensis: Caesar 2, Augustus 20.
68 R. Wiegels, Zum Territorium der augusteischen Kolonie Emerita, MDAI(M) 17, 1976, 281 with η. 93,
makes this point about Emerita and Caesaraugusta; cf. P. le Roux, L'armee romaine et ['organisation des
provinces iberiques d'Auguste ä l'invasion de 409, Paris 1982, 72.
69 Strab. 3 . 2 . 1 5 ; Mela 2.88; cf. Strab. 3.4.20. Emerita: the bibliography is immense. A sampling of the more
recent work, where in some cases additional bibliography appears in the notes: Galsterer 23, 68 No. 9;
Garcia 4 8 5 - 9 2 ; PECS 1 1 4 - 1 1 6 ; Blazquez (above n. 34) 1 3 3 - 3 5 ; Almagro Bäsch (above n. 57); A. M a .
Canto, Las tres fundaciones de Augusta Emerita, in: Trillmich 289—96; W Trillmich, Colonia Augusta
Emerita, die Hauptstadt von Lusitanien, in: Trillmich 299—316; Augusta Emerita. Actas del simposio inter-
nacional conmemorativo del bimilenario de Merida, 16—20 de noviembre de 1975, A. Blanco Freijeiro
(ed.), Madrid 1976; Homenaje a Säenz de Buruaga, Madrid 1982, 23—242 (various articles). Caesaraugusta:
Galsterer 27, 70 No. 17; Garcia 4 8 4 - 8 5 ; PECS 1 8 1 - 8 2 ; Blazquez (above n. 34) 1 2 3 - 2 4 ; Beiträn Martinez
(above n. 43) 219—61; M. Beiträn Lloris, Un corte estratigräfico en la Zaragoza romana, in: CA 2, 87—98;
idem, El valle medio del Ebro y su monumentalizacion en epoca republicana y augustea (Antecedentes,
Lepida-Celsa y Caesaraugusta), in: Trillmich 196—202; A. Blanco Freijeiro, Posibles vestigios del culto a
Hercules en Caesaraugusta, in: CA 2, 99—102; G. Fatäs, De epigrafia Caesaraugustana, in: CA 2, 103—14;
J. Arce, La fundaciön de „Caesaraugusta", in: CA 2, 115—26; idem, Caesaraugusta, ciudad romana, Zarago-
za 1979. Pfanner (above n. 40) 85 points out that Emerita and Caesaraugusta were conceived as new pro-

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 447
There are other parallels. The two of them were colonized by veterans of the Spanish
wars of Augustus with members of the Legio X Gemina among these settled in each. And
there is at least the possibility that they were both established in or near 25 B.C. 70 Again,
there are important similarities between the foundation issues of the two cities. Caesarau-
gusta and Emerita are two of only six colonies producing money with military motifs as
reminders of their origins and with the exception of Acci are the only colonies celebra-
ting their founding legions by number. 71 Even more striking is the fact that they are the
only Spanish colonies on whose coins appears the type of the priest ploughing the sa-
cred furrow of foundation. 72
They were also in similar strategic locations. Emerita lay on the Anas River at the
junction of a number of main north-south and east-west roads and Caesaraugusta domi-
nated a heavily populated area at an important crossing of the Ebro where four roads
intersected. 73 Together the two cities controlled the flow of traffic between the less
Romanized north and the centers in Baetica and along the coast of Tarraconensis that
had long been exposed to the Romans. Both soon dominated in their areas.74 In view of
all this, it is perhaps not surprising that they became capitals of conventus.
As the comments of Strabo and Mela mentioned earlier indicate, these were substanti-
al cities. The remains of Emerita are impressive and have led to its being characterized
as the most Augustan of all the cities in Spain, designed to be an imposing counterpart
to Actium and Nicopolis in the East. 75 And evidence that its territory covered some
20,000 square kilometers adds to this impression. 76 The fact that Agrippa, Augustus'
son-in-law and personal representative, had an important part in embellishing the city is
an indication of the emperor's strong interest in it.
While the remains of Caesaraugusta are less well preserved, there are enough to prove
that it was a large, thriving colony with villae suburbanae which extended the city even in
the Augustan period. 77 Moreover, the extensive official coinage that was probably minted
here and was much more varied and impressive than its counterpart from Emerita
speaks for Caesaraugusta's prominence and influence. The fact that provincial issues
were produced here in greater numbers than any place else also suggests this. 78
vincial main cities and centers of power. The fact that these are the only two centers whose coinage shows
a priest (Augustus?) ploughing the sacred furrow of foundation suggests their importance as colonies (RPC
5 - 7 , 11, 13, 3 0 4 - 1 0 , 314, 317, 318, 320, 322). And the fact that these issues continued to appear well
after their foundation reinforces this impression.
7(1 The date of Emerita is usually taken as 25 B.C. on the basis of Cass. Dio 53.26.1. Cf. Galsterer 23; Garcia
486. Canto (above n. 69) has suggested a date of 19 B.C., rejected by Trillmich (above n. 69) 299
n. 2. Caesaraugusta may be dated anywhere between 27 and 12 B.C.: Galsterer 27, 70 No. 17. Arce, Funda-
cion (above n. 69), Caesaraugusta (above n. 69) 27—34 discusses the date. So does Beiträn Martinez (above
n. 43) 2 2 4 - 2 6 . Cf. Garcia 484; Kienast 394 n. 132.
71 Emerita: RPC 8, 1 4 - 1 8 . Caesaraugusta: RPC 3 1 1 , 315, 319, 321, 323, 325, 326.
72 Above n. 69.
73 Emerita: Wiegels (above n. 68) 283: „zentrale Lage Emeritas als Knotenpunkt zahlreicher Straßen". Caesar-
augusta: PECS 1 8 1 - 8 2 ; Beiträn Martinez (above η. 43) 223, 2 3 0 - 3 1 .
74 Cf. Mela 2.88; Garcia 473.
75 Trillmich (above n. 69) 2 9 9 - 3 0 0 .
76 Kienast 395: „ein ungewöhnlich großes Territorium"; Wiegels (above η. 68) 263—65, 266 η. 36; Bläzquez
122; Galsterer 23; Garcia 4 8 6 - 8 8 .
77 Beiträn Martinez (above η. 43) 245.
78 RIC 26—49; RPC p. 117, Nos. 304—32. RIC pp. 25—26 makes the point that the attribution of the imperial
coins is far from certain. The provincial issues of Caesaraugusta outnumber those from Emerita by two to one.

448 Ε. S. Ramagi·, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
Finally, there is a clear connection between Augusta Emerita and Caesaraugusta in the
fact that they are the only Augustan colonies with purely Roman names. Augusta Emeri-
ta contains a direct reference to Augustus and to his Roman veterans without further
complication. It is in a different category from Augusta Gemella Tucci, Iulia Gemella
Acci, Segisama Iulia, and even Patricia Corduba, where the Spanish name is retained in a
title with military connotations. Caesaraugusta, of course, is just the emperor's name
adapted for purposes of naming the colony. As such it is unique and implies a special
relationship with Augustus. This is perhaps borne out by the fact that, while it replaced
the Spanish Salduba, no attempt was made to keep the latter in its title, as was done at
so many other sites; the focus was kept firmly on Augustus. 79 In names alone, then,
Augusta Emerita and Caesaraugusta stand out as separate from the other Augustan colo-
nies and parallel to each other.
A consideration of the nature and purpose of these two cities brings to mind Lyon
(Colonia Copia Augusta Lugdunum) in Gaul. 80 While this was not a new military foun-
dation and though it retained the name of the local Gallic setdement in its colonial
title, there are parallels to be drawn between it and the two Spanish colonies. All three
were Coloniae Augustae located in strategic positions involving rivers and important
road junctions and they lay on the border between the Romanized south and the
north that was the object of Augustus' civilizing efforts. They were substantial estab-
lishments meant to impress the local population. The new settlements to the north
of each were also similar. In Gallia Comata, Augustus limited himself to peregrine
foundations. 81 In Spain, if a line is drawn between Emerita and Caesaraugusta, the
centers north of it are peregrine, except for Turiaso, Calagurris, and Osca which lie in
the relatively heavily populated area around the Ebro and east of the area of Spain
where Augustus and his generals carried out their military campaigns. Thus in Gaul
and in Spain the emperor recognized the division between Romanized and peregrine
and used essentially the same strategy to spread his influence and that of Rome where
they had not gone before.
In Augustus' settlements, then, it is possible to see a number of motives at work.
While pacification and economic purposes were very important, right from the beginning
of his rise to power the mere names of this foundations made the emperor's presence
felt throughout the peninsula. And within these centers — and others, for that matter —
Augustus was very much in evidence. As founder and builder he was a positive persona-
lity and force bringing prosperity as a result of his successes in the field. In the forum,
theater, and other public places in the city, his image served as a direct reminder of the
emperor. And coins emanating from many of these centers carried his portrait far and
wide celebrating his accomplishments and underlining his alliance with the people of
Rome and Spain. Again, images of his family reinforced this presence. And the cult
established at many sites in Spain to honor him enhanced his image and presence while
attesting to the loyalty and devotion that he was inspiring among Romans and Spaniards
alike. All of this will be considered as the present study proceeds. Mention here is meant
only to demonstrate the importance of the colonies as a factor in promoting the Au-
gustan propaganda.
79 Plin. nat. 3.24; Galsterer 27; Garcia 485; PECS 181; Vittinghoff 107; Bläzquez (above n. 34) 1 2 3 - 2 4 .
80 Vittinghoff 109—10 briefly makes the connection between north and northwest Spain and Gaul.
81 Ramage (above n. 5) 4 1 1 - 1 2 .

K L I O 8 0 (1998) 2 449
Ε. Other Associations
While the emperor's name was in these ways carried throughout Spain, it appeared in
other circumstances as well. At Corduba, for example, inscriptions reveal a pagus Augusta-
nus.S2 And the existence of Aquae Augustae at Emerita and Corduba attested to the
generosity of a patron supplying aqueducts. 83
Even more striking as a sign of the pervading presence of the emperor is the fact that
people in and around these foundations took their names from the Julian family and
Augustus. The people at Artigi and Tearum were Iulienses, while Augustani came from
Saetabis and Gades. And, of course, Augustus' cities played their part in all this, produ-
cing Caesarobricenses, Iuliobrigenses, Segisamaiulienses, Augustobricenses, and Bracaraugustani.M In
some cases, whole tribes came by new names in this way. The Astures in the northwest
were divided into Augustani and Transmontani and the Cerretani in the northeast into Iulia-
ni and Augustani,85
Augustus was also widely visible in the termini Augustales that were set up to delimit the
territory of cities and tribes. These boundary stones are connected with Mirobriga in
northern Baetica, Emerita in Lusitania, Lancia and the Igaeditani in northwestern Tarra-
conensis, and Iuliobriga and Segisama Iulia in the north. Still others have been found in
western Lusitania near the Douros River and between the Tagus and Douros. 86 This
distribution combines with the fact that each is designated a terminus Augustalis and
shows the emperor in the nominative case along with full, impressive pedigree to sug-
gest that here was yet another device making Augustus' presence felt throughout the
peninsula with the focus in this case on him as arbiter.
The name of the emperor was carried well beyond the cities and their territories. One
of the vehicles was the conventus. Of the fifteen that existed, nine were in Augustan
foundings or refoundings covering the three provinces: Corduba, Astigi, and Gades in
Baetica; Emerita in Lusitania; Carthago Nova, Caesaraugusta, Lucus Augusti, Asturica,
and Bracara in Tarraconensis. From here Augustus' name and reputation as well as his
image as lawmaker and judge no doubt went out to all the cities, settlements, and tribes
under the jurisdiction of these centers.
Augustus was connected with other phenomena, both natural and man-made. Mela
mentions a Tower of Augustus (turns Augusti) which was apparently a landmark in the
vicinity of Lucus Augusti. And Ebusus in the Baleares was called Insula Augusta. 87 In
82 CIL II 2 1 9 4 , 2 2 0 8 . Bläzquez 7 6 ; A . Blanco Freijeiro — Ε. Corzo, El urbanismo r o m a n o de la Betica, in:

C A 1, 1 4 1 .
83 Pfanner (above η. 40) 9 0 ; Pidal 2, 2, 5 8 4 ; A . U. Stylow (above n. 59) 2 6 9 - 7 0 .
84 PUn. nat. 3 . 1 0 , 23, 2 5 ; 4. 1 1 8 , 1 1 9 ; CIL II 4 1 9 2 ; E E 8 280.
85 Pün. nat. 3 . 2 3 , 2 8 ; Galsterer 3 0 η. 1 4 2 , 7 0 Nos. 23, 24.
86 CIL II 4 6 0 , 8 5 7 - 5 9 , 5 8 0 7 ; A E 1 9 5 4 8 8 ; 1 9 7 6 3 5 4 a , 3 5 4 b with η. ad loc. Cf. Garcia 4 8 7 ; P E C S 1 1 4 ;
Alarcäo (above η. 38) 4 3 ; Alarcäo — Etienne (above η. 59) 1 7 5 — 7 6 with nn. 3 1 , 3 2 , 3 4 ; J. Alvarez Saenz de
Buruaga, La fundaciön de Merida, in: Augusta Emerita (above n. 69) 2 3 — 2 4 ; G. Alföldy, Fasti Hispanien-
ses. Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen des römischen Reiches v o n
Augustus bis Diokletian, Wiesbaden 1 9 6 9 , 1 3 4 .
87 Turns Augusti: Mela 3 . 1 1 ; cf. D i e g o Santos (above η. 6) 555. D. Fishwick, T h e Imperial Cult in the Latin
West, Leiden 1 9 8 7 , 1 4 3 calls the turns Augusti a monument, as does Tranoy (above n. 54) 3 2 9 ; cf. Säenz de
Buruaga (above n. 86) 19. J. Wahl, Castelo da Lousa. Ein W e h r g e h ö f t caesarisch-augusteischer Zeit,
M D A I ( M ) 26, 1 9 8 5 , esp. 1 6 1 — 6 9 deals with towers and defenses in Spain. He does not mention the turns
Augusti, but it could have been the kind o f watchtower that Wahl discusses. Ebusus: Galsterer 7 0 No. 3 0 ;
RPC 4 7 9 - 8 1 .

Baetica, where the main highway crossed the border from Tarraconensis there was an
arch of Ianus Augustus, which was the "doorway" to the province. Its frequent appearan-
ce on the milestones implies that it was a prominent landmark and so a significant adver-
tisement for the emperor. 88
Mention of milestones serves as a reminder that as the traveller made his way along
the roads of Spain Augustus, the builder and repairer, was constantly present on them
with his complete pedigree. Those on the main highway running from the Pyrenees to
Gades and the Atlantic deserve special mention. This was the Via Maxima of the Repu-
blic, but after it was renovated and reconstructed by the emperor, it was renamed the
Via Augusta, thus adding to the emperor's public image on this extensive and heavily
populated coast. At least some of the milestones ended with the name of the highway
and so underlined the importance and results of this phase of Augustus' activity. It is
noteworthy that the latter and a few of the other milestones do not have distances on
them. 89 This certainly suggests that these records had purposes above and beyond the
practical. And those using Ianus Augustus as a point of reference, which, relatively spea-
king, have survived in fair numbers, served as subtle reminders that the emperor was
present in other ways. 90 Indeed, by the time one had covered the stretch of the highway
from, say, Carthago Nova to Corduba, he had become aware of Augustus on a number
of levels. The highway was the Via Augusta with constant reminders of this on the
milestones. On the latter, too, Augustus, the rebuilder of the road appeared. Along the
way Iulia Nova Carthago, Ianus Augustus, Iulia Gemella Acci, Augusta Gemella Tucci,
and Patricia Corduba each in its own way drew attention to the emperor.
While the Via Augusta was the most important highway not only for Spain, but also
for Augustus' establishing his image as colonist and road-builder, it was not by any
means the only road that drew his attention. It has been estimated that he built more
than 2000 kilometers of highways to open up the interior and especially the north and
northwest of the peninsula. 91 And, as with the Via Augustus, the emperor put his special
stamp on these with his milestones. They have been found in a number of places sugges-
ting wide distribution throughout the peninsula — in eastern and western Baetica, Lusi-
tania, and north and northwestern Tarraconensis. 92
88 CIL II 4701, 4703, 4712, 4715, 4716, 4721. CIL II 4702, 4 7 0 4 - 1 1 perhaps also showed Janus, but are now
in poor states of preservation. Pidal 2, 2, 575—76; Thouvenot (above n. 8) 498 η. 1; Tovar (above n. 46)
10; J. Ramon Melida, Monumentos romanos de Espana, Madrid 1925, 126. Cf. below n. 148.
89 CIL II 4 9 2 0 - 2 3 (8/7 B.C., south of Saguntum), 4931 (8/7 B.C., near the border between Baetica and
Tarraconensis), 6240 = RIT 934 (Tarraco); cf. AE 1977 450 (8/7 B.C., between Castulo and Carthago
Nova).
90 Above n. 88. Other milestones on the Via Augusta showing mileage: CIL II 4936, 4937, 4938(?); AE
1 9 6 9 - 7 0 279, 280; R. Läzaro Perez, Inscripciones romanas de Almeria, Almeria 1980, 95 No. 51. G. Alföl-
dy in CIL II2 14 p. 143 mentions another milestone on the Via Augusta between Saguntum and Dertosa.
On the Via Augusta: Pidal 2, 2, 561; Thouvenot (above n. 8) 483, 498. Bosch-Gimpera (above n. 48) 587
describes the Via Augusta as the most important road in Catalonia.
91 Bläzquez 120; Kienast 413; Thouvenot (above n. 8) 478—99, esp. 482; D. Ramon Corzo Sanchez, „In
finibus Emeritensium", in: Augusta Emerita (above n. 69) 217—33; cf. R. Chevallier, transl. Ν. H. Field,
Roman Roads, Berkeley 1976, 156—57. The importance of road-building and repair in the Augustan propa-
ganda seems clear from RG 20.5, where the emperor mentions his rebuilding (refeci) of the Via Flaminia
and from the celebration of this on the imperial coinage, some of it from Corduba in Spain: RIC 140—44
(Colonia Patricia), 360—62 (Rome).
92 CIL II 4869, 4931; AE 1967 185, 1976 325b, 1991 1042; EE 8 210, 244; J. Ramon Melida, Catalogo
monumental de Espana. Provincia de Badajoz (1907—10), Madrid 1926, 97.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 451
Of special interest is one milestone from near Iuliobriga on the road to Caesaraugu-
sta. 93 It comes from A.D. 12—13 and, as usual, advertises Augustus with full pedigree.
What is unusual about it is the fact that it takes the form of a dedication to the empe-
ror. This surely is additional proof that these inscriptions were to serve the purposes of
Augustan propaganda and panegyric. The same is to some extent true of the milestones
on the highway between Caesaraugusta and Pompaelo. Here not only does Augustus turn
up as usual, but Legio III Macedonia, Legio VI, and Legio X Gemina follow his name and
titles on separate milestones. As noted earlier, veterans from these three legions had
founded Caesaraugusta. Perhaps they are being given credit here as road-builders, but
mention of them also extends Augustus' military presence in a northerly direction along
the eastern side of the part of the peninsula that he was hard at work bringing under
Roman sway.94
By now the focus has moved well away from the emperor's colonies and other founda-
tions. But Augustan landmarks, boundary stones, and highways with their milestones
combine with his many foundations to form a network which kept the emperor and his
accomplishments constantly before the populace from one end of Spain to the other.
F. Statues and Other Dedications

The new and reconstructed centers in Spain gave ample opportunity to display the likeness
of the benefactor who had provided such boons. And the portraits, statues, and dedica-
tory inscriptions for these that have survived suggest that magistrates and people took
full advantage of the situation to honor their emperor. 95
The importance of the imperial family in this connection must not be overlooked, for
the sources make it clear that the various members were frequently honored with statues
and dedications. Agrippa, Gaius, Lucius, Tiberius, and, to some extent, Livia, Drusus,
Germanicus, Octavia, Julia, and Agrippa Postumus were part of the imperial presence in
Spain, as they were elsewhere, and were meant to add in important ways to Augustus'
96
image.
Taken together, the evidence indicates that portraits and statues were to be seen in
virtually every part of the peninsula. As many as 26 statues of Augustus himself have
been identified through sculptural remains and inscriptions. In Tarraconensis, they were
set up in the northeast at Emporiae, Tarraco, Aza'ila, Bilbilis, Caesaraugusta, and Turiaso;
in the south along the coast at Saguntum, Ilici, and Carthago Nova; and on the islands
93 CIL II 6344 = A E 1976 355.

