Empowerment of Women in Arab Countries

Promoting Empowerment
of Women in Arab
Countries
Tunis
5-6 October 2010
Introduction
The Doha International Institute for Family Studies and development (DIIFSD), in col-
laboration with the Office of the Special Adviser on Gender issues and Advancement
of women at United Nations (OSAGI), organized a colloquium on the Empowerment
of Women in the Arab countries in Tunis on 5-6 October 2010.
The primary objective of the colloquium was to provide United Nations Member States
with expert opinion and recommendations regarding policies to empower women in
the political, economic and social fields.
The conference addressed key issues including: gender empowerment and socio-eco-
nomic development of society, the main impediments in the region, the adoption of
appropriate policy responses and legal reforms, the role of the State and the ways and
means to join forces with civil society to empower women.
During two days, Experts, UN representatives and NGOs dealing with social develop-
ment from different regions of the world discussed achievements and challenges facing
women in the world particularly Arab women and explored empowerment of women in
multiple contexts, promoting an exchange of ideas and experiences.
The participants identified effective policy responses as well as best practices, taking
into account the region political, social, economic and cultural aspects and provided
policy recommendations that should be implemented by the state and other stakehold-
ers.
The publication includes statements made at the opening session, the papers presented
by the experts as well as the findings and recommendations.
3
STATEMENTS
5
H.E. Noor Al Malki
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am pleased to welcome you to this colloquium on “the Empowerment of women in

the Arab World,” and I would like to thank the esteemed experts from different parts
of the world who accepted our invitation to share their knowledge, views and expertise
on this important topic. I, also, extend my thanks to our distinguished guests and to all
participants.
The aim of this colloquium is to discuss the challenges currently facing Arab women,
to exchange the lessons learned from the past decade, to identify the successful policies
that had the most impact and to recommend new policies to promote the empowerment
of women in the Arab world. We aim also to dissipate some of the confusions, miscon-
ceptions and misjudgments about Arab women.
Most Arab countries have made relative progress in the status of women in the last de-
cade and many governments have taken some measures to facilitate and accelerate this
progress such as creating institutional mechanisms for women’s issues, passing new
legislations, appointing women to leadership positions and creating more opportunities
for them to participate in the economy. Most Arab countries are party to the Conven-
tion of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
However, with this rate, many Arab countries will not be able to achieve the Millen-
nium Development Goal number 3: gender equality and the empowerment of women.
In our discussions in this colloquium, we should be aware that the challenges facing
women in different Arab countries are not the same and avoid making generalizations
about “Arab women.” The Arab world is not a homogenous corps across the borders
of the twenty two (22) states. The Human development index reflects a diversity of
situations and sometimes a gap between Arab states. Most of the Arab economies are
either weak or emerging, except the economies of some Gulf countries, and are influ-
enced by the rate of tension, violence and conflict in the Middle East. Still, in all Arab
countries, women remain among the most vulnerable and in some parts of the Arab
world; they do not have the same opportunities as men regarding the most essential
human rights because of poverty and illiteracy.
However, it is important to acknowledge the impact of the ongoing political turmoil,

because of the delay in the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the financial and
economic crisis in the world, especially in the Middle East, on the achievement of gen-
der equality in the region.
A recent UN assessment of the situation of women around the world in a number of

7
indicators used to monitor progress towards the MDGs proves that the challenges fac-
ing Arab women are not necessarily unique to the Arab world, but are rather generic
problems encountering women all over the world. No country, even with high level of
gender equality, managed to fully secure equal rights and treatments for women.
Despite the universality of gender problems, addressing the empowerment of women

needs “cultural-sensitive” approaches that are in accordance with the socio-economic
context and cultural and religious settings in different countries. And, the progress of
each society in this area needs to be measured by comparing its achievements over time
rather than comparing it with another society.
Arab women have, already, achieved irreversible improvements in their status in many
Arab countries. The process for their advancement has mainly focused on education as
the best way to reach dignity and equality. Many Arab countries have made progress
in the elimination of discrimination against women in their legislations, although more
efforts are still needed to reform family laws in many countries. The rates of women’s
participation in the labor market are steadily improving. Still, the main challenge is the
sustainability and institutionalization of these achievements.
Another challenge for you to consider is the lack of support women get to reconcile
their family and professional roles. Empowering women and respecting their dignity
means also their capacity to serve the family and the society through motherhood. In
this context family friendly working arrangements, shared family-care leave and redis-
tribution of the burden of unpaid work should be included in policies.
During the upcoming two days, we are going to consider numerous questions and
concerns, to share our views and exchange our experiences and best practices and
to provide recommendations and guidance to governments, and national institutions
in developing policies that empower women in all fields, build their self-confidence,
strengthen their participation in the process of development and consolidate coopera-
tion with civil society in the field of advocacy of gender issues.
I would like to conclude by saying that investing in women will contribute to the eco-
nomic development and social gains of the whole society and can lead to significant
generational payoff.
Thank you.
8
Patience Stephens
Excellencies
Distinguished guests,
Colleagues,
It is an honour to speak with you today on “Promoting the Empowerment of Women in