94 A E 1984 583—85. On this subject: G. Fabre — M. Mayer — J. Roda, A propos du pont de Martorell: la
participation de l'armee ä l'amenagement du reseau de la Taraconnaise Orientale sous Auguste, in: Epigra-
phie hispanique. Problemes de methode et d'edition, Paris 1984, 282—88.
95 On Augustus' presence and that of his family through statues: D. Böschung, Die Präsenz des Kaiserhauses
im öffentlichen Bereich, in: Trillmich 391—99. On portraits and statues of Augustus' family throughout the
Mediterranean: C. Hanson — F. Johnson, On Certain Portrait Inscriptions, A J A 50, 1946, 389—400; cf. M.
Stewart, How were Imperial Portraits Distributed throughout the Roman Empire?, A J A 43, 1939,
603—605. Most of the statues and portraits of Spain have been gathered together in EREP. Some dedicato-
ry inscriptions present problems, since it is impossible to tell whether they involve statues. For present
purposes this is not very important, since any dedication shows the presence of the emperor. On the
problem: Hanson — Johnson 389. C. Η. V Sutherland, Aspects of Roman Imperialism in Spain, JRS 24,
1934, 34 makes the point that dedications come from all over Spain.
96 Cf. Hanson — Johnson (above n. 95).

at Palma and Pollentia. 97 There was a concentration of them in Baetica, where they
appeared at Mellaria, Italica, Urgavo, Ulia, Corduba, Baena, Tucci, and Carteia. 9 8 In the
west and northwest of the peninsula, there were statues of Augustus at Emerita, Lucus
Augusti, and perhaps in A s t u r i a . "
A s far as they can be dated, they seem to come f r o m throughout Augustus' reign with
that at Pollentia and perhaps the one at Azaila showing a young Octavian of the 30's
B.C. when he was still establishing his power. 1 0 0
A n d the emperor takes on a variety of functions. A t Pollentia and Emerita he is veiled
as a priest or as pontifex maximus. Wearing the cuirass at Corduba or perched on a horse
at Turiaso, he represents a victorious and triumphant general. A s a togatus he is the brin-
ger of peace and prosperity and is celebrated as patronus by his grateful Spanish clients at
Emporiae and Ulia. All o f these will be mentioned again as they come naturally into the
discussion that follows.
Statues and other honors to members of Augustus' family existed in most of these
centers and in others as well: in Tarraconensis at Emporiae, Tarraco, Azai'la, Caesaraugu-
sta, Ercavica, Segobriga, Saguntum, Castulo, Salaria, Carthago Nova, and on Minorca; 1 0 1
97 Emporiae: AE 1990 662; hypothetical, though Bonneville (above n. 46) 190 No. 6 seems to accept it as
reconstructed; cf. R. Mar — J. Ruiz de Arbulo, El foro de Ampurias y las transformaciones augusteas de los
foros de la Tarraconense, in: Trillmich 153. Tarraco: RIT 102; cf. Böschung (above n. 95) 397 for another
possible statue. Azaila: EREP 7; cf. Bosch-Gimpera (above n. 48) 580-81; Pidal 2, 2, 657. Bilbilis: CIL II
5852; Etienne 392. Caesaraugusta: RPC 319 and below n. 104; Bläzquez 101; Etienne 398, Beiträn Lloris
(above n. 69) 199; Böschung 399. Turiaso: RPC 401, 402; cf. Bläzquez 101; Etienne 391. Saguntum: CIL II
3827 = II2 14 305; cf. Etienne 390, 392; Böschung 398; Sutherland (above n. 95) 34; C. Aranegui, Sagunto,
in: Trillmich 245-47. Ilici: CIL II 3555; cf. Etienne 390; L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor,
Middletown, Conn. 1931, 283. Carthago Nova: EREP 6; cf. Etienne 390. Palma: CIL II 5987 = C. Veny,
Corpus de las inscripciones balearicas hasta la domination arabe, Madrid 1965 (Biblioteca de la Escuela
Espanola de Historia y Arqueologia en roma 15) 962 No. 1. CIL η. ad loc. calls it perhaps an unfinished base;
Sutherland 34 takes it as a dedication. Pollentia: Bläzquez 100—102 with η. 1.
98 Mellaria: CIL II 2347. Italica: EREP 8. (Pidal 2,2, 657 seems to take this as Tiberian); EREP 10 (H.
Drerup, Augustusköpfe in Spanien, MDAI(M) 12, 1971, 138—39 points out that Brendel dates this to 20
B.C. and Curtius thinks it Claudian. Drerup believes it Trajanic). Urgavo: CIL 2107 = ILS 96; cf. Etienne
390, 393, who also says it is a statue base. Ulia: CIL II 1525; cf. Hanson — Johnson (above n. 95)
390. Böschung (above n. 95) 397 calls it and the others here dedications for equestrian statues („Reiter-
statuen"). Corduba: P. Leon, Ornamentacion escultorica y monumentalizacion en las ciudades de la Betica,
in: Trillmich 373-75. Baena: CIL II 1583. Tucci: CIL' II 1664-66, though CIL doubts 1665. Carteia:
J. M. Santero Santurino, Retrato de Augusto y togado de Carteia, in: Homenaje a Säenz de Buruaga (above
n. 69) 297-307.
99 Emerita: EREP 9, 12. CIL II 472 may be reconstructed as a dedication to Augustus by Agrippa and may
have been for a statue; cf. Etienne 391. In any case, the panegyric of Augustus at the end should not be
missed: [princip optimje merito. Lucus Augusti: CIL II 2581 (before 27 B.C.); Alföldy (above n. 86) 9; cf.
Etienne 385. Asturia (near Candäs): CIL II 2703.
100 Pidal 2,2, 657 says the one at Pollentia is the earliest in Spain; Bosch-Gimpera (above n. 48) 580—81 puts
the portraits of Octavian and Livia from Azaila at 38—34 B.C., though others date them as late as 15 B.C.
101 Emporiae: Gaius or Lucius: AE 1990 663, where it is hypothetical. But Bonneville (above n. 46) 191
seems to accept the reconstruction. Tarraco: Tiberius: CIL II 6080 = RIT 66; cf. Etienne 396; Stewart
(above n. 95) 603. Livia: EREP 33; cf. Bläzquez 101. Azaila: Livia: EREP 31. Caesaraugusta: Gaius and
Lucius: RPC 319; cf. Böschung (above n. 95) 399. Ercavica: Gaius or Lucius: Pidal 2, 2, 658. Segobriga:
Drusus: CIL II 3103; cf. Böschung 398; Stewart 605 (A.D. 4 - 1 4 ) . Germanicus: CIL II 3104; cf. Stewart
604 (A.D. 12-18). Livia: Alföldy (above n. 52) 80 n. 259. Saguntum: Gaius: CIL II 3828 = II2 14 306; cf.
Etienne 397; Böschung 398; Hanson — Johnson (above n. 95) 395. Castulo: Gaius: CIL II 3267; Etienne
397; Hanson — Johnson 395. Salaria: Gaius or Lucius: CIL II 5093; cf. Etienne 397 (Gaius); Hanson —
Johnson 397. Carthago Nova: Tiberius: CIL II 5930 = ILS 144; cf. Stewart 603 (before A.D. 4). Minorca:
Tiberius: EREP 15; cf. Etienne 399.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 453
in Baetica at A r v a , C a r m o , Italica, Ucubi, U r g a v o , and U l i a ; 1 0 2 and in Lusitania and the n o r t h -

w e s t generally at E b o r a , Emerita, M e t e l l i n u m , a m o n g the Igaeditani, and at B r a c a r a . 1 0 3
A glance back o v e r the list reveals g r o u p s o f these statues at Caesaraugusta, S a g u n t u m ,
Ulia, and Emerita, and these d e m o n s t r a t e the strength o f the imperial presence. A coin
f r o m Caesaraugusta has o n its o b v e r s e three standing figures o n bases w i t h each one's
n a m e a b o v e it. F r o m l e f t to right these L(ucius) CAESAR, IMP(erator) AUG(ustus), and
C(aius) CAES(ar) CO(tt)S(ul) DES(ignatus). This surely is a statue g r o u p that w a s set u p
h e r e and w a s i m p o r t a n t e n o u g h t o be celebrated o n the c o i n a g e . 1 0 4 T h e o v e r t o n e s o f
dynasty and the designation o f G a i u s as consul designatus suggest the p r o p a g a n d a p u r p o s e s
that lay behind the representations.
A t Ulia t h e r e is a striking g r o u p o f dedications. F o u r o f t h e m are to A u g u s t u s , A g r i p -
pa, Gaius, and Tiberius as p a t r o n s and these are a c c o m p a n i e d by t h r e e o t h e r s to G a i u s
o r Lucius, A g r i p p a P o s t u m u s , and perhaps A n t o n i a , w i f e o f the E l d e r D r u s u s . It l o o k s
as if the p e o p l e o f Ulia had set u p an impressive gallery f o r the imperial family. T h e
same may be t r u e o f S a g u n t u m , w h e r e pedestals w i t h dedications to A u g u s t u s , Gaius,
Tiberius, D r u s u s , and G e r m a n i c u s have b e e n discovered. A n d f r o m E m e r i t a by n o w
t h e r e has c o m e a significant n u m b e r o f statues w h i c h p r o v e a constant, continuing pre-
sence f o r A u g u s t u s and his family: at least f o u r o f A u g u s t u s , t w o and perhaps t h r e e o f
Tiberius, and o n e each o f A g r i p p a , Gaius, Lucius, and Julia.
N o d o u b t all o f these statues w e r e placed in central locations. T h o s e at S a g u n t u m
w e r e f o u n d in w h a t has b e e n identified as the basilica o f the f o r u m , and it is equally
possible that the statues o f Caesaraugusta and Ulia w e r e displayed in that building or, at
102 Arva: Lucius: CIL II 1063; cf. Etienne 397; Hanson - Johnson (above n. 95) 397. Carmo: Gaius (?): CIL
II 5120; cf. Etienne 397. Italica: Tiberius: CIL II 1113; cf. Etienne 396; Stewart (above n. 95) 603. Ucubi:
Gaius: CIL II 1560; cf. Hanson — Johnson 395 (the ascription to Gaius is „very doubtful"). Urgavo:
Lucius: CIL II 2109, 2110; cf. Etienne 397; Hanson - Johnson 396. Ulia: Agrippa: CIL II 1527; cf.
Etienne 395; L. Harmand, Le patronat sur les collectivites publiques des origines au bas-empire, Paris
1957 (Publications de la Faculte des Lettres de L'Universite de Clermont ser. 2, 2) 167. Gaius: CIL II
1526; cf. Etienne 397; Hanson — Johnson 390. Gaius or Lucius: CIL II 1530; cf. Hanson — Johnson 398;
Stewart 603. Tiberius: CIL II 1529; cf. Etienne 396; Hanson — Johnson 390. Antonia (wife of the Elder
Drusus): CIL II 1543. Böschung (above η. 95) 398—99 seems to see portraits or statues of Gaius and
Lucius reflected on the reverse of RPC 98 from Iulia Traducta and on the obverse of RPC 211 — 13 from
Tarraco. It is not clear why this should be the case.
103 Ebora: Lucius: CIL II 2157; cf. CIL η. ad loc., where there is the observation that Divi qualifying Augmti
is a mistake, since Lucius is consul designatus here, a position he held in A.D. 2. Hanson — Johnson (above
n. 95) 397 take the epithet as dating the inscription after the emperor's death in A.D. 14. Cf. below
n. 286. Emerita: Agrippa: EREP 210 with inscription EE 8 19. The date is disputed. Etienne 395 puts it
close to 16 B.C. W Trillmich, Ein historisches Relief in Merida mit Darstellung des Μ. Agrippa beim
Opfer. Ein Rekonstruktionsversuch, MDAI(M) 27, 1986, 303 would date it to Claudian times. J. M. Alvarez
Martinez, El foro de Augusta Emerita, in: Homenaje a Säenz de Buruaga (above n. 69) 55 says this statue
honors Agrippa as patronus coloniae, presumably during his lifetime. Ramon Melida (above n. 92) 293
No. 1037 observes that the inscription on the base is in cursive letters of the Augustan type. Julia (wife of
Agrippa): CIL II 475; cf. Etienne 395. Gaius: EREP 11; cf. Böschung (above n. 95) 395. M. Fuchs, Unter-
suchungen zur Ausstattung römischer Theater in Italien und den Westprovinzen des Imperium Romanum,
Mainz 1987, 167—69 discusses the statues found in the theater. Gaius and Lucius (?): EREP 228, 229; cf.
Böschung 395. Tiberius: EREP 14; cf. Etienne 399; Pidal 2, 2, 658; Böschung 394. Tiberius (or Claudius):
CIL II 476. Etienne 397 says this is Tiberius and he dates it to ca. 16 B.C. Stewart (above n. 95) 603 n. 14
says this is probably the emperor Claudius. Metellinum: Gaius: CIL II 607; cf. Etienne 397; Hanson —
Johnson 395. Igaeditani: Gaius: ILER 1036; cf. Alarcäo (above n. 38) 52. Bracara: Gaius: CIL II 2422 =
ILS 6922; cf. Etienne 397; Hanson - Johnson 396.
104 RPC 319. Böschung (above n. 95) 399, among others, has made this observation.

any rate, somewhere in their fora. This may also be true of the statue of Agrippa which
comes from the Calle Sagasta in Emerita, where other remains mark the location of the
forum. 105 The other pieces come from the peristyle and scaenae frons of the theater at
Emerita. It has been observed that the theaters here and at Tarraco must have been
filled with statues of the emperor and the rest of the Julio-Claudian family. 106
These images, then, appeared in cities and towns from one end of Spain to the other.
They were set up in prominent places like the forum and theater, and some were even
celebrated on coins and perhaps in other ways as well. Their importance for the imperial
propaganda cannot be overemphasized. Visits from the emperor were infrequent and not
expected and statuary was the most important medium for creating a visual presence for
him. Set up in public places, the portraits and statues were the constant companions of
the populace as they went about their business or enjoyed their entertainment. These
monuments achieved a double effect through the likeness itself and through the identi-
fying dedication that could contain panegyric overtones.
The fact that the members of the family of Augustus were seen frequently broadened
the base of his presence and propaganda. The statues also provided the assurance that
the present happy state of affairs would continue through the establishment of a dynasty,
first with Gaius and Lucius and then with Tiberius as the continuators. And here was
one of the places that there was reason to honor the female members of the family.
These portraits and statues had other important connotations. A substantial number of
them must have been set up by the local magistrates and other members of the popu-
lace, certainly without any objection on the part of the emperor and perhaps even with
encouragement from him. Once in place, they stood as monuments to a leader who had
enjoyed many successes and provided many significant benefits and so deserved the
continuing admiration and loyalty of those dedicating and viewing them.
II. The Themes of Propaganda

Even a quick survey of the sources reveals two or three dominant themes in the Augu-
stan propaganda in Spain, and it is perhaps not surprising that these are the same ideas
that Augustus promoted elsewhere in the Empire and used to build a very special image
for himself. At the heart of this propaganda was the Victoria Augusta, that is, the aura of
victory that surrounded and was exclusive to the emperor. Coming out of this properly
used were Pax and Felicitas, the peace and prosperity now enjoyed by the populace of
Spain. Finally, there were the emperor's personal virtues that had made all of the victory
and prosperity possible. All of these ideas were exploited in the propaganda in ways both
subde and not so subtle and so deserve close attention.
A. The Victoria Augusta and its Honors

Victory is the dominant theme in Augustan propaganda generally, and because it is consi-
stently related to Augustus and not to Rome it is truly the Victoria Augusta}®1 The point
105 Bäsch (above n. 57) 199. Trillmich (above n. 69) 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 and Mar - Ruiz de Arbulo (above n. 97) 153
show the importance of the basilica in the forum of the new Augustan cities for displaying the statues of
the emperor and his family.
10i Böschung (above n. 95) 396.
107 On the importance of victoria in the Augustan scheme: J. R. Fears, The Theology of Victory at Rome:
Approaches and Problems, in: ANRW 2, 17, 1981, 8 0 4 - 2 4 ; Ramage (above n. 5) 4 1 4 - 2 5 (Gaul) with
additional bibliography in nn. 43, 44.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 455
has been made already that the emperor moved into Spain in 27 B.C. in an atmosphere
of victory and triumph and proceeded to build an image of a successful general for
himself during his campaigns against the Cantabri and Astures. Events like opening and
closing Janus and the panegyric of Horace helped to promote the idea. In Spain, colo-
nies and peregrine settlements like Victrix Iulia Celsa, Urbs Victrix Osca, and Portus
Victoriae Iuliobrigensium perpetuated the impression in the vicinity of Augustus' succes-
ses. Farther away, Astigi Augusta Firma, Faventia Iulia Augusta Barcino and even Ulia
Fidentia served as constant reminders of the loyalty of the Spaniards to Julius and Augu-
stus in time of victory. 108 And an oath that has been preserved in an inscription found in
southwest Baetica puts victoria at the center of the Augustan ideology. Here Titus Quinc-
tius Silo along with the magistrates, senate, and people of Conobaria swear to take up
arms for the safety, honor, and victory of Augustus, Agrippa, Gaius, and Lucius. 109
1. The Coinage
The most complete and detailed picture of the Victoria Augusta is provided by the impe-
rial and provincial coinages, which, as noted above, were an important vehicle for the
Augustan propaganda. Thus it seems logical to begin with these and then to move on to
the other evidence.
On the coins the message of Augustan victory covers a broad spectrum, ranging from
military emblems and shorthand symbols for victory to specific successes of Augustus in
the field. Military objects are frequently present. Spanish weapons appear on provincial
coins from an unidentified site and on official issues from Emerita. 110 And trophies turn
up at two sites. On Carisius' coinage from Emerita, Victory crowns one and on other
issues one stands on a heap of weapons and lies on the head of a kneeling captive. A
trophy without accompainment appears at Carthago Nova. 111 In all these cases the mea-
ning cannot be missed: booty has been taken in Spain by Augustus who is pictured on
the obverse. But this is not a popular motif for obvious reasons.
By contrast, the Roman aquila and standards make relatively frequent appearance, some-
times with the names of legions. These served not only as constant, wide-ranging remin-
ders of Augustus' military presence, but in many cases commemorated military founda-
tions. On the provincial coins, these symbols are found at Emerita, Patricia, Acci,
Carthago Nova, Ilici, and Caesaraugusta. 112 Some of the types contain an especially poin-
ted message. At Carthago Nova, the vexillum and quadriga on the obverse surely connote
Augustan victory and triumph, while the temple dedicated to Augustus on the reverse
refers to the cult and worship of the victorious leader. Here, then, is military achieve-
ment followed by the ultimate reward. At Caesaraugusta, the vexillum between two stan-
dards, the legions with their numbers, and the dedication to Augustus which appear on
the obverse combine with the priest ploughing on the reverse to make an elaborate
foundation issue.
108 Tovar (above n. 46) 1 1 2 says that Astigi Augusta Firma has a particularly military flavor.
109 AE 1988 723: [... pro salute] honore victoria ...
110 RPC 1 - 4 ; RIC 2, 3, 7, 8.
111 RIC 1, 4—6 (Emerita); RPC 162—64 (Carthago Nova). Cf. A. Beiträn, Las monedas romanas de Merida.
Su interpretacion historica, in: Augusta Emerita (above n. 69) 93—105, esp. 95, where he says that these
coins celebrate a triumph over the Cantabrians. On RIC 123 victory holds a trophy perhaps in the context
of winning back the Parthian standards.
112 RPC 8, 1 4 - 1 8 , 128, 1 3 3 - 3 5 , 157 (?), 1 7 4 - 7 8 , 1 8 9 - 9 1 , 311, 315, 319, 321, 323, 325, 326.

456 Ε. S. RAMAGE, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
Caesaraugusta has been colonized by Legions IV, VI, and X and dedicated by them to
the emperor. The dedication, of course, is also evident in the name of the new colony.113
While in most cases the Roman aquila and standards of these centers can stand by them-
selves, the emblems on the imperial coinage are, with a single exception, those won back
from the Parthians. They are elements in a number of different types: held by Mars, Victo-
ria, or by figures on a triumphal arch, standing in the new temple of Mars Ultor or in a
triumphal chariot, and accompanied by the clupeus virtutis. The exception is a series of coins
celebrating the emperor's setting out for Gaul and Spain in 16 B.C., where Mars holds a
vexillum.114 In all these types, then, the focus is not primarily on the aquila and standards as
it is on the provincial coinage, but the image and message are more complicated.
Another common symbol for victory that is constantly connected with Augustus is the
laurel which is usually a crown or wreath of victory or in some cases takes the form of
branches. Augustus appears laureate so often on the coins that the message becomes
almost automatic and even subliminal. He wears the crown of victory on the provincial
coinage of Emerita, Gades, Acci, Carthago Nova, Ilici, Tarraco, Lepida-Celsa, Osca, Cae-
saraugusta, Bilbilis, Turiaso, Calagurris, Ercavica, and Segobriga and on some 36 different
official coins, though on ten of the latter the crown may be oak rather than laurel.115
Other occurrences of the wreath on provincial coins are fairly frequent, but the point
will be made later that in most cases it is probably the corona civica, which, of course, was
of oak. There is a possibility, however, that those bordering the temple at Carthago
Nova and others framing the temple and the heads of Gaius and Lucius on coins from
Gades are different and if so, may be laurel.116
The laurels occur more frequently on the official coinage, but even here they are not a
dominant motif. Most striking are the two branches on a number of issues, symbolizing
the laurel trees planted on either side of the doorway to Augustus' house on the Palatine.
In other cases they are held by Victoria. 117
Another symbol of the victory on the coins, though it is not nearly as frequent, is the
palm branch. On the provincial coinage from three sites, two of them unidentified, it is
positioned either in front of or behind the portrait of Augustus on the obverse, while in
three other instances it turns up on Augustan issues that have no direct reference to the
emperor. 118 The palm branch appears only once on the imperial coinage, where victory
standing on a globe holds a palm in one hand and a trophy in the other. Here, then, the
Augustan victory (Victory, palm, trophy) extends over the whole world (globe).119
The appearance of the winged goddess Victoria, especially on the official coinage, is
very important, for she in essence raises the Victoria Augusta to the level of the divine.
She crowns a trophy at Emerita, while at Colonia Patricia she stands holding an aquila
and signum with AVG — VST(us) on either side of her. Here, too, on a number of issues
she crowns the emperor with a victory wreath. 120 She is also seen standing on a globe as
113
RPC 1 7 4 - 7 7 , 325, 326.
114
RIC 28, 39, 41, 58, 60, 6 8 - 7 4 , 8 0 - 8 7 , 1 0 3 - 2 3 A , 1 3 1 - 3 7 , 1 4 6 - 5 3 ; cf. BMC cxii.
115
He seems to appear laureate with oak wreath on RIC 26, 33, 35—38, 46—49. It should be pointed out
that he also appears frequendy in RIC and RPC with bare head.
116
RPC 9 4 - 9 7 , 1 7 4 - 7 6 . RPC differentiates in a few cases: Laurel: 392, 393, 395. Oak: 99, 100, 108, 127,
129, 4 0 5 - 4 0 8 , 410, 411; cf. below n. 129.
117
RIC 26, 33, 36, 47, 5 0 - 5 2 , 121.
118
RPC 1, 2, 54 (?), 132 (?), 165, 470, 471.
119
RIC 123.
120
RIC 1, 123A, 140, 141, 1 4 3 - 4 5 .

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 457
she proclaims Augustan victory over the whole world. 121 But Victoria appears most fre-
quently both at Caesaraugusta and Patricia crowning, hanging, and holding the clupeus
virtutis. It is the Victoria Augusta, then, that has made the honor of the shield of virtues
possible. 122
Victoria is not present on any provincial coins certainly attributed to Augustus. From
the late 40's or early 30's come two issues from Celsa that could easily belong to the area
of the founding of the colony and so refer as well to Caesar's victorious ways as to
those of Octavian. The head of victory on the obverse of a coin from Carteia, dated
perhaps to 30 B.C., may contain a reference to Octavian's victories, since the cornucopia,
which is the reverse type, was routinely used by Augustus to advertise the prosperity
coming from his rule. Finally, the standing victory holding a wreath and palm branch on
a coin from Carthago Nova may possibly date to the reign of Augustus and so refer to
the Victoria Augusta}7^
Specific victories of Augustus are seldom referred to on the coins. The Gallic weapons
and the trophies on coins from a variety of sites certainly refer to the victories of Au-
gustus and his generals in Spain. And Agrippa's rostral crown and the aplustre on the coins
of Gades are reminders of Actium. Otherwise, the only references to specific military
successes of Augustus are those on the imperial coinage celebrating the retrieval of the
Roman standards from the Parthians. As might be expected, Mars is featured in most of
these types as Augustus' divine mentor and ally in the retrieval or as the recipient of a
temple designed to hold the standards. 124 The emperor's success is also connected with
honors past and present — the clupeus virtutis which underlined the leader's personal vir-
tues that made this victory possible and a triumphal arch that resulted from it. 125
The clupeus virtutis and triumphal arch on the last issues serve as a reminder that ho-
nors resulting from victory also advertise the Victoria Augusta. These are mostly on the
imperial coinage, but they are not without mention on the provincial issues. The quadriga
dedicated by the Senate and Roman people to Augustus, their parent and savior, and the
triumphal regalia that are also on some of these coins are honors coming from his reco-
very of the Parthian standards. The triumphal arch dedicated after this success is also to
be seen. And it is interesting to notice that this honor is found on coins celebrating
Augustus' repair and construction of the roads of Italy.126 The provincial coinage makes
no reference to these honors, though the quadriga and vexillum on a series of obverses
from Carthago Nova may make the connection. 127
The corona civica, on oak wreath bestowed on Augustus for saving his fellow citizens
(ob cives servatos), and the clupeus virtutis that celebrated the emperor's virtues that had
brought victory, peace, and prosperity, are also present on the Spanish coins. The former
appears on a number of issues from Caesaraugusta and Colonia Patricia, where on a few
121
RIC 121—23. The globe, of course, is the graphic representation of the written terra mariqm of Augustan
propaganda. It is interesting to notice that the phrase seems to have been used in Spanish oaths of
allegiance to Augustus: AE 1988 723.
122
RIC 31, 32, 4 5 - 4 9 , 61, 62, 8 8 - 9 5 ; cf. Aug. RG 3 4 . 1 - 2 .
123
Celsa: RPC 261, 262. Carteia: 114. Carthago Nova: 157.
124
RPC 7 7 - 8 4 ; RIC 28, 41, 58, 60, 6 8 - 7 4 , 8 0 - 8 7 , 103-106; cf. 1 1 4 - 2 0 A , where no aquila or standards
appear.
125
RIC 8 5 - 8 7 , 131-37.
126
Quadriga, regalia: RIC 9 6 - 1 0 1 , 107-13; cf. BMC cxi. Triumphal arch: 131-37, 140-45; cf. Kienast
411-12.
127
RPC 174-77.

458 Ε. S. RAMAGE, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
obverses the emperor wears it, while on a number of reverses it is by itself with legend
ob cives servatos or in company with the clupeus virtutis. It is also found as a kind of circular
frame enclosing in one case the legend celebrating the prayers of the Senate and people
to Jupiter for the safety of Augustus and in the other the scene of sacrifice at the Ludi
Saeculares,128 The propriety of the use of this symbol of Augustus' dementia on these two
issues is perhaps obvious.
The corona civica is used in much the same way on the provincial coinage. 129 At Iulia
Traducta, Colonia Patricia, Tarraco, and Turiaso, the names of the cities are within
wreaths, while at Celsa the wreath encircles the name of Augustus and that of the colo-
ny. In the case of Caesaraugusta, Bilbilis, Turiaso, and Calagurris, the duoviri or their title
are part of this arrangement. 130 Associating a city or its magistrates with this symbol of
Augustus' clemency and concern for his citizens is certainly appropriate.
The clupeus virtutis is found more frequently and in a wider variety of types: with
legend CAESAR AVGVSTVS, with this legend, SPQR, and two laurel branches, with
SPQR by itself, with S1GN1S RECEPTIS and SPQR, and with the goddess Victoria. 131
The types in which it is accompanied by the corona civica have already been mentioned.
The coins with Victoria carry special meaning, for she holds the shield, hangs it on a
column, and crowns it. The composite message of these coins is perfectly clear. The
Senate and Roman people have bestowed this honor on Augustus for his virtues and it is
his victorious ways that have ultimately made the honor possible.
As far as the provincial issues are concerned, the clupeus virtutis is virtually non-exis-
tent. But the two times that it does occur are eye-catching. The temple on the reverse
at Carthago Nova with dedication AVGVSTO has what appears to be the shield in its
pediment. 132 The emperor's virtues and his worship, then, are closely related. The same
is true of two issues from Gades, where Augustus' name on one and his name and port-
rait on the other leave no doubt about the connections. Here a temple is also visible,
though this time without any dedication. It is within a wreath, however, and like the type
from Carthago Nova, has the clupeus virtutis in its gable. 133 Once again, then, connota-
tions of victory, honors, and cult may be discerned.
2. The Other Evidence

The Victoria Augusta is at the heart of Augustus' imperial mystique. The evidence of the
coins outlined above is enough to prove this for Spain, where the idea is approached
128 RIC 26, 29, 30, 33, 3 5 - 3 8 , 40, 4 6 - 4 9 , 57, 7 5 - 7 9 , 138.

129 It is difficult to discern whether the wreaths on these coins are oak, and so the corona dvica, or laurel. This is
evident in the RPC catalogue itself, where in some cases wreaths that appear similar are described as oak
(408—11) or laurel (392, 393, 395). If the reverses at Turiaso show an oak wreath and so the corona civica (RPC
p. 130), then it seems logical that all the others of the same form, that is, with a ring at the top and a bow or
knot at the bottom should be the corona dvica. Moreover, the repetition of the form suggests a specific original
and the only specific original that appears in the Augustan scheme is the corona. In most cases the foliage is so
stylized that it does not help with identification, though that on RPC 95—97 (Gades) appears to be different
and so perhaps makes it a laurel wreath. Here, significandy enough, the ring and bow seem not to appear.
130 RPC 99, 100, 108, 127, 129, 214, 270, 312, 313, 316, 324, 392, 395, 4 0 5 - 4 0 8 , 410, 411, 443. Two of the
wreaths are called laurel (392, 395) and six are described as oak (405—408, 410, 411), though they all look
alike.
131 RIC 3 0 - 3 2 , 3 4 - 3 6 , 4 2 - 4 9 , 52, 61, 62, 78, 79, 8 5 - 9 5 .
132 RPC 1 7 4 - 7 7 .
133 RPC 9 4 - 9 5 .

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 459
from a number of different angles. While the information offered by the other sources is
by no means as striking, there is enough of it to demonstrate the fact that Augustus'
military presence and successes were promoted in most of the other media and in many
different ways, both subtle and not so subtle.
In inscriptions Augustus the military man is constantly present as Imperator. He is Impe-
rator Caesar Divi f(ilius) Augustus, Imperator Caesar Augustus, or Imperator Augustus. His name
and title appear in the nominative on milestones when he is building roads or, as at Pax
Iulia, when he is erecting fortifications, in the dative when he is the recipient of a dedica-
tion, or in the ablative to date an action. 134
Again, Augustus' legions, whether on active duty or settled as veterans in colonies,
also promoted this presence. Emerita Augusta, Iulia Gemella Acci, and Augusta Gemella
Tucci helped to keep the military commander before the people in parts of Lusitania,
Tarraconensis, and Baetica by effectively coupling Augustus' name with his soldiers. And
the military aura which surrounded Emerita was reinforced and extended by the fact that
it was Publius Carisius, a legate of Augustus and himself a fine soldier, who not only
oversaw the founding of the colony but even produced the coinage celebrating this
event. Moreover, Caesaraugusta, which had been settled by veterans of the Fourth, Sixth,
and Tenth Legions, was surrounded by the same aura. And it has already been seen that
notice of the legions settling the colony extended out along some of the main roads on
the milestones. Finally, peregrine centers like Segisama Iulia, Asturica Augusta, and Lucus
Augusti must have maintained a certain military profile, since they had originally been
military garrisons. 135
The officers that led these legions reinforced and extended Augustus' charisma as a
victorious general. Carisius, the founder of Emerita, had distinguished himself in the
Cantabrian war. The coinage of Gades honors Agrippa as patron and parent with remin-
ders of the victory at Actium. 136 These two along with Gaius Antistius, Lucius Aelius
Lamina, and Gaius Furnius had fashioned a number of victories over the rebellious Spa-
niards that led ultimately to their pacification. Legates like Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and
Quintus Articuleius Regulus preserved the peace and oversaw legislation that represented
by the termini Augustales. Paulus Fabius Maximus and Gaius Calpurnius Piso honored the
emperor as Caesar and Imperator Caesar Augustus with dedications. And Lucius Sestius
Quirinalis Albinianus in all probability set up the Arae Sestianae in extreme northwest
Spain as the center of a cult honoring Augustus. Again, like the emperor, Publius Silius
Nerva and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus were recipients of dedications when honored as
patrons of cities like Carthago Nova and Uxama. And the dedication to Imperator Caesar
Augustus by the people of Bracara Augusta to honor Paullus Fabius Maximus on his
birthday not only reveals the high esteem of the people for the emperor and his legates
but also indicates how these officers were identified with Augustus in the minds of the
populace. 137
Other important reminders of the Victoria Augusta were present in the military port-
raits and statues that probably existed throughout Spain. These paralleled the appearance
of Augustus on the obverse of the coins and served in yet another way to establish his
134 The nominative and dative are common. EE 1 141 provides an example of the ablative.
135 Segisama: above n. 50. Asturica: Pastor Munoz (above n. 54) 71. Lucus Augusti: Pidal 2, 2, 593—95.
136 RPC 7 7 - 8 4 .
137 Alföldy (above n. 86) 3—13, 131—34 has conveniendy gathered together the information on Augustus'
agents in Spain.

victorious presence. On two coins from Turiaso there is an equestrian statue that proba-
bly copied one that had been dedicated to the emperor. 138 And there may have been
another similar monument at Ulia. 139 Again, at Corduba there has survived a colossal
cuirassed statue that has recently been taken as Augustus, coming from the beginning of
the Empire. It has been described as a "representation triunfal del Emperador". 1 4 0 Mars
on the breastplate underlines the assistance of and alliance with the god of war that is
also part of the message of the imperial coinage.
It is difficult not to believe that similar triumphal statues were set up in the new
theaters and fora that now came into being throughout Spain under Augustus. In fact,
two cuirassed figures from the scaena of the theater at Emerita tend to bear this out.
Though these have been identified as Gaius and Lucius, they testify to the fact that the
emperor's triumphant military presence was extended by his heirs. 141 Cuirassed statues
from Augustan times which may possibly include one of the emperor have also been
found in the theater at Tarraco. 142
The symbols of victory on the coins repeat themselves in a variety of contexts. At
Osuna, for example, a bas-relief from the Augustan period contains, among other things,
a crown of laurel, while laurels and a laurel tree are found on another architectural relief
from Emerita. Laurel leaves also make up part of the fresco decoration of the Augustan
baths at Conimbriga. 143
On the coins, the various victory honors accorded Augustus were visible in easily
recognized symbols — triumphal arches, the clupeus virtutis, and the corona civica. These
appear again in the other media. It has already been observed that temples honoring
Augustus at Gades and Carthago Nova had the clupeus in their pediments. 144 Again, the
altar of Augustus at Tarraco, which was dedicated during the emperor's lifetime and
which is depicted on the coins of Tiberius, was decorated on its front with what may be
a version of the clupeus, and the oak swag between bucrattia that completes the decoration
has been taken as a variant of the corona civica. Complementing these honors accruing
from victory, was the palm tree that grew out of the altar and is visible on the coins. 145
That this form of the corona had fairly wide dissemination can be inferred from the fact
that the swag and bucrania appear again on some of the altars making up the monument
of Santa Eulalia at Emerita, on a frieze from the same city that was perhaps from an
Augustan building, on an architectural fragment from the Augustan forum at Tarraco,
and even on a sarcophagus from Granada. 146 Finally, the crown on the base of a statue
dedicated to Augustus at Saguntum shows yet another use of the motif. Here the Sagunti-
138
RPC 401, 402; Etienne 391, 400.
139
Böschung (above n. 95) 398.
140
Leon (above n. 98) 373—75, though, as he says, it has been taken as Mars, Trajan, and Hadrian.
141
Böschung (above n. 95) 395.
142
Böschung (above n. 95) 397: Augustus and the two princes.
143
Osuna: Thouvenot (above n. 8) 610. Emerita: EREP 418A, B, F. Conimbriga: J. Alarcäo — R. Etienne,
Fouilles de Conimbriga 1. L'architecture, Paris 1978, 47.
144
Above nn. 132, 133.
145
RPC 218, 221, 225, 231; Quint, inst. 6.3.77.
146
Emerita: EREP 413 (Santa Eulalia), 418D (frieze), with mention, pp. 418—19, of other monuments on
which the motif appears. Tarraco: Pidal 2, 2, 597—98; Ramon Melida (above n. 88) 64. Fishwick (above
n. 87) 154 connects the swag at Tarraco with the temple of the deified Augustus. This would make it
Tiberian. If this is the case, it would perhaps show the importance and influence of the Augustan motif
that appeared both on the altar and temple. Granada: EREP 248bis.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 461
ni making the dedication have recognized the importance of the corona civica for the
Augustan propaganda and have included it as part of their offering. 147
While it is clear that the motifs of victory were part of the decoration of buildings, it
is also natural to expect the existence of full-fledged victory monuments honoring
Augustus. There is, indeed, some evidence that these were erected in Spain, though it is
scarce, scattered, and fragmentary. Ianus Augustus was an Augustan arch mentioned ear-
lier as turning up on milestones on the Via Augusta. It has been dated to 2 B.C. and
located near Ossigi. 148 It certainly marked the border between Tarraconensis and Baetica,
but in view of the associations with war and peace that the Janus Arch in Rome had, it
seems logical that this arch in purpose and decoration was also connected with the Victo-
ria Augusta.
Again, the arch at Medinacelli may come from the Augustan period. Its sculpture has
not survived — if, indeed, it ever existed — but it has been related to free-standing
arches like that at Orange, and one scholar believes it originally carried an inscription
containing a dedication to Gaius and Lucius. 149 The arch at Barä and the so-called Arch
of Trajan at Emerita could also have been monuments honoring Augustus. 150 Neither
has any sculpture, but the latter is important as the entrance to the Augustan forum at
Emerita. The fact that many such fora were built throughout Spain at this time leaves
open the possibility that such monuments celebrating the 1Victoria Augusta existed at
other centers. Indeed, there is intriguing evidence for arches in the fora at Corduba and
Malaga, where keystones carved as victories were found. 151
Especially interesting and important in this connection are the remains of a trophy or
arch found in the Augustan forum at Tarraco. 152 These consist of the heads of a barba-
rian woman and man as well as the lower parts of two male figures, both of which wear
capes or tunics with the one having bracae underneath and the other being bare-legged.
Apparently a bipennis was part of this scene. There is a striking similarity between these
remains and other victory monuments of Augustus in Gallia Narbonensis, especially those
at Saint Bertrand and Saint Remy which celebrated Augustan victories over barbarians,
whether in Gallia Comata or in Germany. 153 It would appear, then, that here at Tarraco —
which was not, after all, far from the memorials of Narbonese Gaul — a similar tribute was
set up, perhaps celebrating, in this case, Augustus' victories over the Spanish barbarians to
the north. Such an honor would have been especially appropriate in this city which had
been his seat of operations in the 20's and where the populace had been so positively
disposed to him that they had organized a cult and set up an altar in his honor.
147 CIL II 3827 = II2 1 4 305.

148 Above n. 88. Pidal 2, 2, 5 7 5 - 7 6 ; Ramon Melida (above n. 88) 126. On arches of triumph in general: Pidal
2, 2, 5 7 5 - 7 9 .
149 Pidal 2, 2, 577. Pfanner (above n. 40) 88 points out its prominent position on the hill and relates it to
arches at Orange in Gaul and at Barä and Ossigi in Spain. Bläzquez 124 dates it to the second century
after Christ.
150 Barä: von Hesberg (above n. 66) 362 with n. 196. Pidal 2, 2, 576 dates it to the time of Trajan. Emerita:
As early as 1926 Ramon Melida (above n. 92) 123 suggested that it was Augustan, honoring the emperor,
Agrippa, or Carisius; cf. Alvarez Martinez (above n. 103) 64—68.
151 EREP 179; Pfanner (above n. 40) 91 with n. 89. There may be evidence for an arch at Caesaraugusta in
EE 9 308 a, b. Etienne 378 sees this as the epistyle of an arch, though it may be part of a frieze of a
public building.
152 Ε. M. Koppel, Relieves arquitectönicos de Tarragona, in: Trillmich 328—32.
153 Ramage (above n. 5) 4 1 4 - 1 5 , 416.

There are other possible Augustan victory monuments in Spain, though none is well
documented. The turns Augusti, mentioned by Mela in passing as a landmark in north-
western Spain, may have fallen into this category. 154 There may also have been some
kind of Augustan memorial at Aquae Flaviae. 155 And if the walls and gates built in the
Augustan period are more monumental than defensive, then a fine gate such as that
which appears on the coins of Emerita could easily have served as commemoration of
the Victoria Augusta.™
As on the coins, so in two inscriptions Victoria herself is connected with Augustus.
The most striking evidence of this is the dedication to Victoria Augusta by Colonia Tri-
umphalis Tarraco. It may come from as early as 16 B.C. and is probably connected with
the military successes of Augustus and his generals in Spain between 26 and 19 B.C. 157
It has special importance for the present study, for it establishes the fact that in one
instance, at any rate, Victoria has been made part of the Augustan ideology and, like the
emperor, has become the subject of worship.
There may also have been dedications to the Victoria Augusta at Carthago Nova. 158 If
this is true, there is an important parallel with Tarraco, for at the two sites, as has been
noticed already, there seems to have been a cult of Augustus during his lifetime. In both
cases, then, this worship extended beyond the emperor to the Victoria Augusta that was
so important an element of his ideology.
There is another inscription, this one from Urgavo, in which Victoria and Augustus
are allied. It is a dedication, probably of an altar, to the two of them. 155 Though this has
been called a "dedication to the Victoria of Imperator Caesar Augustus (11 — 12 A.D.)",
the impression that it leaves is quite different from the dedications to the Victoria Au-
gusta above. 160 Here Augustus and Victoria are separate and equal as recipients of the
offering. 161 When the other dedications to Augustus and his family from Urgavo are
taken into account, it is easy to see this inscription as part of a broader attempt on the
part of the people living here to produce rather elaborate panegyric concentrating on the
individual. In this inscription, then, the focus is on Augustus and on Victoria as his ally.
A glance back through the evidence shows clearly that the propaganda of the Victoria
Augusta appeared in all the media and had many manifestations. It moved on levels
designed to influence all the people of Spain, Romans and natives alike, and it reached
everyone everywhere. This was effective propaganda that in essence made Augustus, the
victorious leader, a part of everyday life and thought.
B. Peace and Prosperity (Pax and Felicitasj

At one point in his Carmen Saeculare Horace talks about the return of the old-time
virtues under Augustus (57—60). Besides trust (fides), honor (honos), modesty (pudor), and
154 Above n. 87.
155 Diego Santos (above n. 6) 555, using EE 9 102.
156 RIC 9, 10; RPC 12, 2 0 - 2 7 , 3 0 - 3 3 . On the walls as monuments: below n. 192.
157 AE 1955 243 = RIT 58. Etienne 329 says that the emperor here is Augustus and dates it before A.D. 14.
Alföldy RIT p. 31 says it shows fine letters like 66 which dates to 16—14 B.C.; he connects it with the
events in Spain, as he does in his Tarraco, RE Suppl. 15, 1978, 594; cf. Blazquez 106.
158 Blazquez (above n. 34) 114 mentions inscriptions to Victoria Augusta set up at Carthago Nova on the
occasion of the end of the Cantabrian Wars. He provides no references.
159 CIL II 2106. It is dated to A.D. 1 1 - 1 2 by the emperor's tides; cf. Etienne 388.
160 The quotation is from Taylor (above n. 97) 282.
161 Etienne 388 says that it is an altar to Augustus and Victoria.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 463
virtue (virtus), peace (paxj makes its appearance and at the end of the list comes plenty
or abundance with full cornucopia. 162 The poet has carefully related peace and prosperity
here and it is the relationship found in other contexts such as the sculpture of the Ara
Pacis in Rome: prosperity has the climactic position; peace is a blessed condition that
makes it possible. 163 But there is more to the message here than this. The two stanzas
that precede give the reason for this fine state of affairs (49—56): Augustus, "the renow-
ned descendant of Anchises and Venus", has been foremost in war (bellante prior), but at
the same time merciful to the enemy (lenis in hostem) and under his aegis the Parthian
fears the Roman power and the Scythians and Indians wait for Roman replies to their
petitions. In other words, it is the victorious Augustus and the Victoria Augusta that have
brought this about.
To put it more precisely, victory properly used (lenis in hostem) has produced a state of
peace that has made the good times possible. A close look at the rest of the poem
reveals that it is felicitas, not pax, that is important in this scheme. Here are prayers for
Lucina to bring fecundity to women, where prosperes, a word of good fortune and suc-
cess, carries much of the meaning (13—24); for the fates to provide a happy future
(25—28); for the earth to produce crops for Ceres, a deity closely connected with abun-
dance and prosperity (29—32); for the gods in general to give the descendants of Romu-
lus wealth, offspring, and every honor (47—48). Finally, as part of the climax there is a
direct reference to felicitas (66—68) when Apollo is asked to extend and prolong well into
the future the wealth of Rome and the prosperity of Latium (remque Romanam LMtiumque
felix). From the Carmen Saeculare, then, the relationship between victoria, pax, and felicitas
is clear and the emphasis on the last shows that it is an important element of Augustan
thinking and propaganda. The message here is practically the same as that on the Ara
Pacis. 164
Pax was not an important theme of Augustan propaganda, probably because, unlike
victoria and felicitas, it was a general state of affairs and so too abstract for Roman think-
ing. But this is not to say that it is not connected with Spain. In his Res Gestae, the
emperor points out that he brought peace to Spain, but here, as with the pirates a para-
graph earlier, it is really pacification through victory that is the issue. 165 The same atmo-
sphere exists in Strabo, where some of the Spanish tribes that have been defeated by
Augustus and held in check by Tiberius can be described as peaceful (3.3.8). Again,
there is a reference to pax in the dedication that accompanied the golden statue of
Augustus offered by the province of Baetica and set up in the Forum Augustum. The
offering has been made to Imperator Caesar Augustus because the province has been made
162 Hor. c. s. 59—60: beatapleno/copia cornu.

163 Ramage (above n. 5) 425—27 discusses this relationship between pax and felicitas with reference to the Ara
Pacis. This idea lies behind a couplet of Ovid's Fasti (407—408), where the poet says that Ceres, who
brings gifts and good services (394), especially to farmers (407), delights in peace (407: pace Ceres laeta est).
Peace, then, is a condition for prosperity. And the reference to Augustus in the next line as a peace-
producing leader or general (pacificumque ducemj makes a clear connection with the victory that brings peace.
164 Above n. 163. In this connection it is worth noticing that in the inscription of the Ludi Saeculares that has
survived (CIL VI 32323), victory is the object of prayer at two points: 95: a prayer to the Moerae for
victoriam valetudine[m populo Romano Quiritibus ...]; 126—28: a prayer to Juno for [... imperium] maiestatemque
p. R. Quiritifum duelli domique ... incolumitatem<] sempiternam virtoriam [valetudinem populo Romano Quiritibus ...].
Victoria is clearly present, feliatas is implied, and pax makes no appearance anywhere, either here or in the
rest of the document as it has survived.
165 Aug. RG 25.1.: marepacavi apraedonibus; 26.2: Hispanias ... pacavi.

peaceful as a result of his kindness and constant concern. 166 This is more than mere
pacification through victory; the personal virtues of the emperor have taken it in the
direction of prosperity.
It may be tempting to take the altar of peace at Barcino as evidence of the importance
of pax in the Augustan propaganda in Spain, 167 but, as seems to be the case with the
altar dedicated to Pax Augusta at Narbo in Gallia Narbonensis, this is probably a local,
isolated instance. 168 At the same time, there is more to the message of the piece, for the
cornucopia and serpent accompanying the inscription are symbols of prosperity and ferti-
lity so that the intent and meaning of the altar are pushed firmly in the direction of
felicitas. Thus they parallel the ideas in the Carmen Saeculare of Horace and in the Baeti-
ca inscription. The tiller which also appears on the altar is a direct reference to Au-
gustus, announcing to all who see it that this present happy state of affairs has come
about under his aegis. 169
While references to peace are few and far between in the Augustan propaganda in
Spain, the prosperity that the victorious emperor brought was to be seen everywhere.
Pax may not be present on the coins that have survived, but the signs of felicitas are. In
fact, they probably started to appear soon after the death of Julius Caesar. At Celsa an
issue has the head of victory and a palm on the obverse and on the reverse a colonist
ploughing. 170 The types are open to interpretation, but at a glance it looks as if the
poughing scene is at least a promise of or movement towards good times. If so, victory
on the obverse may be taken as referring to Caesar or Octavian whose successes in war
have made this possible. The message is even clearer on a coin from Carteia dated per-
haps to 30 B.C., for here the head of victory appears on the obverse while on the
reverse is a cornucopia, the standard symbol of prosperity. 171 And a winged caduceus on
an issue of a few years earlier conveys the same promise. 172 These coins cannot be
connected with Octavian directly, but they come from the time when he was in charge in
Spain and so may convey his early propaganda. The issues of Octavian from Gallia Nar-
bonensis in the 30's which promised new good times for Gaul perhaps make this more
likely. 173
After 27 B.C. the numismatic picture becomes brighter. The foundation coins from
Emerita and Caesaraugusta with the priest ploughing the religious furrow to mark out
the new colony carry connotations of hope, peace, and an auspicious future. 174 The fact
that the type continued to be used well after the establishment of these colonies sug-
gests that it came to celebrate a successful foundation with hopes realized. And the
166 Quoted above n. 14.
167 Discussed by Blazquez 105.
168 Rarnage (above n. 5) 4 2 7 - 2 8 .
169 The rudder as a symbol of Augustus' direction and rule: RiC 1 2 5 - 3 0 ; RPC 63. CIL II 3349 = ILS 3786,
a dedication to Augustus, Pax Perpetuus, and Concordia Augusta, is taken by Fears (above n. 107) 822 as
Augustan. But CIL η. ad loc. says the letters are Vespasianic. Moreover, Concordia Augusta was not an
Augustan virtue, and the ministra tutelae Augustae implies a stage of the imperical cult not yet reached under
Augustus. Etienne 270, 278, 324 takes the dedication as coming from the time of Vespasian. If it is
Augustan, the colony Pax Iulia would indicate that pax was to the fore in Augustan thinking. It was,
however, probably a Caesarian colony, as suggested earlier: above n. 38.
170 RPC 261.
171 RPC 114.
172 RPC 113.
173 Ramage (above n. 5) 408, 4 2 8 - 2 9 .
174 Above n. 69.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 465
remains at both sides certainly prove that the colonists enjoyed good times under Au-
gustus.
Rather striking is the fact that in one instance the imperial and provincial coinages
share a significant type. From the mint at Colonia Patricia and dated to about 18 B.C.
comes an issue with a reverse showing Augustus' name and capricorn holding a globe,
accompanied by a rudder and cornucopia. A coin from Italica has the same reverse type
with legend MVNIC(ipium) ITALIC(a). PER(missu) CAE(saris) AVG(usti) on the obverse
here presents the interesting possibility that the emperor was consulted in advance of
the minting and gave his approval. The message of these coins is clear: Augustus (repre-
sented by his sign, Capricorn), whose rule (rudder) extends over the whole world
(globe), is bringing felicitas (cornucopia) to it. The Victoria Augusta and felicitas are related
17S
yet again.
The cornucopia is on two other issues, one from Irippo and the other from Pax Iulia.
The former, which is perhaps Augustan, has a female figure on the reverse holding a
cornucopia and a pine cone; she is encircled by a wreath. If the portrait on the obverse
is Augustus, then the bringer of this prosperity is once again designated. And the wreath
on the reverse testifies to the fact that this has come from the Victoria Augusta and the
emperor's dementia. If the female is a local goddess, then there would seem to be the
further implication that Augustus is allied with this Spanish deity.176 The coin from Pax
Iulia displays Augustus' portrait more clearly on the obverse and the reverse is not unlike
that of the Irippo coin. Here the name of the city is included and a female figure holds a
caduceus and cornucopia, both symbols of prosperity. Once again, then, Augustus is
allied with the local goddess bringing prosperity to the people of the city.177 The cadu-
ceus appears also on a series of coins from an uncertain mint in northwest Spain. Here
the emperor's portrait is on the obverse with a palm in front and a winged caduceus
behind. In this case, then, not only is there a promise of prosperity, but the palm of
victory also points to its source. This part of the message is reinforced by the Spanish
weapons on the reverse of each of these coins. The empasis on the victorious ways of
Augustus and the booty he has taken is especially appropriate for this part of Spain
which remained barbarian and unpacified the longest. 178
A final piece of numismatic evidence indicates the importance of felicitas for the Au-
gustan propaganda: the aureus and denarius of the official coinage from Colonia Patricia
celebrating the Ludi Saeculares. In view of what was said earlier about Horace's Carmen
Saeculare, there can be no doubt that these coins were meant to carry to Spain the news
of the celebration of the Augustan prosperity in Rome. Here the caduceus is the badge
of the herald who announces the new golden age. The corona civica surrounding the scene
.serves as a reminder that this happy situation has resulted from the Victoria Augusta and
the emperor's dementia. The altar over which perhaps Augustus himself offers sacrifice
raises the message and the celebration to the level of the divine. The propagandistic
purposes of this issue cannot be doubted. 179
While the coins advertised the advent and presence of the new Augustan prosperity in
the abstract, the material remains served as palpable proof of its spread throughout the
175 RIC 1 2 5 - 3 0 ; RPC 63; cf. BMC cx; Suet. Aug. 94.12.
176 RPC 55, 56.
177 RPC 52. On the caduceus as a symbol of prosperity: BMC c, cxxxix, cxcviii.
178 RPC 1 - 4 .
179 RIC 138, 139.

peninsula. In one way or another, the emperor's extensive building program touched the
lives of everyone living in Lusitania, Baetica, and Tarraconensis. This is reflected in Stra-
bo's analysis of the prosperity of the Turditanians and other tribes and in his observation
mentioned earlier that Pax Augusta, Emerita Augusta, and Caesaraugusta, among other
centers, had profoundly affected the lives of the Spaniards. 180
With the Augustan period the Roman remains become abundant and bear witness to a
new era for Spain characterized by a perfecting of urbanization. 181 The result, as noted
earlier, was what has been called "a new monumentality" that Augustus inherited from
the late Republic and fostered and extended throughout his reign. 182 Not only did the
process involve founding exquisitely appointed centers like Emerita, but the monumenta-
lizing and marbleizing of older cities like Bilbilis were also part of it. 183 And so temples
like that at Barcino can be compared with the contemporary temples in Gaul which were
themselves products of the new prosperity there. 184 And this is one of the reasons that
Mela some thirty years after Augustus can describe Emerita and Caesaraugusta as the
most outstanding cities in their respective provinces. 185
It is not possible to consider all of the remains in any detail, but even a quick survey
leaves the impression of a golden age under Augustus. Not only did he found and build
colonies and peregrine establishments throughout Spain, but he also rebuilt cities like
Saguntum and Numantia and raised others like Valentia from their ashes. 186 And at the
individual sites there are signs of extensive building. As might be expected, the remains
suggest much architectural activity at Caesaraugusta. At Bilbilis an elaborate program was
undertaken where the terrain was even modified to accomodate the buildings. The re-
mains at Segobriga reveal a unified project in the time of Augustus which included wall and
gates, theater, amphitheater, cryptoporticus, gymnasium, baths, cloacae, and surely also an
impressive forum. Asturica Augusta by Pliny's time could be called a splendid and magnifi-
cent city and Malaca showed a certain Augustan sumptuosity. And Astigi had rich and sub-
stantial buildings as suited the commercial capital of a conventus. Again, excavations at Co-
nimbriga in the extreme west have brought to light a fine forum, substantial baths, and a
sophisticated system of hydraulics from Augustan times. Italica with an amphitheater that
was the fourth largest in the Roman world was no doubt also an impressive city. And the
inscription announcing that the emperor had built the fortifications of Pax Iulia certainly
proves that he was active and wanted his benevolent presence known. There is no reason to
believe that his building activities here stopped with towers and gates. It is important to
notice that not just main centers benefited from this prosperity, for new forms appeared in
out-of-the-way places like Pollentia on the island of Maiorca. 187
180 Strab. 3.2.15. The word he uses is ευδαιμονία Cf. Biäzquez 86, who says that the great material prosperity
that Strabo describes here is without doubt due to the politics of Augustus.
181 Biäzquez 81, 102: Kienast 352—53 with nn. 163—65; J. Alarcäo — R. Etienne, Archeologie et Ideologie
imperiale ä Conimbriga (Portugal), CRAI 1986, 124.
182 Von Hesberg (above η. 66) 352. Cf. above η. 66.
183 Pfanner (above η. 40) 76, 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 , 110.
184 Below η. 197.
185 Mela 2.88; cf. above η. 69.
186 Saguntum: C. Aranegui (above n. 97) 2 4 1 - 5 0 . Numantia: PECS 6 3 5 - 3 6 ; cf. Arce (above n. 69)
125. Valentia: CIL II2 14 11 with Alföldy's comment.
187 Caesaraugusta: above n. 69; cf. esp. Beiträn Lloris (above n. 69) 199. Bilbilis: Pfanner (above n. 40) 76;
Martin Bueno, El significado (above n. 53) 150; idem, Bilbilis Augusta (above n. 53) 219—38; cf. Kienast
352. Segobriga: M. Almagro-Gorbea, La urbanizaciön augüstea de Segobriga, in: Trillmich

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 467
Emerita received special attention. It has been called the Rome of Spain and an ex-
pression of the Pax Augusta. 188 Its remains range from a fine temple in its forum to an
impressive theater. Walls, gates, bridges, arch, amphitheater, aqueducts, and much of the
infrastructure have survived and in most cases show that the architecture was designed
to be impressive. Fragments of sculpture, some of the architectural decoration, and a
number of important inscriptions round out a picture of a city that was truly a tribute to
the new Augustan fe/icitas.lS9 A city like this with all its modern buildings and other
conveniences must have made a strong impression on people living in lesser cities here
and elsewhere in Spain. 190
A closer look at the remains at these and other sites shows that this prosperity manife-
sted itself in a number of ways. As noted earlier, the new or newly refurbished centers
were substantially larger than those of Republican times. Moreover, there were buildings
of all kinds that were more elaborate and more impressive than any of their predeces-
sors. And finally, the sculptural decoration of these further attested to the Augustan
felicitas. Thus the cities of this time completely overshadowed all earlier establishments
and also set the mode and standards for future construction. 191
There are signs of Augustan walls at enough sites to prove that they were built or
restored throughout Spain at this time. In Tarraconensis, remains or other evidence of
fortifications of this period exist at Emporiae, Barcino, Castrum Octavianum, Caesarau-
gusta, Augustobriga, Termania, Medinacelli, and Segobriga; in Lusitania at Emerita and
Pax Augusta; in Baetica at Corduba and Carmona. There were surely others that have
disappeared or have not been identified. It is important to remember that by now walls
and gates were for the most part unnecessary and were as much monuments as anything.
The fortification has been called an "elemento de prestigio"; it was becoming a badge of
honor and a sign of the new, good times. 192
The religious, political, and economic focus in the cities of Spain is now the Augustan
forum. Remains have come to light at a number of sites: in Tarraconensis at Emporiae,
Tarraco, Clunia, Bilbilis, Saguntum, and Segobriga; in Lusitania at Tomar, Conimbriga, and
Emerita; in Baetica at Corduba and Iulia Traducta. What is left of each of these fora varies
a great deal from site to site, but those that can be plotted are so alike in plan that only a
single Augustan purpose and ideology can be behind them. 193 The thorough, careful exca-
vations at Conimbriga have revealed the plan: an open area with a monumental entrance to
the south, the temple of the imperial cult with a columned hall in front on the north, a
colonnade with a series of shops behind on the west, and the basilica and curia on the east.
This was an efficient, but at the same time impressive addition to the cities of Spain.
207—17. Asturica: Plin. nat. 3.28: Asturica urbe magnifica. Malaca: P. Rodriguez Oliva, Malaca, ciudad roma-
na, in: CA 2, 59. Astigi: Blanco Freijeiro — Corzo (above n. 82) 145. Conimbriga: PECS 237; Bläzquez
(above n. 34) 129; Alarcäo (above n. 38) 49—50; Böschung (above n. 95) 397; Alarcäo — Etienne (above
n. 143) 2 7 - 6 4 ; J. de Alarcäo, Historia da arte em Portugal, Lisbon 1986, 7 9 - 8 0 , 94, 96. Italica: Tovar
(above n. 46) 1 6 3 - 6 6 . Pax Iulia: AE 1989 368; Alarcäo (above n. 38) 46. PoUentia: PECS 722.
188 Bäsch (above n. 57) 192; Ramon Melida (above n. 92) 100.
189 Above n. 69; Bäsch (above n. 57); Tovar (above n. 46) 2 2 3 - 3 0 . Pfanner (above n. 40) 99 calls the theater-
amphitheater arrangement a „Kulturzentrum".
190 Cf. Pfanner (above n. 40) 8 5 - 8 8 , 90.
1,1 Cf. Pfanner (above n. 40) 88; above n. 41.
192 Beiträn Lloris, El valle (above n. 69) 199. Trillmich (above n. 69) 301 takes the city gate on the coins at
Emerita as a sign of peace and of the founding and building of cities.
193 Pfanner (above n. 40) 91.

Many substantial buildings of entertainment also now appeared in Spain.,Theaters were

the most frequent of these and in many ways the most impressive and were either finished
or at least begun at Tarraco, Caesaraugusta, Celsa, perhaps Bilbilis, Saguntum, and Segobri-
ga in Tarraconensis. In Lusitania a theater was built in Augustan times at Metellinum, Ol-
isipo, and Emerita. The last has been called a magnificent monument and the most sump-
tuous theater in Spain. And, while the structure itself was proof of the Augustan prosperity,
there were other indications within it of the happy state of affairs in appointments like the
statue of Ceres that accompanied the imperial statues on the scaena,194 Other theaters were
built at Malaca, Urso, Acinipo, and Gades in Baetica. The theater at Italica, though Republi-
can, was apparently modernized and covered with marble by Augustus.
Baths und amphitheaters were not as common, but they did make their appearance. The
fine amphitheater at Emerita was a suitable companion to the theater and that at Italica
seems to come from Augustan times. At Emerita, there were also baths and a circus. The
excavations at Conimbriga have provided much information about the substantial, well-
appointed bath establishment there. That at Gijon on the north coast in Asturian country
may also be Augustan. Again, the circuses at Toledo, Saguntum, Calagurris, and Tarraco
may come from this time. And one may have existed also at Carthago Nova.
Among the most striking manifestations of the Augustan felicitas were the fine Corin-
thian and Ionic temples now dedicated to the gods who had brought these good times.
Though the remains are not extensive, except in a few cases, even a glance through the
array of column capitals that have survived gives an idea of the great number of impres-
sive temples that must have been built in these years. 195 In a few cases the coins suggest
some of their features. At Ilici there was a tetrastyle temple dedicated to Juno, while at
Carthago Nova, a similar tetrastyle building was dedicated to Augustus. Another without
dedication appears on issues from Gades. 196
At Emerita a temple to Jupiter, Juno, and Minverva exhibits the "exquisite work of the
Augustan era." The so-called Temple of Diana here and the temples at Barcino and
Evora have been likened to the Maison Caree at Nimes and the temple at Vienne which
were themselves tributes to the Augustan prosperity in Gaul. 197 Other Augustan temples
have come to light at Emporiae, Vich, Bilbilis, Saguntum, and perhaps Augustobriga. 198
At least some of these were routinely made the focal point of the new Augustan fora.
The less monumental construction at many Spanish sites must not be overlooked.
Even today there are remains of impressive aqueducts that attest to -the importance of
the infrastructure of the new foundations. At Emerita, the Aqua Augusta that brought
water to a city with an ever greater demand for it was no doubt part of an elaborate
194 P. Gros, Theatre et culte imperial en Gaule Narbonnaise et dans la peninsule iberique, in: Trillmich 389,
though he speaks of the Pax Augusta.
195 Cf. von Hesberg (above n. 66) with bibliography in the notes. A look at Trillmich pi. 2a—g, 14a, b, f—h,
20, 21, 37—41 suggests an array of fine buildings.
196 Ilici: RPC 192, 193; Blazquez 102; Pidal 2, 2, 599. Carthago Nova: RPC 1 7 4 - 7 7 ; Pidal 2, 2, 599; Bläz-
quez (above n. 34) 114; below nn. 310, 311. Gades: RPC 94, 95; below n. 312.
197 Emerita: Ramon Melida (above n. 92) 123—24; J. M. Alvarez Martinez, El templo de Diana, in: Augusta
Emerita (above n. 69) 43—53. Other temples: Bäsch (above n. 57) 203—209. Barcino: above n. 184. Ebora:
PECS 290; Mierse (above n. 37) 317; F. Teichner, Evora. Vorbericht über die Ausgrabungen am römischen
Tempel ( 1 9 8 6 - 1 9 9 2 ) , MDAI(M) 35, 1994, 357.
198 Emporiae: Mar-Ruiz de Arbulo (above n. 97) 1 5 1 - 5 2 . Vich: von Hesberg (above n. 66) 3 6 2 - 6 3 . Bilbilis:
Martin Bueno, El significado (above n. 53) 148, 149. Saguntum: Mar — Ruiz de Arbulo 159—60,
162. Augustobriga: PECS 122 (Lusitania); Alvarez Martinez (above n. 197) 49.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 469
system of hydraulics which was important enough to be commemorated on the coins.

Such a system is probably celebrated also on the coins of Carthago Nova. 1 9 9 Besides
those at Emerita, aqueducts from Augustan times have been found at Tarraco, near
Caesaraugusta, at Conimbriga, at Italica, and at Pollentia. And the fine remains at Sego-
via are now thought by some to date from this period. 2 0 0 The Aqua Augusta at Corduba
was mentioned earlier. Once again, even though only seven or eight Augustan aqueducts
have been identified, their location and distribution suggest that there were numerous
others serving the needs of the large new centers that were being founded and refoun-
ded. In this connection, the less visible and monumental parts of the infrastructure of
the Augustan cities must not be overlooked. Reservoirs, settling basins, fountains, and
even cloacae were also evidence of the new prosperity.
The same is true of roads and bridges. The point has been made already that Augustus
had a high visibility as a builder of roads. These were an essential part of the infrastructure,
made necessary by the growing commerce and the need for arteries connecting the new
and expanded centers. As such they, too, were striking evidence o f f e l i c i t a s , 2 0 1
Bridges were part of the road system and, like aqueducts, were not only useful and
necessary, but in many cases were also monuments. Such are those at Emerita even today.
In conjunction with the substantial walls, they must have made a strong impression on
the traveller approaching the city from the south. Remains of other bridges which may
be Augustan have been found at Albarregas, Andujar, Corduba(?), Helmantica, Metelli-
num, Tarraco, and probably Hispalis. Caesaraugusta, too, because of its location, proba-
bly had substantial bridges, though they no longer exist. 202 By now the focus has moved
well away from theaters, temples, and fora, but it is important to recognize the technical
side of the Augustan prosperity.
Finally, there are a number of miscellaneous items of architecture that deserve men-
tion. The palace of the emperor at Tarraco, for example, must have made its impres-
sion. 203 Augustan houses at Bilbilis and Pollentia serve as reminders that extensive residen-
tial areas in the cities also attested to the good times brought by the new regime. 2 0 4 And
so did structures like the suburban villas at Caesaraugusta that extended the colony's size
right after its foundation. 2 0 5
While even a quick survey of Augustan buildings and other structures provides in-
sights into the purposes of Augustus and the extent and vigor of the new felicitas, the
details of many of the buildings add to the impression. Size and plan were usually note-
worthy, but equally eye-catching in many cases was the elaborate decoration, especially
that of the acanthus and floral motifs generally, that would be immediately taken by the
perceptive observer as signs and symbols of felicitas,206 Vitruvius points out that the
199 Emerita: RPC 6 - 9 . Carthago Nova: RPC 160; cf. Bläzquez (above n. 34) 114.
2(10 Ramon Melida (above n. 88) 29—30. But Pidal 2, 2, 575 says they are probably from the time of Nerva.
201 Above nn. 8 9 - 9 4 .
202 Bläzquez 124 (Emerita, Metellinum, Helmantica); PECS 382 (Helmantica); Pidal 2, 2, 5 6 5 - 6 8 (Andüjar,
Corduba, Emerita, Helmantica, Hispalis, Metellinum, Tarraco); Ramon Melida (above n. 88) 30 (Tarraco).
203 Bläzquez 108; PECS 883.
204 Bilbilis: Martin Bueno, El significado (above n. 53) 150. Pollentia: PECS 722.
205 Beiträn Martinez (above n. 43) 245.
21,6 Cf. Ramage (above n. 5) 431—34. Bläzquez 102 speaks of the great increase in the construction of civil
edifices under Augustus and in the embellishment and beautification of the cities. On this decoration: von
Hesberg (above n. 66) 341—64; idem, Cordoba und seine Architekturornamentik, in: Trillmich 283—87,
both with bibliography.

470 Ε; S. RAMAGK, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
public and private buildings of Augustus were meant to match the greatness of his ac-
complishments, and an important part of their distinction was their decoration. 207 This
surely contributed to the magnificence and splendor o f cities like Astigi, Asturica, Emeri-
ta, and Malaca and it must have been one of the elements that brought Mela's praise of
Emerita and Caesaraugusta as clarissimae.208
But any attempt to consider the decoration of Augustan buildings in Spain meets with
difficulties. There are very few remains because of later remodelling and especially be-
cause of the wholesale destruction of late antiquity. But enough of the architectural
decoration has survived in Spain to show that here, as in other parts of the Empire, it
served also as a witness to the new golden age.
Even a quick review of the Corinthian capitals that still exist suggests an array o f
buildings carrying the vegetation of felicitas as the Maison Caree and other structures did
in Gaul. 209 Fine examples have come from Baetulo, Barcino, Caesaraugusta, Carteia, Cel-
sa, Corduba, Italica, Malaca, Emerita, Carthago Nova, Pax Iulia, Saguntum, Hispalis, and
Tarraco. Even some o f the Ionic capitals took on this kind of elaboration. From these
remains it is possible to extrapolate, at least in a general way, the decoration o f the rest
of these buildings that in most cases has long since disappeared.210
Among the more notable fragments are those that were found in the area of Pan Ca-
liente in Emerita. 211 There are at least two and perhaps three different scenes among
these. In the one case represented by three of the pieces, bucrania are joined by garlands
consisting of acorns, oak leaves, pomegranates, bunches of grapes, vine leaves, ears of
grain, pine boughs, and pine cones. The similarity of this motif to that of the Ara Pacis
is striking and the symbolism o f prosperity is easily recognized. Two other relief frag-
ments have been related to these, on one of which is a scene o f sacrifice and on the
other an arch similar to that on one of the bucrania-gzAinA fragments. The latter form a
frieze above the scene of sacrifice which is taking place in front of the arches which
perhaps represent gates in the city wall. The priest wears what looks like the corona civica
and may be Agrippa. 212 I f the reconstruction is accurate and the identifications correct,
then the Augustan propaganda cannot be missed. For here is a member of the imperial
family and one of the emperor's victorious generals wearing a symbol of victory properly
used surrounded above and below by signs o f prosperity. And the praefericula above the
garlands and the religious scene in the main panel move all the symbolism to the level of
the divine.
Two other pieces from the same area have bucrania with garlands that are quite differ-
ent. 213 The foliage of the latter has been identified as laurel leaves, and, if this is the
case, then connotations of victory predominate. But the running acanthus with rosettes
that borders the one fragment on the top and the other on the bottom takes the mes-
sage beyond victory to felicitas. And the patera above the one garland and the praefericulum
above the other provide religious connotations. The theme, then, is the same as it was
207 Vitr. 1. praef. 3: pro amplitudine rerum gestarum.

208 Above n. 69.
209 Cf. Ramage (above n. 5) 4 3 3 - 3 4 .
210 Cf. Trillmich pi. 2 a - f , 1 3 a - c , 14a, b, f - h , 20, 21a, d, e, 3 3 a - i , 3 7 - 3 9 a - c , 41a, c - j . Von Hesberg
(above n. 66) 353 has made the point that fragments of the decoration of a building provide satisfactory
indicarions of the complete architectural combination.
211 Trillmich (above n. 103) discusses the relief fragments in detail.
212 Trillmich (above n. 103) 291, 300-303.
213 EREP 418 B, D.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 471
on the other piece, though with different emphases: victoria, at work on a divine level, is
allied with felicitas.
A final fragment from this group is quite different. 214 It shows a free-standing tree,
which has been taken as a laurel, with a snake at its base. Above and below runs a
delicate frieze of acanthus with small rosettes and flowers. For the third time, then,
among these fragments victoria and felicitas are allied and once again the thrust of the
Augustan propaganda is clear. 215
The foliage and vegetation symbolizing the Augustan prosperity decorated other buil-
dings at Emerita. Remains from what may be the Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva
show the exquisite work of the period. 216 So does the stage front in the theater, where
the entablature and cornice are carved with an array of closely packed decoration —
lotus-palmette, scrolling vegetation, rosettes, and on the soffits an adaptation of the oak
swag. Here the richness and luxuriance of the vegetation serve as a vivid and constant
reminder of the new good times. 217 That felicitas was in the minds of the architects and
sculptors here at Emerita is indicated by the fact that a cornucopia is made part of a
capital from the so-called Temple of Diana. 218
Fragments from Augustan buildings at other sites provide the same eye-catching evi-
dence of felicitas. From Corduba comes a capital described as being as good as those of
the Forum of Augustus in Rome and it is accompanied by a fine piece of the cornice of
the building which was perhaps a temple. 219 At Italica there are pieces of elegant decora-
tion including one that recalls that of the Temple of Concord in Rome. 220 And reliefs
from Osuna seem to combine laurels of victory, creatures of nature, and religious sym-
bols to produce at least somewhat the same effect as the fragments at Emerita. 221 At
Carthago Nova, what is left of an entablature and a fine frieze point to the elaborate
decoration of a temple. 222 Finally, a piece from the basilica in the forum at Saguntum
takes the form of a floral runner and a rosette that when repeated could easily have
served as an indicator of felicitas here. 223
Many of these architectural symbols appeared on other objects and structures. Bucrania
and garlands similar to those from Pan Caliente are found on the monument to Santa
Eulalia at Emerita. 224 The three altars here have garlands made up of fruit connoting
214 EREP 418 Ε

215 Trillmich (above n. 103) 2 9 8 - 9 9 takes the sculpture as Claudian. EREP pp. 4 0 2 - 4 0 3 , 419 posits an Augustan
date or a litde later; cf. 413. M. F. Squarciapino, Ipotesi di lavoro sul gruppo di sculture di Pan Caliente, in:
Augusta Emerita (above n. 69) 59—60, 62 dates it at the earliest to the Julio-Claudian period. Given the
heavily Augustan symbolism, the connections with the Ara Pads, and the presence of Agrippa, even if it is
a litde later than Augustus, it was surely inspired by his propaganda and shows how strong it was.
216 Ramon Melida (above n. 88) 71.
217 Von Hesberg (above n. 66) 355—62 makes a convincing case for the decoration of the stage front being
Augustan; cf. pi. 39d—h, 40a—g.
2,8 Von Hesberg (above n. 66) 343—44, who dates the temple to shordy after the foundation of Emerita in
25 B.C. E. von Mercklin, Antike FiguralkapiteUe, Berlin 1962, 2 7 2 - 7 5 0 . Nos. 6 4 0 - 4 9 d , deals with the
cornucopia as it appears on capitals, though he does not treat this one from Emerita.
219 Pidal 2, 2, 610 with figs. 307, 308.
220 Thouvenot (above n. 8) 611 — 12 with fig. 132, dated to the end of Augustus' reign, though Thouvenot 612
would like it to be Flavian.
221 Thouvenot (above n. 8) 610.
222 Bläzquez 106; idem (above n. 34) 116.
223 Aranegui (above n. 97) 248 with pi. 17d.
224 EREP p. 413, where it is described as Augustan and connected with the reliefs from Pan Caliente.

472 Ε. S. Ramagh, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
felicitas once again, and the various religious implements and, of course, the altars them-
selves make the same connections with the divine.
This motif was not limited to Emerita. From Carteia in Baetica comes a relief with
bucrania and a garland of oak, pine, and fruits combined with a religious implement in
much the same way as the garlands of Pan Caliente are. The decoration is reminiscent
once again of that on the inside of the balustrade of the Ara Pacis and could easily date
from the time of Augustus. 225 These and other occurrences of the symbols of this pro-
sperity reveal how widespread the propaganda was. The keystones from arches at Malaca
and Corduba have victories on their faces, but the spiral motifs with rosettes on the
sides in both cases serve as stylized emblems extending the victory in the direction of
peace and prosperity. 226 Again, the cuirass of a triumphal statue from Corduba, whether
Mars or Augustus, with a delicate acanthus whose slender stalk is flanked by a griffin on
each side, combines victoria and felicitas yet again. And the latter is reinforced by the
inverted palmette that serves as the focus of the lower part of the decoration. 227
Finally, a striking example of the appearance of the cornucopia must be mentioned.
This sign of prosperity has already been noted in Horace's Carmen Saeculare, on coins
from Carteia, Colonia Patricia, Italica, Irippo, and Pax Iulia, on an Augustan altar at
Barcino, and on a capital of the so-called Temple of Diana at Emerita. To these must be
added an instance from the Augustan baths at Conimbriga where motifs of vegetation
and cornucopiae are appliqued to the stuccoed walls as part of the decoration. But these
signs of felicitas are not by themselves, for, as mentioned earlier, laurels were part of the
arrangement, so that, as so often, the Victoria Augusta and the resultant felicitas are seen
together. 228 What is particularly striking about the occurrence of the idea here is that it
shows yet another way in which the Augustan prosperity was advertised and indicates
how far the emperor and his agents would go to keep the propaganda before the eyes of
the populace. Virtually every public medium and location was used.
The baths at Conimbriga bring up a final point that must be made about the propa-
ganda of Augustan felicitas. For the inhabitants of a city like this the building itself was
an architectural novelty and marvel, but the activities within it were further proof of the
new good times. And as the people engaged in these activities no doubt the various
interior decorative elements like the laurels and cornucopiae had an additional effect.
The message, then, moved on a number of levels.
This was, of course, true of other buildings like temples, theaters, amphitheaters, and
circuses, where the impressive structures combined with new and exciting entertainment
and religious activities. Again, the Augustan fora throughout Spain were no doubt them-
selves objects of admiration, but they were also a source of local pride. Within them
government took on special meaning, housed as it now was in its splendid surroundings.
Here Roman religion blossomed. And the commercial activities, expanding and burgeo-
ning, were additional direct evidence of the new prosperity. Moreover, the presence of
Augustus and his family in the statues set up in and around the fora — and in the other
buildings, for that matter — was a further reminder of the Augustan felicitas and of the
one who had made it all possible. Indeed, if military statues signified victory and tri-
225 Thouvenot (above n. 8) 6 1 4 .

226 Malaca: EREP 179; Pfanner (above n. 40) 91 with pi. 7e. Corduba: Pfanner 91 with pi. 7d.
227 Leon (above n. 98) 3 7 3 - 3 4 with pi. 44.
228 Alarcäo - Etienne (above n. 143) 47.

K L I O 8 0 (1998) 2 473
umph, then togate statues of the members of the imperial house, whether found in fora,
theaters, or elsewhere, must have connoted peace and prosperity. 229
It must be remembered that all this did not occur overnight. It took a long time to
revamp or build a city; roads were being constructed and repaired all the time. This
steady change and positive movement reinforced the propaganda, for the people were
kept aware of the progress and of the fact that it was constant and continuing.
C. Panegyric of the "Virtuous" Emperor

Two of the most important elements of Roman panegyric are its focus on the individual
and its emphasis on personal virtues. 230 From what has been seen already, it is clear that
victoria and felicitas are the most important themes of Augustan propaganda. These are
really public virtues, since they are positive ideals with results affecting all the people.
They come ultimately from the individual, in this case Augustus, who has exercised his
personal virtues to bring about these positive results. And the clupeus virtutis leaves no doubt
about what the latter are, for they are spelled out on it: virtus (courage), dementia (clemency),
iustitia (sense of justice), and pietas (loyalty to family, country, and gods). The corona civica
was bestowed on Augustus for applying dementia and so suggests the importance of that
virtue in the scheme. Another that must be added to these is liberalitas which is very impor-
tant in the Augustan panegyric and is related to most of the virtues on the shield.
In Spain, none of these appear "in print", so to speak. 231 There are no Augustan
colonies, for example, with virtus, liberalitas, fama, or claritas in their titles as there were
with Caesar. Like victoria and felicitas, they must be extrapolated from symbols and cryptic
passages in inscriptions.
1. Virtus (courage)
When victoria turns up, Augustus is represented as being responsible for it. If a trophy, a
reference to retrieval of the standards, or the goddess Victoria is part of the reverse of a
coin, for example, the emperor is always present on the obverse as the man of courage
who has produced this atmosphere of victory. Somewhat the same thing happens in the
inscription from Urgavo, where Caesar Augustus with his titles is followed immediately
by Victoria which completes the dedication. 232
The relationship between bonos (honor) and virtus is important. They are closely allied,
as the Temple of Honos and Virtus in Rome attests. 233 Actually, honos is the result of and
229 E. g. the togati at Emerita: E R E P 2 0 7 , 2 1 0 - 1 4 ; Trillmich (above n. 69) 3 1 3 - 1 6 ; Böschung (above n. 95)
3 9 4 — 9 5 ; at Italica: Leon (above n. 98) 3 7 6 ; at Saguntum: Aranegui (above n. 97) 2 4 7 with pi. 1 7 a .
230 T h e conventions and methods o f panegyric are summarized in E. S. Ramage, T h e So-called Laudatio Tunae
as Panegyric, Athenaeum 82, 1 9 9 4 , 3 4 2 — 4 7 . O n the Augustan virtues: E. S. Ramage, T h e Nature and
Purpose o f Augustus' "Res Gestae", Stuttgart 1 9 8 7 (Historia Einzelschriften 54), 7 4 — 1 0 0 .
231 T h e virtues are not spelled out in the other propaganda sources until the time o f Tiberius, though RIC 5 7
(saim), 1 4 6 — 5 3 (salus), 3 1 1 — 1 5 (honos), 3 6 9 (vaktudo) s h o w them beginning to make their appearance with
Augustus. By contrast, they are clearly present on RIC Tiberius 3 8 (dementia), 39, 4 0 (moderatio), 4 3 (pietas),
4 6 (iustitia), 4 7 (salus Augusta), 80, 81 (Providentia). Virtues also appear on the provincial coinage o f Tiberius:
R P C 2 8 , 2 9 , 3 4 - 3 6 , 38, 39, 4 5 - 4 8 , 64, 65, 2 1 9 , 222, 2 2 4 , 2 2 6 .
232 CIL II 2 1 0 6 . Cf. above n. 1 5 9 .
233 L. Richardson jr., A N e w Topographical Dictionary o f Ancient Rome, Baltimore 1 9 9 2 , 1 9 0 . Cf. Cie.
nat. 3 . 5 0 ; J. Hellegouarc'h, Le vocabulaire latin des relations et des partis politiques sous la republique,
Paris 1 9 6 3 , 3 8 3 - 8 7 .

reward for virtusr Thus the clupeus virtutis moves on two levels. On the one hand, it is
an honor or honor for a show of virtus or courage with its shape making a direct connec-
tion with war and victory. At the same time, virtus is highlighted on it as the first and
perhaps the main virtue. And so, when the shield is seen on the coins, on the altar at
Tarraco, or in the pediment of the temples at Carthago Nova and Gades, Augustus'
courage is to the fore.
There are other indications that this virtue of Augustus was given play in the propa-
ganda. His appearance with the Iberian horseman on coins from Osca, Bilbilis, Segobri-
ga, and Segovia and with Hercules on those of Gades produced an association with
Spanish symbols of courage. And, no doubt, many cuirassed statues like those at Emeri-
ta, Corduba, and even equestrian monuments such as the ones that probably existed at
Turiaso and Segobriga attested to the courage of the emperor as a leader in war. All of
these were mentioned earlier.
2. Clementia (clemency, leniency)

The importance of clementia for the Augustan image is perfectly clear: it follows right
after virtus on the shield and it was advertised separately via the honor and symbol of
the corona civicaP^ The wide appearance of the latter has already been noticed: on coins
in a variety of types, with at least one statue dedicated to Augustus, on the relief from
Emerita, and as a swag on altars and buildings. While it cannot be found with any
certainty in any of the inscriptions, the perpetua cura of that of Baetica from the Forum
of Augustus surely contains some of the same overtones. 236 Augustus' clementia was cele-
brated over a broad spectrum.
3. Iustitia (sense of justice)

Evidence of the emperor's sense of justice has already been seen on a number of levels.
His iustitia agendi must have been visible during his visits to Spain. 237 Dio provides hints
of his judicial activities there in 15—14 B.C., when he mentions his expenditures and
collections of money and his bestowing and rescinding freedom and citizenship. No
doubt his reorganizing Spain helped with the impression of the law-maker at work. Cer-
tainly also the just legislator was visible on the termini Augustales, and the legend PER-
MISSU AUGUST! on the provincial coins at a number of centers reflected his sitting in
fair and equitable judgement of the desires of the colonists.
The founding, organizing, and building of colonies and peregrine centers brought his
iustitia home in a number of ways. The military colony could be taken, to paraphrase
Cicero's words, as recognition and appreciation of his bravest soldiers, coming out of his
feelings of justice and good faith and his sense of loyalty to them. 238 Moreover, as foun-
der of a colony he was also its patron. The nature of the patron will be discussed later in
connection with liberalitas, but it should be noted there that iustitia is the virtue that
234 HeUegouarc'h (above n. 233) 386.

235 On clementia as a virtue of the man of government: Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 261—63. On the corona
civica: Ramage, Nature and Purpose (above n. 230) 76 η. 173.
237 On iustitia as a virtue of the man of government; Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 265—67.
238 Cie. Phil. 14.29: Est autem fidei pietatisque nostrae declarare fortissimis militibus, quam memores simus quamque grati.
Fides, translated here as "justice and good faith", is the basis for iustitia (Hellegouarc'h [above n. 233] 275).

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 475
inspires the patronus as he distributes his boons (beneficia). If this is the case, then the
new prosperity must have advertised this personal virtue of Augustus as much as it did
any of the others with the exception of his liberalitas or generosity. And if iustitia and
beneficium are related in this context, then the Baetica inscription takes on added meaning,
for there the panegyric involves the emperor's kindness and everlasting concern (beneficio
eius etperpetua cura).240 Augustus' sense of justice, then, was among the virtues at work as
he pacified Spain. In passing, it is worth noticing that iustitia and dementia are related,
inasmuch as they involve much the same outlook and attitude. 241
4. Pietas (loyalty to family, country, and gods)

Augustus' relation to the gods will be taken up later when matters of cult are dealt with.
The emperor's loyalty to his family is not very much in evidence. Respect for his adop-
tive father can certainly be read into the few imperial coin issues from Caesaraugusta
and Colonia Patricia which honor Divus Iulius.242 Again, giving his permission to the
magistrates of Iulia Traducta to celebrate Gaius and Lucius on their coins is perhaps to
be taken as proof of this pietas.243 And if, as some scholars believe, the names of Gaius
and Lucius appeared on the arch at Medinacelli, then this, too, should be included
here. 244 Possibly some of the Augustan temples that have been identified were dedicated
to his two heirs after their death as was the Maison Caree at Nimes, although this
cannot be proved.
The emperor's loyalty to his country is perhaps obvious, but a few observations are in
order. Pietas was due here as it was to one's parents, and the homo pius was a patriot and
a savior and guardian of his country. 245 If this is true, then the imperial coins of Colonia
Patricia dedicated to Augustus, parens and conservator, by the Senate and Roman people are
surely honoring him for exhibiting this virtue. 246
In the passage of the Phillippics referred to earlier, Cicero says that showing gratitude
to soldiers is evidence of fides and pietas,247 The military foundations of Augustus with
grants of land and most of the amenities of life fall into this category, for they are strik-
ing proof of the loyalty of the commander to his soldiers. And titles like Emerita Au-
gusta, Iulia Gemella Acci, and Augusta Gemella Tucci underline his appreciation.
The point will be made below during the discussion of liberalitas that on the provincial
coinage Augustus is honored as a patron of a number of cities. Part of this was a pietas
or sense of loyalty on his part, since this is one of the main virtues of a patron. 248 This
would also apply to Agrippa on the coins from Gades, where this representative of the
emperor is celebrated as parens and patronus,249
239 Cf. HeUegouarc'h (above n. 233) 266.

241 Cf. HeUegouarc'h (above n. 233) 261 n. 2, where they fall naturally together in the distribution of vitues.
242 RIC 37, 38, 102.
243 RPC 98, 107.
244 Above n. 149.
245 HeUegouarc'h (above n. 233) 278; he uses the words „patriote" and „conservateur".
246 RIC 96—101. It is interesting to note that by expressing themselves in this way the Senate and Roman
people are in their turn showing their pietas for their parent.
247 ' Above n. 238.
248 Below n. 256.
249 Above n. 61; below n. 262.

5. IJberalitas (generosity)
This virtue was not on the shield, but it is in the sources and cannot be ignored. Moreo-
ver, there are connections between it and the other virtues already discussed. Clementia is
actually a manifestation of liberalitas and the latter is much like iustitia, though this invol-
ves more independence of spirit and a greater objectivity. 250 It has been described as "un
attitude de generosite, de charite, et de justice". 251
Augustus' liberalitas has already been evident on a number of levels: supplying money
and granting citizenship on his visit to Spain; founding colonies, which represented gener-
osity to local people and Roman veterans alike; extensive building throughout Spain that
served as a constant reminder of the Roman benefactor at work. Even the new system
of roads that made communication so much easier could be taken as part of his munifi-
cence.
Augustus wanted his liberalitas to be recognized. At Emerita, his name and titles appeared
prominently in the amphitheater and those of Agrippa were to be seen in the theater. 252
At Valentia, an inscription marked the city's being rebuilt by the emperor well after its
destruction by Sertorius. 253 The fullest and most explicit evidence comes from Pax Iulia,
where an inscription records the fact that he has given the colony its walls, towers, and
gates. 254
Strong proof of Augustus' liberalitas lies in the panegyric treatment of him as a patron
that can be seen at a number of sites. The patron was marked not only by a liberalitas,
but also by the virtues of the clupeus virtutis and others related to them. 255 He was suppo-
sed to show fortitude in helping his clients, and this is connected with virtus, though it
moves on a more philosophical level. Clementia in company with amicitia, or true friend-
ship, is also important in the patron-client relationship. Fides, another virtue of the bene-
factor, is the basis for iustitia, which in turn is closely connected with liberalitas and is the
virtue that inspires him as he bestows his benefits. Finally, pietas along with fides assures
that he has loyalty to his family of clients and so will fulfill the laws of patronage. 256
The clearest indication of the presence of Augustus, the patron, in Spain lies in the
panegyric dedications to him, his family, and his associates and representatives in which
the recipient is designated patronus.257 They come from all parts of the peninsula. At Ulia
the emperor and other male members of his family appear as patroni: Caesar Augustus,
250 On liberalitas as a virtue of the man of government: Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 215—21; connections
with the other virtues: Hellegouarc'h 263, 266.
251 Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 218, who uses Cie. off. 1.43: nihil est enim liberale quod noη idem iustum.
252 AE 1959 28; CIL II 474. Ramon Melida (above n. 92) Nos. 707, 708, 739, 740; cf. Trillmich (above n. 69)
304, 305.
253 CIL II2 14 11; cf. p. 1 n. ad loc.
254 AE 1989 368. There may be other evidence of Augustus advertising his liberalitas in the name of Liberali-
tas Iulia Ebora, if, as Mierse (above n. 37) says, the city received this epithet about 27 B.C. PECS 290 has
the colony given its name by Caesar or Octavian before 27 B.C. The point was made earlier (above n. 38)
that Augustus seems not to have used virtues in naming his foundations.
255 Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 215, 2 7 5 - 9 4 , 566. Harmand (above n. 102) 8 8 - 9 1 describes the relationship
between Augustus and subject peoples like the Spaniards. The patron develops out of the military leader
who has been victorious and has the conquered at his mercy. After employing cruel war as an enemy, he
becomes a protector and in turn fides or loyalty is required of his clients; cf. 221—25; Etienne 393.
256 Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 2 4 7 - 4 8 , 263, 266, 275, 278. CIL II 3695 shows the importance of fides in
the relationship between patron and client.
257 The importance of the patron in a Spanish colony is shown by the inscription from Urso where the rules
for patronage are laid out: CIL II 5439 = ILS 6087 130.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 477
Gaius Caesar, son of Augustus, Marcus Agrippa, and Tiberius Claudius Nero. 258 Gaius is
honored as such at Salaria, Tiberius at Italica, and Tiberius and Agrippa at Carthago
Nova. In the last case Tiberius is designated patronus coloni,259 There may have been
similar dedications to Augustus and Gaius or Lucius at Emporiae. 260
Agrippa as benefactor deserves special mention. It has already been seen that he was
honored at Ulia and Carthago Nova. At Emerita, while he certainly worked at building
the theater and other structures there, no dedication to him as patronus has survived. But
the inscription honoring him in the theater serves the same purpose. And the statue
found in Pan Caliente has been taken as celebrating him as patron. 261 A series of coins
from Gades, mentioned earlier, recognizes him explicitly in this capacity. Here the son-
in-law of Augustus in MVNICIPI PARENS and MVNICIPIPATRONVS PARENS with
the legend perhaps celebrating some special favor or project carried out by Agrippa for
the city.262 Parens in this series calls to mind the imperial coinage from Colonia Patricia
on which the Senate and Roman people made a dedication to Augustus, PARENTΊ
CON(servatori) SJ/O.263 The two epithets here, like parens and patronus on the other coins,
seem to designate the patron, and the idea of patronage is reinforced by the presence of
the Senate and Roman people and the special, close relationship that is implied in suo.ZM
This obverse legend, then, combines with the triumphal regalia here and CAESARI
AVGVSTO and the triumphal chariot on the reverse to produce a panegyric appreciation
of a benefactor who has used his fortitudo and virtus on behalf of his clients.
In some of the instances above, the image of Augustus as patron and a leader charac-
terized by liberalitas is extended by members of his family. This is true also of his repre-
sentatives and agents who appear from time to time. A series of inscriptions from Em-
poriae is especially enlightening in this respect, since they feature patrons who are
honored from as early as 32 B.C. down to the end of the reign of Augustus. 265 Cnaeus
Domitius Calvinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, and Aulus Terentius Varro Murena, all par-
tisans of Octavian, appear among those of the earlier date. Under Augustus, Marcus
Iunius Silanus, Marcus Valerius Messala Messalinus, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus receive
this distinction. It is perhaps worth remembering that Augustus himself and either Gaius
or Lucius were also celebrated as patrons here. 266
As early as 24 B.C. Lucius Aelius Lamia, legatus pro praetore and governor of Spain, was
honored as patronus by the Carietes and Vennenses, neighbours of the Cantabri. 267 At
Carthago Nova in 19—16 B.C. the colonists made a similar dedication to P. Silius, legatus
pro praetore, and late in Augustus' reign M. Aemilius Lepidus, governor of Hispania Ci-
238
CIL II 1525—27, 1529. 1528 is a dedication to Agrippa Postumus who because of his youth is naturally
not designated patronus.
259
CIL II 1113, 5093, 5930 = ILS 144; M. Koch, M. Agrippa und Neukarthago, Chiron 9, 1979, 2 0 5 - 1 4 .
260
A E 1990 662 = E E 9 400, AE 1990 663. Though both reconstructions are described as hypothetical
readings, Bonneville (above n. 46) 190—91 seems to have no problem accepting them.
261
CIL II 474; E R E P 210; Alvarez Martinez (above n. 103) 55.
262
RPC 7 7 - 84; cf. above nn. 61, 249.
263
Above nn. 26, 246.
264
Cf. A. Alföldi, D e r Vater des Vaterlandes im römischen Denken, Darmstadt 1971, 46—48, 96, w h o makes
the connection between senator, parens, and patronus.
265
Bonneville (above n. 46) treats these in detail.
266
Above n. 260.
267
A E 1948 93; Alföldy (above n. 86) 5 - 6 .

478 Ε. S. RAMAGI·, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
terior, was celebrated as patron at Uxama. 268 More eye-catching is the dedication to King
Juba of Mauretania by the colonists of Carthago Nova. 269 Here an ally of Augustus is
honored as patron by a city in Spain with strong African connections. Rounding out this
group of inscriptions are three formal declarations of patronage and clientship, one be-
tween the state of the Lougei near Asturica Augusta and Asinius Gallus, son-in-law of
Agrippa, a second between the state of the Bocchi on Maiorca and Marcus Crassus
Frugi, and the last involving Sextus Curvius Silvinus and the senate and people of Muni-
gua. 270 In all this, then, it is possible to see how important and how extensive the theme
of Augustan patronage was in the propaganda. It began with the emperor, was fostered
by his family, and was further promoted by his magistrates at the local level. And this
propaganda was reinforced by the panegyric appreciation coming from the recipients or
clients, in many cases taking the form of a statue dedicated to a patron. 271
There is another important aspect of this propaganda of Augustan patronage. In the
Baetica inscription, the state is making the dedication because of the kindness and con-
stant concern (beneftcio et perpetua cura) shown by Augustus. 272 Beneficium is a key word
here. Not only is it related to dementia, but it is also the material result of liberalitas
which, of course, is the virtue in which patronage is anchored. 273 Perpetua cura is a natu-
ral addition and extension, since it is the attention and support expected of a patron. In
this inscription, however, Augustus is not addressed as patronus, but the dedication focu-
ses on him as Imp(eratori) Caesari Augusto P(atri) P(atriae). Thus Augustus Pater Patriae and
Augustus patronus are essentially the same. 274
The coins from Gades honoring Agrippa as municipi parens and municipi patronus parens
also indirectly suggest this relationship between pater patriae and patronus. The series must
be prior to Agrippa's death in 12 B.C. and so come at least ten years before Augustus
received the title pater patriae. It was a time when parens patriae was as current a combina-
tion and title as the latter. 275 The municipi parens of these coins, then, reflects the same
general idea on the local level as parens patriae and pater patriae do on the Roman level. 276
And the connection with patronus is clear on these coins, so that ultimately there is a
close relationship between parens patriae, pater patriae, and patronus, and all involve Roman
268 Silius: CIL II 3414; Alföldy (above η. 86) 7. Lepidus: CIL II 2820; Alföldy 1 2 - 1 3 ; cf. AE 1990 660a.
There are perhaps other examples among the patrons in AE 1990 656—59, 660b—63.
269 CIL II 3417 = ILS 840; Koch (above n. 259) 208 dates it to 27 B.C.-A.D. 14.
270 Gallus: AE 1984 553; cf. C. Castillo, El progreso de la epigrafia romana en Hispania (1983—1987), Eme-
rita 59, 1991, 238. Frugi: AE 1957 317. Silvinus: AE 1962 287. Alföldy (above n. 86) 182 says this falls
under Augustus or Tiberius.
271 In all this the loyalty of clients is at work just as Plin. nat. 34.17 describes it. When he is discussing
statues erected as honors in the Roman world, he points out that honos clientium instituit sic cokre patronos.
273 Hellegouarc'h (above n. 233) 168, 217. In Liv. 3.29.3 a beneficium is bestowed by a person who can then be
greeted as patronus.
274 On pater patriae: Kienast 110—11; Ramage, Nature and Purpose (above n. 230) 104—10. Pater patriae as
patronus: Alföldi (above n. 264) 138; Ramage 108. Bonneville (above n. 46) 190 takes the dedication to
Augustus at Emporiae, mentioned earlier, as possibly celebrating the bestowing of the title pater patriae and
calls it part of a "propagande patronale".
275 Cf. Alföldi (above n. 264) 46, 47. Augustus was called parens before 2 B.C.: CIL III suppl. 6803 = ILS 101,
X 823. Cicero had been called both pater patriae and parens patriae after the execution of the Catilinarian
conspirators: Pis. 6, Sest. 121; cf. Alföldi 81—82; Ε. S. Ramage, Augustus' Treatment of Julius Caesar,
Historia 34, 1985, 227 n. 20; below n. 279.
276 In this connection, it is perhaps worth noting CIL XI 3083 from Falerii in which Augustus is addressed as
Patr(is) Patriae et Municip(i).

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 479
and Spanish applications. 277 There may be additional evidence of this connection in the
fact that the emperor no longer appears as patronus once he has taken the title pater
patriae in 2 B.C. 278
Just as the dedication to Augustus, pater patriae, by the people of Baetica implies an
appreciation of their imperial patron and so gives the title a special Spanish application
and connotations, so other inscriptions and some of the coins carry similar meaning.
This is especially true of a dedication from Urgavo in Baetica where pater patriae is inclu-
ded among his titles in 6 B.C., some four years before it was officially bestowed on him.
The panegyric intent is strong, then, and Patri Patriae here seems to substitute neatly for
patrono. The fact that it comes at the end of the inscription and, as opposed to the
emperor's titles, is without abbreviation gives it special emphasis. 2 7 9 Another inscription,
also from Urgavo, which is a dedication to Augustus and Victoria and comes from A.D.
11 — 12, leaves a similar impression. Here Patri Patriae Victoriae in the third line come after
the rest of the titles and, except for Caesari, are the only words not abbreviated. The
focus seems clear and it is easy to read patron of Urgavo into pater patriae here. Again, in
the announcement of the emperor's giving the walls, towers and gates to Pax Iulia, the
title is highlighted in much the same way. Augustus here seems to be pater patriae and
patronus with special reference to his generosity to Pax Iulia. 280
This also appears to be the case when Augustus is seen as pater patriae on provincial
coins from Emerita, Osca, Bilbilis, Turiaso, and Calagurris. There are some 25 of these,
on all of which but two the emperor is given this title alone. 281 Moreover, on all but four
the name "Augustus" is spelled out in full, effectively putting the focus on Augustus Pater
Patriae. Without exception the reverses have a local flavor. In all cases the name of the
city makes the connection between it and its pater patriae or patron and on one-half of
the issues it is accompanied by the names of the local magistrates, the duoviri. At least
some of the coins from each site show the local types already mentioned: Iberian horse-
man (Osca), local female deity (Turiaso), and bull (Calagurris). The city gate and priest
ploughing on the two issues from Emerita are a little different, but also have purely local
connotations.
There can be little doubt that each of these cities is honoring Augustus as pater patriae.
At the very least, the celebration could involve his being granted the title in 2 B.C., but
the purely local color of the coins also indicates a special, individual, localized applica-
277 Cf. CIL XII 136 = ILS 6755, a dedication to Augustus with pater patriae among his titles and patronus at
the end; Liv. 22.34.6: utpaterpatronusque appellaretur; 2 2 . 3 0 . 2 - 4 ; Val. Max. 5.2.4; Alföldi (above n. 264) 96,
138.
278 F. Engesser, Der Stadtpatronat in Italien und den Westprovinzen des römischen Reiches bis Diokletian,
Diss. Freiburg 1957, 18—24; cf. J. Nichols, Zur Verleihung öffentlicher Ehrungen in der römischen Welt,
Chiron 9, 1979, 247.
279 CIL II 2107 = ILS 96; above η. 98. This was not without precedent. Cass. Dio 55.10.10 says that Augu-
stus was called pater patriae before 2 B.C.; cf. Fishwick (above n. 87) 107 n. 70; above n. 275.
280 Urgavo: above n. 159. Pax Iulia: above n. 254.
281 RPC 12, 13, 285, 287, 289, 290, 3 9 2 - 9 6 , 4 0 3 - 1 2 , 4 4 4 - 4 7 . On RPC 285 and 287, the two exceptions,
the obverse legend reads AVGVSTVS DIVI F(ilius) PONTfifex) MAX(imm) PATER PATRIAI, so that
even here the title stands out by virtue of its not being abbreviated. RPC 215 is different from these
coins. Augustus is given all his titles including P(ater) P(atriae) and the reverse shows Tiberius. There is a
similar situation with some issues from Lugdunum in Gaul: RIC 205—12 (Gaius and Lucius), 221—26
(Tiberius). In all these instances dynasty is the point and Augustus, the father of the young men, blends
with Augustus, the father of his country, as he provides his sons as the heirs to his power. The purpose
here, then, is quite different from that of the coins listed above.

480 Η. S. RAMAGK, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
tion. T h e emperor here is pater patriae and patronus o f the Spanish cities just as he is in
the Baetica inscription. In all these instances he has become Horace's pater urbium,282 And
so these coins stand with the inscriptions discussed earlier as panegyric appreciation o f
the emperor's liberalitas. Such feelings are not surprising in light o f the Augustan felicitas
that is now sweeping through the peninsula.
III. T h e Worship o f Augustus
The ultimate panegyric o f a ruler and the highest level o f his propaganda is worship o f
him while he is alive. 283 It was perfectly natural that this should happen with Augustus in
Spain, since such worship was "easily reconcilable with Iberian tradition. The cult o f the
leader was an established phenomenon in pre-Roman Spain . . ,". 2 8 4 Moreover, the Spa-
niards had honored earlier Roman leaders like Scipio and Metellus Pius in this way. 285
There may be a reflection o f this outlook in an Augustan inscription from Ebora. 2 8 6
This is a dedication to Lucius Caesar, princeps iuventutis, consul designatus, and augur. T h e
inscription, then, should date to A.D. 2, the year in which he was consul designate. But
Lucius' pedigree here includes the fact that he is divi Augusti f(ilius). A description o f
Augustus as deified well before his death is unusual and, while it may be some kind o f a
mistake, it could be taken as revealing the tendency to honor a leader with deification
and cult. In all probability, the emperor did not sanction such outright deification during
his lifetime, since the epithet divus does not occur elsewhere in Spain before his death.
There may be a panegyric parallel here to the inscription from Urgavo noted earlier in
which Augustus is designated pater patriae in 6 B.C., all o f four years before he received
the title formally. 287
The situation at Tarraco in the 20's, where the cult of Augustus was first established,
suggests how this could have happened. The inclination towards worshipping a leader
must have been reinforced by the impression that envoys from the Indian and Scythian
peoples made. For they came from the other end o f the world seeking out Augustus as
suppliants and showered him with the kind o f honor (gloria) that had earlier been lavish-
ed on Alexander the Great. 2 8 8
A. Association with Deity
Worship o f Augustus was a natural development in other ways. He was constantly asso-
ciated with deity and divine power on a number o f levels. His name itself, " T h e Revered
O n e " , moved him in this direction and was surely meant to suggest that a religious aura
282 Above n. 33; cf. Alföldi (above n. 264) 48, 92, who says that Horace is encouraging or advising Augustus
before 27 B.C.
283 Etienne has undertaken the most extensive treatment of the cult in Spain. Fishwick (above n. 87) is impor-
tant. There is additional bibliography in Ramage (above n. 5) 420 n. 75, 438 n. 179 and in the notes below.
284 L. A. Churchin (above n. 8) 162. In Pidal, 2, 2, 402, it is called an essential factor of pre-Roman Spanish
society. Cf. Polyb. 10.38.3; Cass. Dio 53.20.2; Etienne 7 5 - 1 1 5 , 3 6 1 - 6 2 ; Taylor (above n. 97) 41, 56. On
the subject generally: R. Mellor, The Local Character of Roman Imperial Religion, Athenaeum 80, 1992,
385-400.
285 Pol. 10.38.3, 40.2; cf. Taylor (above n. 97) 56.
286 CIL II 2157.
287 Above n. 279.
288 Oros. 6.21.19; cf. Iustin 42.5.6.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 481
surrounded him. 289 His direct connection with the gods through his deified adoptive
father was constantly before the people in his title Divi filiusP0 And no doubt the fact
that Julius had made a strong impression on this part of the world helped enhance the
son's image. Moreover, Capricorn, Augustus' divine sign, which appeared on some of his
Spanish coins, served as a reminder of his relationship to the gods. 291
On another level, as augur, priest, and ultimately pontifex maximus, he was an ally of
deity, an intermediary between men and gods, and an interpreter of divine will. A variety
of religious symbols on the provincial coinage served as constant reminders of this
aspect of his image. Apex, lituus, patera, aspergillum, simpulum, securis, knife, and jug accom-
pany him in varying combinations on coins from Emerita, Ebora, Gades, Iulia Traducta,
Patricia, Acci, Carthago Nova, and Caesaraugusta. 292 At Ebora, Tarraco, Osca, and Cae-
saraugusta, pontifex maximus is carefully added to his pedigree. The coins of Ebora, on
the obverse of which he appears with this title alone, have been taken as possibly cele-
brating his assuming the office in 12 B.C. 293 And many inscriptions ranging from mile-
stones and termini Augustales to various kinds of dedications served as constant reminders
that he held this position.
Again, there are the coin issues from Emerita and Caesaraugusta which probably show
the emperor as priest on the reverse ploughing the sacred furrow for the new colony. 294
And Augustus, priest or pontifex maximus, was kept before the eyes of the people in
veiled portraits like those surviving at Emerita and Pollentia. 295
Another aspect of the divine aura of Augustus was the association between him and
the gods that is made in the propaganda. The Victoria Augusta has already been seen
moving to the level of the divine through association with the goddess Victoria. And
mention has been made of the presence of the gods of the Roman pantheon with Au-
gustus on the imperial coinage: Mars Ultor, who helped him retrieve the standards and
to whom a temple was dedicated for his assistance; Jupiter Optimus Maximus, who is
petitioned by the Senate and Roman people to protect the well-being of the emperor;
Jupiter Tonans, who saved Augustus from death and received a temple as a result. And
the Ludi Saeculares, which are celebrated on some of the coins, honored Apollo and Diana.
These connections, of course, are part of the official coinage, but there are other indi-
cations that they were made in numerous other contexts. Dedications have survived in
which Jupiter Optimus Maximus and Mercury are petitioned by decree of the decurions
to preserve the well-being of Augustus. There is evidence of a sanctuary of Apollo, who
was Augustus' special deity, in a dedication at Emporiae. At Ilici, the emperor is associa-
ted with the dedication of a temple to Juno, while coins from northwest Spain and from
Pax Iulia perhaps alluded to an alliance with Mercury in the symbol of the caduceus. 296
Augustus' appearance with local deities on issues from Emerita, Irippo, Turiaso, and
especially with Hercules at Gades has already been referred to. 297 Quite different are the
289 Ramage, Nature and Purpose (above n. 230) 1 0 0 - 1 0 4 .

290 Cf. Etienne 389.
291 RIC 1 2 5 - 3 0 ; RPC 63.
292 RPC 19, 50, 8 5 - 8 7 , 106, 109, 110, 130, 131, 136, 1 6 5 - 7 1 , 314, 319, 322.
293 RPC 50, 51, 210, 215, 285, 287, 317, 318. On the coins of Ebora: Grant (above n. 20) 337; cf. RPC
p. 73. The religious implements on the reverse of RPC 50 perhaps make this interpretation more likely.
294 RPC 5 - 7 , 11, 13, 3 0 4 - 1 0 , 314, 317, 318, 320, 322, 325, 326.
295 Pollentia: above n. 97. Emerita: above n. 99.
296 CIL II 180, 2 1 0 4 ; RPC 1 - 4 , 52, 192, 193.
297 Above n. 28.

coins from Italica which seem to have promoted a special relationship with Rome. Here
the emperor is found on three separate issues paired with the genius of the Roman peo-
ple, the goddess Roma, and the she-wolf and Romulus and Remus respectively. 298
The Augustan association with deity, then, is broad and varied: a deified father, a
divine sign, positions of augur, pontifex, and pontifex maximus, alliance with the great gods
of Rome, ties with local deities and even with Roma and the genius of the Roman people.
There can be no doubt that Augustus and his agents were out to create an image, per-
haps even a mystique, for him that would move him in the direction of the divine and
so reinforce the natural tendencies of the Spanish to worship a victorious leader. And
Augustus' family extended his image. Agrippa and Tiberius were related to Hercules;
Gaius was celebrated as pontifex and augur, Lucius as augur, and Tiberius as pontifex™
The material comes from Bracara Augusta, Gades, Ebora, Urgavo, Saguntum, and Tarra-
co, thus suggesting that this recognition of the male members of the imperial family
extended throughout the peninsula.
B. Cult Places
It is very difficult to reconstruct the worship of Augustus in Spain in any detail. Texts,
of course, are non-existent, so that it is necessary to rely on the other sources. And even
here, inference and hypothesis are often all there is to go on. Complicating the issue is
the fact that the cult seemingly varied a great deal from site to site. By now the best
documentation involves the places where the worship was carried out, so that it seems
logical to begin trying to piece together the extent and some of the manifestations of
the worship with these and then move on to consider the nature of the cult.
1. The Forum
In the Roman world, the forum was the economic, political, and religious center of the
city, and the new fora being built all over Spain in Augustan times no doubt served these
purposes. As such they must have been focal points of Augustan propaganda and ideal
centers for propagation of the worship of the emperor.
A number of fora are well-enough preserved to show what are believed to be shrines
of Augustus built and used during his lifetime. These take two forms: chapels attached
to basilicas and temples dedicated to the emperor. In a few cases there may have been
temples dedicated to Gaius and Lucius after their deaths.
Vitruvius has described the chapel as it was planned and built at the Augustan colony
of Fanum in Italy and has made it possible to identify these rooms in the remains of
other fora. 300 The shrine was a small cult room, called by Vitruvius the aedes Augusti, and
it usually projected from the center back of the basilica which ran the length of one of
the sides of the forum. To open it up and draw the viewer's attention to it, the columns
of the basilica immediately in front of it were omitted, so that there was a double inter-
columniation across the building to the plaza beyond. In this appended room, according
298 RPC 6 0 - 6 2 .
299 Agrippa: RPC 78, 79, 82. Gaius: CIL II 2422, 3828. Lucius: CIL II 2109, 2157. Tiberius: RPC 8 8 - 9 1 ,
166; CIL II 6080.
3(x> y j t r 5.1.7—8. On the aedes Augusti off the basilica in Augustan times: J.-M. David, Le tribunal dans la
basilique: Evolution functionelle et symbolique de la republique ä l'empire, in: Architecture et societe de
farchai'sme grec a la fin de la republique romaine, P. Gros (ed.), Paris/Rome 1983, 228—41.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 483
to Vitruvius, was the tribunal of the basilica. Thus the magistrates in charge of the
political proceedings that went on here were constantly aware of the presence of the god
Augustus. 301 Chapels of this kind have been found in fora at Tarraco, Clunia, and Miro-
briga. 302 The one at Clunia is particularly noteworthy since it is at the end of the long
axis of the plaza and so balances exactly the main temple of the forum at the other
end. 303
Another place for the worship of Augustus in the forum was a temple built in his
honor. At Emporiae, Saguntum, Conimbriga, and Baelo the basilicas did not have an
aedes Augusti, but in these cases there are buildings nearby that were established in Au-
gustan times and have been connected with the imperial cult. At Emporiae smaller temples
flank the main temple which lay at the focal point of the forum. One has a single cella
and the other a double cella so that the former has been taken as dedicated to Augustus
and the latter to Gaius and Lucius. 304 The two new temples built to the north of the
main temple at Saguntum have also been interpreted as belonging to the imperial cult.
Inscriptions found here involve Augustus (4—3 B.C.), Tiberius (A.D. 15), Germanicus
(A.D. 18—19), and Drusus (A.D. 25—30), suggesting that the worship began under Au-
gustus and continued well after him. 305 The new temple in the Augustan forum at Co-
nimbriga was probably dedicated to the worship of Augustus. 306 There are chronological
problems with the remains at Baelo, but if they do come from the Augustan period, then
there is possibly a temple devoted to the cult of the emperor just south of the main
temple on the west side of the plaza in an arrangement somewhat reminiscent of that in
the forum at Pompeii. 307 Finally, the so-called Temple of Diana at Emerita should per-
haps be included here, for it is located on the forum and is in many quarters considered
Augustan and connected with the imperial cult. 308
Important in this connection are the temples on the coins of Carthago Nova and
Gades mentioned earlier. 309 The tetrastyle building on the issue from Carthago Nova
with the clupeus virtutis in the pediment and the dedication AVGVSTO on the architrave
can only have been dedicated to the emperor while he was still alive. It has been called
one of the first temples of the imperial cult in Spain. 310 In view of the fact that shrines
of this kind dedicated to the living Augustus have now been identified in various fora,
301 Mar - Ruiz de Arbulo (above n. 97) 153.

302 i - a r r a c o . M a r _ Ru^ d e Arbulo (above n. 97) 155—57. Clunia: Pfanner (above n. 40) 95; Mar — Ruiz de
Arbulo 161—63. Mirobriga: Pfanner 93.
303 Mar - Ruiz de Arbulo (above n. 97) 161 fig. 54.
304 Mar - Ruiz de Arbulo (above n. 97) 151-54; cf. Pfanner (above n. 40) 9 1 - 9 3 . The former take the
structure at Emporiae that lies within the basilica and is made up of a porch, vestibule, and main room as
an aedes Augusti (152—53). On the analogy of Conimbriga, however, it is more likely the curia of the city;
cf. Alarcäo — Etienne (above n. 143) 35—38. Indeed, on Pfanner's plan (92 fig. 26) this series of rooms is
designated "curie?".
305 Mar - Ruiz de Arbulo (above n. 97) 160 with n. 57.
306 Alarcäo - Etienne (above n. 143) 2 8 - 3 4 .
307 Pfanner (above n. 40) 7 1 - 7 3 with fig. 14.
308 Mierse (above n. 37) 324; Bäsch (above n. 57) 198, 203-205; Beiträn Lloris (above n. 69) 194, 195; Trill-
mich (above n. 69) 305—306, 308. M. Martin-Bueno, La inscripcion a Tiberio y el centra reügioso de
Bilbilis (Calatayud, Zaragoza), MDAI(M) 22, 1981, 244—54 (esp. 254) feels that the religious center at
Bilbilis was planned in Augustus' time and the buildings built under Tiberius.
309 Above nn. 132, 133, 196.
310 Etienne 221-22.

this coin type can surely no longer be brushed aside as implying the existence of the cult
at Carthago Nova, but only the promise of a temple after the emperor's death. 311
If this type is taken as evidence of an existing temple of Augustus, then the issue
from Gades must carry the same meaning. 3 1 2 Here AVGVSTVS or AVGVSTVS DIVI
F(ilius) appears on one side of the coin and a tetrastyle temple on the other. While in
this case there is no dedication with the building, the clupeus virtutis in its pediment
makes a direct connection with Augustus. The fact that the people of Gades were called
Augustani and issued other coinage honoring not only Augustus, but also Agrippa, Gaius
and Lucius, and Tiberius indicates a special and cordial relationship that could easily
have produced such a temple. 3 1 3
The location of these two temples cannot be determined with any finality. But, since the
other shrines of this kind have all been found in fora, it is likely that these also had their
place there, serving as striking public declarations of loyalty to Augustus. The fact that the
people of these cities celebrated them on their coins underlines their importance.
2. The Theater
Another center of the imperial cult in the new and revamped Spanish cities was the
theater. While that at Emerita may be exceptional, it does show how these Augustan
buildings could be used to further cult and propaganda. It has already been noticed that
in the theater there statues of the emperor, Gaius, and Lucius had their places on the
scaenae frons.iu These were certainly not the object of any worship, but surely took on
overtones of the divine from three altars dedicated to Augustus which were set up in
three niches at stage level. Yet another altar in the central niche decorated with garlands
and sacrificial instruments was perhaps Augustan and connected with his worship. 315
But there was another important location of the cult in the theater here. Behind the scene
building at Emerita was a large, impressive peristyle enclosing what has been called a luxury
garden ("Luxusgarten"). 3 1 6 At the center of the north side of the enclosure, opposite the
back of the scene building, are the remains of a chapel-like room extending outward from
the wall. Inside are niches for statues and, indeed, here were found the famous veiled head
of Augustus and the portrait of Tiberius from Augustan times along with later portraits of a
young Nero and Agrippina Minor. 317 The place and plan of the room itself, Augustus veiled
as a pontifex or potitifex maximus, and the other members of the imperial family leave little
doubt that this is a shrine devoted to the worship of Augustus and his successors.
There is another confirming factor. This room is in the same relationship to the peri-
style and garden as the aedes Augusti was to the basilica and the central open space of the
311 H. Hänlein-Schäfer, Veneratio Augusti. Eine Studie zu den Templen des ersten römischen Kaisers, Rom
1985 (Archaeologica 39) 237—38 accepts the temple and counters Sutherland (above n. 95) 32 n. 7, who
suggests that it showed the existence of the cult, but only a promise of a temple to Augustus after his
death.
312 RPC 94, 95. Thouvenot (above n. 8) 290 and Tovar (above n. 46) 43 say that the issue shows a temple of
Augustus here. Bläzquez 83 calls it a Heracleon. Hänlein-Schäfer (above n. 311) does not mention it.
3,3 Augustani: Plin. nat. 4.119. Honoring other members of his family: RPC 7 7 - 8 4 , 8 8 - 9 3 , 96, 97.
314 Above nn. 99, 103, 106.
315 Fuchs (above n. 103) 144.
316 Pfanner (above n. 40) 9 7 - 9 9 ; Böschung (above n. 95) 3 9 1 - 9 6 with figs. 79, 80; cf. Gros (above n. 194)
381-90.
317 A recent discussion of these portraits is to be found in Böschung (above n. 95) 393—94.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 485
forum. Moreover, just as Vitruvius says that the middle columns o f the colonnades o f
the basilica were omitted to provide a focus on the aedes Augusti, so here in the peristyle
o f the theater at Emerita the same procedure was followed and the central columns o f
the double side-colonnade o f the peristyle were eliminated. Thus the focal point o f this
whole area became the chapel and the peristyle and luxurious garden served as a kind o f
impressive forecourt for the shrine. This forecourt in turn took on religious characteri-
stics o f its own and at the same time prepared the viewer for the imperial cult with
other statues o f members o f the imperial family. For here were found a statue o f a
young Augustus and the head o f the emperor or Gaius. 3 1 8
Thus, in a sense, the propaganda o f the theater becomes complete. T h e audience
entering from the parodoi would see inscriptions honoring Agrippa as builder and bene-
factor. 3 1 9 As they sat in their seats viewing the action on the stage, Augustus and mem-
bers o f his family looked out on them from the scaenae frons. T h e audience would also be
aware o f the altars dedicated to the emperor that were visible behind the action. When
they moved out into the peristyle, whether during intermission or after the performance,
they would become aware o f more representations o f the emperor and his family. Finally,
as a sort o f climax, the viewers' attention would be drawn to the chapel at the center o f
the back o f the peristyle. T h e whole building, then, coming from the liberalitas o f Augus-
tus and the patronage o f Agrippa, was ultimately one extensive advertisement for the
emperor and the imperial family.
Although the evidence is not strong, there must have been shrines like this one in
other theaters as well. At Segobriga, a room behind the Augustan theater has been iden-
tified as a cult area. It is also possible that a similar situation existed at Bilbilis and
Tarraco. And the altar dedicated to the numen o f Augustus which was found in the thea-
ter at Tarraco testifies to the worship o f the emperor in this building. 320
Archaeology has made it amply clear, then, that the imperial cult appeared in the
forum and the theater under Augustus. In passing, it is perhaps worth speculating that
the veiled head o f Augustus at Pollentia and the veiled Augustus, Gaius, and Lucius on
the coin at Caesaraugusta had their place in one o f these shrines at these sites. In buil-
ding and rebuilding the cities o f Spain, the emperor must have had as one o f his many
purposes to provide suitable showplaces for the new cult.
3. Altars
T h e altars to Augustus in the theaters o f Emerita and Tarraco have already been men-
tioned, and it is surely logical to assume that similar points o f worship existed in the
chapels and temples built to honor the emperor. But the inscriptions, texts, and remains
together suggest a much wider presence for altars. I f the sources have been interpreted
correctly, then traces o f as many as 13 o f them have been found. 3 2 1
318 E R E P 11, 12.

319 CIL II 474. Above nn. 261.
320 Segobriga: Almagro-Gorbea (above n. 187) 211 — 12, who says this existed in other Iberian theaters with-
out specifying where. Bilbilis: Pfanner (above n. 40) 75—76; Gros (above n. 194) 389. Tarraco: A E 1946
198 = R I T 48; Gros 387; Böschung (above η. 95) 396.
321 The numbers vary, depending on the interpretation o f the individual scholar. Etienne 367—86, 388 finds
nine altars at seven sites and Hänlein-Schäfer (above n. 311) 286 lists eight altars at six sites and the sites
differ in some cases from those o f Etienne. I f the proper shape o f the stone and sacrum in the inscription
are used as criteria, as apparently is the case with those identifying altars, then there would seem to be
others to be added to their lists.

The altar at Tarraco has already been discussed, and its importance as a focus of the
imperial cult from 25 B.C. on is perhaps shown by the fact that immediately upon the death
of Augustus the people of this city asked for permission to build a temple to him, an action
that was followed by other cities of the peninsula. In Baetica altars probably existed at
Urgavo and perhaps Corduba. In Lusitania there was one at Salacia and there were as many
as five of them at Emerita, if the three in the theater already mentioned are included. 322
Especially significant is the concentration of altars in north and northwest Tarraconen-
sis. 323 Dedications at Bracara Augusta, Aquae Flaviae, Lucus Augusti, and among the
Astures Transmontani at Cabo Torres near Gijon attest to altars in these locations. In
addition, there was an Ara Augusta in Asturia. 3 2 4 The best documented altars are the
three in the extreme northwest which together were designated the Arae Sestianae. Their
location and the reason for three altars have presented problems for scholars that are
best not gone into here. But it is important to notice that both Pliny and Mela say with-
out qualification that they had been dedicated to the worship of Augustus. 325 All of
these altars combine with the temples and other shrines to show that Augustus was wor-
shipped in a variety of ways throughout most of the country.
C. The Nature of the Cult

Not only did the ruler cult in the West develop differently from province to province,
but if the evidence from Spain is reliable, it varied also from place to place. It was
municipal rather than provincial. 326 This has been evident already in the fact that Au-
gustus was in a number of cases related to the local deity and that the emperor's shrines
took different forms from city to city. There is also an indication of this localization of
worship in a center like Lucus Augusti which probably combined local ritual and super-
stition involving a grove with worship of the emperor. 3 2 7
322 Tarraco: Tac. ann. 1.78.2; above n. 145. Urgavo: Etienne 388, using CIL II 2106, finds an altar here.
Hänlein-Schäfer (above n. 311) 286 does not include Urgavo in her list. Taylor (above ij. 97) 282 calls this
inscription simply a dedication. Corduba: CIL II 2197. This is described as a column in CIL η. ad loc.;
perhaps it is a circular altar. Etienne and Hänlein-Schäfer do not include it. Salacia: CIL II 5182; Taylor
283 calls this an altar; Etienne 388 n. 2 rejects this idea, saying the dimensions are wrong and making it
simply a dedication. Emerita: CIL II 471, Ramon Melida (above n. 92) No. 712. There are five pedestals
with Aug(usto) Sacr(um) on them: the three in the theater, one in the amphitheater, and one outside the
amphitheater. Etienne 378—79 and Sutherland (above n. 95) 32 n. 6 find another Augustan altar on RPC
28, 34—36, 45—46, minted under Tiberius. But the arguments for this being Augustan are weak and
Fishwick (above n. 87) 180—83, after discussing the problems, rightly rejects the idea and shows the altar
to be post-Augustan. Hänlein-Schäfer 286 does not include it in her list. It seems clear that it was Tiberius
who established this altar, whether in Emerita or in Rome, honoring his dead and deified father for his
foresight.
323 On these cult places in the northwest: Diego Santos (above n. 6) 555—57.
324 Bracara: EE 8 280 = ILS 8895; Etienne 385; Hänlein-Schäfer (above n. 311) 286. Aquae Flaviae: CIL II
5852 = EE 9 269; Etienne 386; Hänlein-Schäfer 286. Lucus Augusti: CIL II 2572. Gijön: CIL II 2703;
Etienne 385; Hänlein-Schäfer 286. Asturia: AE 1984 553. Curchin (above n. 8) 58 says that the conventus
Astumm was originally called the conventus arae Augustas. Therefore these cities served as religious centers as
well as having judicial and economic purposes.
325 Plin. nat. 4.111; Mela 3.13. Both are quoted below n. 335. Cf. Ptol. 2.6.3; Etienne 3 7 9 - 8 4 ; Tranoy (abo-
ve n. 54) 3 2 7 - 2 8 ; Alföldy (above n. 86) 133; Fishwick (above n. 87) 1 4 1 - 4 4 .
32fi Etienne 358, 3 7 0 - 7 1 ; Fishwick (above n. 87) 93.
327 Etienne 384 says that Lucus Augusti was a religious capital, recalling the sacred groves of legend and
mythology. It had parallels in Gaul and Africa. Cf. Ramage (above n. 5) 412, 444; Fishwick (above n. 87)
147-48.

KLIO 80 (1998) 2 487
Moreover, as far as the focus and ceremony of the cult is concerned, the sources
suggest what might be called local option in his worship. At Murcia and perhaps at
Bracara Augusta, there is evidence that the cult, at least in part, centered on the genius of
Augustus. And at Italica the tomb inscription of one Gaius Marcius Apilus, magister larum
Augustor(um) et genii Caesaris August(i) is an indication that Augustus' genius and the lares
Augusti were worshipped there. 328 It is perhaps worth noting that the genius Augusti was in
all likelihood represented as carrying a cornucopia, the symbol of felicitas. Thus, in view
of what was said about the Augustan prosperity earlier, it would seem especially appro-
priate that his worship should focus on his genius,329 Another magister larum Augustorum
appears along with a sevir Augustalis in a text from Lucentum. Again, at Carthago Nova a
group of fishermen and their retailers make a dedication of some kind to the lares Au-
gustales and Mercury. Finally, on an altar from the theater of Tarraco the dedication to
the numen Augusti features a slightly different manifestation of the worship. 330
There is not much to go on here, but it is probably safe to say that, while they could be
worshipped locally, there was no widespread worship of the genius and numen of the emperor
or of the lares Augustales. At the same time, however, it was natural that these three should
become part of the worship of the heroic leader in Spain who now is the emperor Au-
gustus. Their appearance in the cult as it was established in Italy shows this. 331
In this connection, it is perhaps worth remembering the relief from Emerita with
Agrippa engaged in sacrificing. There is at least a possibility that it involves an offering
to the genius Augusti such as is found on altars in Italy.332 The dedication to Augustus by
Agrippa, which also comes from Emerita, makes it not impossible that the latter would
honor Augustus by taking the lead in worship of his genius.333
In passing, it should be noted that there is no certain evidence that Roma was wor-
shipped with Augustus in Spain. Its institution at Lyon in Gaul was no doubt what the
special circumstances demanded. 334 The area of Spain that corresponded most closely to
Gallia Lugdunensis was Lusitania and north and northwestern Tarraconensis, where the
strategy was to establish a network of altars dedicated to Augustus alone. 335
328 Murcia: CIL II 3524. Etienne says that this is the only dedication to the genius that is certain; cf. Taylor
(above n. 97) 283; Sutherland (above n. 95) 34. Bracara: CIL II 5123. Etienne 305—306 struggles with this
and concludes that it is of the second century after Christ. Italica: CIL II 1133. Etienne 282 says this
probably shows the worship of Augustus here before A.D. 14.
329 Cf. Fishwick (above n. 87) 383 with pi. LXXVb
330 Lucentum: CIL II 3563. There is no date given in CIL, but the letters are described as the very best of
the Augustan era. Carthago Nova: CIL II 5929. Etienne 282 takes this as Augustan. Indeed, Laetilius
Apalus, duovir quinquennalis, who appears at the beginning of the inscription, is also on coins of Carthago
Nova that are certainly Augustan: RPC 172, 173. Tarraco: AE 1924 6 = AE 1946 198 = RIT 48
(„möglicherweise noch aus augusteischer Zeit"). Etienne 309—10 says it is difficult to know whether this
is Augustus or another living emperor. Alföldy (above n. 157) 596 asserts that it comes from the earliest
Empire. It is interesting to note that the three religious implements of the other three sides of the altar
(cf. Fishwick [above n. 87] pi. LXXIV) combine with the inscripton to create somewhat the same effect as
is found on some of the provincial coins (above n. 292) and on the relief from Pan Caliente at Emerita
(above nn. 211—13).
331 Cf. Taylor (above n. 97) 151-53, 181-204.
332 Above nn. 211-15. Cf. Taylor (above n. 97) 186-89 on the altar in the Vatican.
333 CIL II 472.
334 On Lyon: Ramage (above n. 5) 439—40 with bibliography in the notes.
335 The only evidence for Roma and Augustus in Spain during Augustus' lifetime is a poorly preserved
inscription, CIL II 6097 = RIT 173, allegedly showing aflamenof R. and Α.:flam[ini]/ [Romae] etAugmt[i...].
The shape of letters is the only criterion for dating: CIL η. ad loc.: optimis litteris aetatis Augustae. Romae is

488 Ε. S. Ramagü, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
T h e imperial cult u n d e r Augustus, then, was municipal rather than provincial with
emphases and arrangements v a r y i n g f r o m s i t e t o site. E x c e p t for the three religious
officials at Italica a n d L u c e n t u m , t h e r e is n o i n d i c a t i o n of a far-reaching, systematic
o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e cult at this time. I n d e e d , t h e d e d i c a t i o n s o f various k i n d s t h a t h a v e
already c o m e into the discussion suggest that the m o s t i m p o r t a n t element of the wor-
ship was t h e direct p e r s o n a l i n v o l v e m e n t of t h e p e o p l e acting in official a n d unofficial
capacities.336 T h e altars m e n t i o n e d earlier c a m e f r o m a w i d e variety o f d e d i c a n t s : The
Bracaraugustani, r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e colonia c o l l e c t i v e l y , m i l i t a r y l e g a t e s like C a l p u r n i u s Piso
a n d Lucius Sestius, local magistrates, a n d even individuals. A n d the f e w o t h e r certainly
religious dedications point in the same direction: to Victoria Augusta by Colonia
T [ r i u m p h a l i s ] T a r r a c o , t o t h e genius o f A u g u s t u s b y a n i n d i v i d u a l L u c i u s T r e b i u s Meno-
p h i l u s , a n d t o Augustus Divi F(ilius) b y o n e [C(aius) M ] a e c i u s C e l e r . H e r e p e r h a p s should
also b e included the dedication to Jupiter Optimus Maximus f o r t h e salus of Caesar
Augustus by decree of the decurions.337
If the dedications a c c o m p a n y i n g statues a n d o t h e r offerings t h a t w e r e d i s c u s s e d ear-
lier a r e t a k e n as h a v i n g at l e a s t s o m e r e l i g i o u s o v e r t o n e s a n d as f a l l i n g i n a g e n e r a l w a y
w i t h t h o s e that can b e p r o v e d t o b e religious, t h e n they a d d appreciably t o this cross
section o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n h o n o r i n g the e m p e r o r a n d his family.338 W h o l e areas o f Spain
by no means firm and it has been suggested that August[i ...] could be August[orum], putting the
inscription well after Augustus: RIT p. 96: „Möglich ist auch August(orum) falls die Inschrift nachauguste-
isch ist". In spite of the problems, C. Fayer, II culto della dea Roma. Origine e diffusione nelTImpero,
Pescara 1976, 215 accepts the readings and says that the altar at Tarraco was in all likelihood dedicated to
R. and A. Etienne 293 also seems to accept it as evidence of R. and A. being here at this time, though in
his list of inscriptions (205), he qualifies the Augustan date and Romae with question marks. Fishwick
(above n. 87) 171—72, 177—78 combines this inscription and a connection with Mytilene to rationalize a
cult of R. and A. here while Augustus was alive. Most of this is circumstantial and speculative. Even if R.
and A. were here, there is no clear reason why the altar should be part of it. Quintilian says the altar
belongs to Augustus (6.3.77: palmam in ara eius enatam) and Roma cannot be rationalized into the text. All
the other evidence for R. and A. in Spain quoted by Etienne 293 is post-Augustan. It is perfectly logical
that after the death of Augustus, the cult of R. and A. should grow up. This applies also to CIL II 2782
at Clunia which reads in part: . . . flamini / Romae et / Divi Augusti. Why this attests to „an original cult of
Roma and Augustus that continued after his death and deification" (Fishwick 177) is not clear. All it
shows is that R. and A. were worshipped here after A.D. 14. There is also no evidence at all to make one
believe with Fishwick 143—44 that the Arae Sestianae were devoted to the worship of R. and A. He
brushes off the statements of Plin. nat. 4.111 and Mela 3.13 that the altars were dedicated to Augustus
with the idea that the ancients were notoriously lax in referring to R. and A. But if, as Fishwick 141 says,
Pliny and Mela were both drawing on Agrippa's Chorographia, then they seem to take on special authority
for the worship involving Augustus alone, since the implication is that they did not find Roma in the
original. Moreover, Pliny's tres arae Sestianae Augusto dicatae and Mela's tres arae quas Sestianas vocant ... sunt
Augusti nomine sacrae are so close to each other in meaning that they could be paraphrases of an original
that had no indication of Roma in it. This would give three ancient authorities that assert that these altars
were consecrated to the emperor alone. There is no clear, firm, indisputable evidence, then, that R. and A.
were worshipped together in Spain during Augustus' lifetime; the texts point firmly to the opposite. In-
deed, these municipal cults would be much more likely to focus on the victorious and successful hero for
reasons outlined earlier and not adopt an abstract Roma whose embodiment existed at the other end of
the world.
336
Etienne 391 makes the point that all the social categories worshipped Augustus.
337
A E 1955 243 = RIT 48; CIL II 2104, 3524, 3555.
338
Etienne throughout his discussion includes these in his account of religion in Spain. Indeed, it seems
logical that the dedications at Urgavo to Augustus as pater patriae well before he received the title officially
(CIL II 2107 = ILS 96) and to Lucius Caesar (CIL II 2109) were for statues connected with the altar
there. The same may have been the case with other dedications at other sites.

K L I O 80 (1998) 2 489
work together making these dedications: Baetica to Augustus in his forum in Rome and
Callaecia to Gaius at Bracara, perhaps even at the altar there. 339 Other dedicants include
the people of Saguntum (Saguntini) and the colonists (coloni) at Salaria and Carthago No-
va. 340 Two dedications to Caesar from Paullus Fabius Maximus show that the emperor's
officers were among the dedicants. And the fact that these inscriptions come from the
religious center of Lucus Augusti and are made by an officer closely connected with the
establishment of the altar at Bracara make it possible that the context of these is reli-
gious. 341 Magistrates as dedicants include aediles at Segobriga, an aedil&-duovir at Tucci,
and decurions with their decrees at Urgavo. 342 Individuals appear also: Lucius Licinius
Carnutus at Arva, Marcus Racilius Firmus at Mellaria, one Firmanus at Tarraco, and an
unidentified person at Bilbilis. 343 And even Agrippa may have made a dedication to Au-
gustus at Emerita in which the panegyric overtones cannot be missed. 3 4 4
There can be no doubt about the power and authority of this cult of the living Au-
gustus. The simple fact that it was perpetuated and elaborated after the emperor's death
is enough to indicate this. A large part of its effectiveness lay in what might be called
local option. It was anchored in the indigenous worship of the hero; it remained municipal
under Augustus; cult places varied in type and number from place to place. And partici-
pation at all levels was encouraged; whole areas, communities, magistrates, military offi-
cers, and individuals honored the emperor publicly.
While much of this comes from a spontaneous religious reaction, there can be no
doubt that Augustus and his agents were at work fostering the growth of the cult. As
the fine fora and theaters were being built, provision was made for cult places where the
focus was on the emperor and his family. The process was important enough in some
cases to put Agrippa and perhaps other members of the imperial family in charge. And
there is evidence that Augustus' officers worked at establishing altars and making offer-
ings even in the most outlying and uncivilized places.
With all of this, worship of the emperor became an integral part of the new communi-
ty life in the various cities. In the forum, Augustus, the truly revered one, was a con-
stant, impressive presence as economic and political activities and events unfolded. Here
in the center of the city his presence was everywhere. Not only was the deity visible in
his shrine, but the inevitable offerings and honors that were given to him in other parts
of the forum, especially in the open plaza, took on religious connotations and served as
reminders of Augustus, the god. In the theater the same thing happened as chapel,
altars, and statues in various parts of the building combined to make a strong impression
on the minds of the viewers.
The cult of the living Augustus is, of course, a kind of climax to the Augustan propa-
ganda and at the same time it pulls the various themes and purposes together. As wor-
ship of the victorious hero, it is ultimately based in the Victoria Augusta. The new fora,
theaters, and cities generally which were the scene of this worship attested physically to
the prosperity or felicitas brought by the new hero. At the same time, this worship repre-
sents admiration for and appreciation of a virtue-filled leader and patron carried to its
339 Baetica: above n. 14. Callaecia: CIL II 2422 = ILS 6922.

340 CIL II 3827, 5093, 5930.
341 Alföldy (above η. 86) 9.
342 CIL II 1666, 2104, 2107, 3103, 3104.
343 CIL II 1063, 2347, 5852, 6080.
344 CIL II 472; above η. 99.

490 Ε. S. RAMAGI·:, Augustus' Propaganda in Spain
zenith. Panegyric of an individual involves embellishment and hyperbole. 345 In the case
of an emperor, cult and worship are the ultimate panegyric embellishment and hyper-
bole. They are in essence the culmination of the Augustan propaganda and are offered
to a leader who has shown by his actions and outlook that he is truly optime meritus.
Summary
A comparison of these activities in Gaul (Klio 79/1, 1997) shows clearly that, while
themes are to a large extent the same, the presence of the emperor and the methods
used to develop and disseminate the message leave a quite different impression. In the
20's Augustus established himself as a victorious leader and began organizing the prov-
ince. In 16—13 he added to his image as a successful administrator and pacifier in Gaul
and Spain and his successful efforts were celebrated by the dedication of the Ara Pads.
C o i n a g e introduced the great leader to all corners of the peninsula stressing especial-
ly his victorious ways, his achievements, and the honors that naturally became his exclu-
sively. His f o u n d a t i o n s also carried his name and reputation throughout Spain. They
showed a wide variety of coloniae and peregrine establishments, furthering an alliance
between Augustus on the one hand and Romans and the native peoples on the other.
Pacification, Romanization, and economic development all were under the guidance of a
leader producing prosperity out of victoria. O t h e r a s s o c i a t i o n s served as reminders
of his presence: pagus Augustanus, Aquae Augustae, termini Augustales, Via Augusta, Insula
Augusta, and his close connections with conventus. Finally, s t a t u e s a n d o t h e r d e d i c a -
t i o n s honoring Augustus and his family brought the emperor constandy to mind.
The t h e m e s of p r o p a g a n d a involve the emperor, so that the focus is on the
personality rather than on Roma as an abstract. The " p u b l i c v i r t u e s " are the Victoria
Augusta and Felicitas (prosperity). The former is celebrated widely on coins, inscriptions,
and in monuments of various kinds. The prosperity that came naturally from victory
used properly was visible in the cornucopia and other symbols that appeared on coins
and on a few monuments. In addition, the material remains showed a "new monumenta-
lity" that touched the lives of all and impressed the population beneficio eius et perpetua
cura.
The " p r i v a t e v i r t u e s " were also made an important aspect of the propaganda. His
courage (virtus) in victory, clemency (dementia) to the vanquished, sense of justice (iustitia)
in administrating, loyalty (pietas) to family, country, and gods, and his generosity (liberali-
tas), especially in patronage, were all celebrated widely in the sources.
The ultimate panegyric and propaganda was w o r s h i p of A u g u s t u s while he was
still alive. Association with deity appeared on a number of levels and made worship
natural. A variety of locations suggests extensive worship of the emperor: forum, thea-
ter, and altars especially in northwest Spain. The evidence shows that the cult was not
provincial, but municipal, so that manifestations seem to include one or other of genius,
lares, and numen Augusti. This worship was perfectly natural, for the victorious hero has
brought prosperity to all and his courage, clemency, sense of justice, loyalty, and genero-
sity have shown him to be optime meritus and so deserving of worship.
345 Cf. Ramage, Laudatio (above n. 230) 3 4 5 - 4 7 .


Ramage, E.S. Augustus' Propaganda in Spain

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Ε. S.

Augustus' Propaganda in Spain

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I. The Augustan Presence in Spain

Λ. The Military Campaigns

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B. The Visit to Spain in 16-13 B.C.

15 Controv. 10 praef. 14.

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the peregrine S e g i s a m a Iulia w a s e s t a b l i s h e d at the s c e n e o f t h e e m p e r o r ' s wars w i t h the

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82 CIL II 2 1 9 4 , 2 2 0 8 . Bläzquez 7 6 ; A . Blanco Freijeiro — Ε. Corzo, El urbanismo r o m a n o de la Betica, in:

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F. Statues and Other Dedications

93 CIL II 6344 = A E 1976 355.

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in Baetica at A r v a , C a r m o , Italica, Ucubi, U r g a v o , and U l i a ; 1 0 2 and in Lusitania and the n o r t h -

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II. The Themes of Propaganda

A. The Victoria Augusta and its Honors

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2. The Other Evidence

128 RIC 26, 29, 30, 33, 3 5 - 3 8 , 40, 4 6 - 4 9 , 57, 7 5 - 7 9 , 138.

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147 CIL II 3827 = II2 1 4 305.

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B. Peace and Prosperity (Pax and Felicitasj

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162 Hor. c. s. 59—60: beatapleno/copia cornu.

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Many substantial buildings of entertainment also now appeared in Spain.,Theaters were

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system of hydraulics which was important enough to be commemorated on the coins.

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207 Vitr. 1. praef. 3: pro amplitudine rerum gestarum.

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214 EREP 418 Ε

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225 Thouvenot (above n. 8) 6 1 4 .

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C. Panegyric of the "Virtuous" Emperor