Arab Countries.” I bring greetings from Ms Rachel Mayanja, the Assistant Secretary
General and Special Adviser on Gender Issues and the Advancement of Women. I also
bring greetings from the newly established United Nations Entity for Gender Equality
and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women). As you may be aware, the Secretary-
General last month appointed Ms Michele Bachelet, former President of Chile to head
UN Women. Under her leadership, UN Women expects to more effectively provide
support to all Member States including Arab Countries to implement their policies and
programmes on gender equality and the empowerment of women.
Excellencies
Colleagues,
The title of this colloquium specifically refers to the empowerment of women, but our
discussion over the next two days is not only about women and girls. It is about the de-
velopment of communities and Nations. Considering the 22 members of the League of
Arab States, we are talking about a population of some 360 millions persons. Women
constitute approximately half of this population, yet their full potential as agents of
change, particularly in the realms of political and socio-economic development, has
not been reached.
Women have the potential to make meaningful contributions to society, but empower-
ment is the missing link: often, women and girls lack the means and the tools to har-
ness that potential. Women and girls may be more motivated to accept the challenge of
bringing change to their societies when they have the support of their communities. To
ensure this community-wide investment, all of its members – women and girls, men
and boys – must be engaged from the start. The success of women will then be the suc-
cess of the community, and the community would be empowered to take ownership of
their progress.
This colloquium coincides with the 15th Anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and
Platform for Action, which specified 12 critical areas of concern for women. Many of
those 12 areas will likely arise in our discussions over the next two days. But as we
open this forum, I would like to touch on two particular areas in which women’s op-
portunities still lag behind that of men – Women’s and girls’ opportunities in Education
and in the Economy.
9
First education: Education is an essential part of any community’s development. Quite
simply, education is empowerment. And let us recall the adage that says that educate
a man and you educate an individual; but educate a woman and you educate a whole
nation.
Colleagues,
If education is to best serve the goal of development, it must be accessible to all. It must
allow girls and boys the opportunity to develop their capacities in all fields and at all
levels. By education I refer not only to formal education, but also informal education
and vocational training. Education enables children and adults to attain knowledge
about how the world works, about their value in society and about how they can posi-
tively contribute to their families and communities. In that regard, education policies
and programmes should work around existing constraints and institutional barriers to
find ways to make education of girls and women a top priority in all our development
efforts.
Excellencies,
Let me turn to the area of employment.
Women have historically been the foundation of the home and caretakers of the family.
Some might suggest that women are more suited for such work than men, as they tend
to be more outwardly compassionate and sympathetic toward others. A logical question
is how we convert this strength into opportunities that empower women in both formal
and informal ways. How does society allow women and girls to rise to the highest
levels in the fields and areas that they are passionate about? How do we support the
development of women and girls in the areas in which they demonstrate so much skill?
Surely if women are the best caretakers in the home, if they provide quality care for the
sick in the home, they must have a skill that they can also use as doctors, as anesthe-
siologists, as surgeons to transform medical systems and the care they provide to both
males and females.
Many Arab countries like many other world regions, continue to face persistently high
levels of unemployment. This unemployment is particularly high for women, espe-
cially young women. Financing has become difficult to secure in the face of shrink-
ing opportunities for business development. Public sectors which previously provided
the best and most stable employment are no longer able to offer employment to the
large out of school populations. The resulting unemployment is severe, particularly
for young women.
For both women and men, innovative opportunities for employment are needed. De-
veloping entrepreneurial programs that provide start-up capital and technical assis-
tance will prepare women to engage in the economic sector and help bring real change
10
where their communities need it most. Such programs could also specifically target
young women who may not have previously received a formal education.
Engaging and supporting women entrepreneurs through targeted programs would do

more than benefit the women who participate in such programs. Businesses run by
women can contribute to job creation by hiring more women and men. Women have
proven to be among the most astute business owners and entrepreneurs.
Women’s status as income earners would enable them to actively contribute to the de-
velopment of their communities. For families living in poverty, a second income could
mean the difference between having food to eat or suffering from hunger. It could mean
the difference between living in a safe area or one that is plagued with violence. It
could enable families to send all of their children, including their daughters, to school.
It could facilitate the empowerment the next generation.
Within the past ten years, programs to support the education of women and their eco-
nomic empowerment have been effectively established in parts of the Arab world. For
instance, an evidence-based skills-building program for adolescent girls called Ishraq
has been implemented in parts of rural Upper Egypt. The program provides literacy
and life-skills training as well as sports and recreation opportunities in a safe, girls-
only context. It contains a community outreach component to galvanize support for the
program and its girl participants. The program has been successful at both empowering
girls and promoting positive changes in community norms about girls’ abilities.
A model program of economic empowerment of youth is INJAZ al-Arab, an achieve-

ment program that has expanded to at least 11 nations including Tunisia. INJAZ al-
Arab provides opportunities for young entrepreneurs – male and female – to receive
mentorship and guidance in developing their own businesses from professionals in the
business world. Over 500,000 students have been involved in the program since 2004.
Empowering women to take a more visible role in society will permit them to contrib-
ute not only to the improvement of their families, but also to wider society. Women
have great potential that, if harnessed, can enable them to make great contributions.
They can serve as an asset to the Arab world. The world is full of examples of women
who have proceeded to make remarkable contributions to economic, social, cultural
and political life. For example, four cabinet ministers of the United Arab Emirates who
are women – including Sheika Lubna Al Qasimi, Foreign Trade Minister and former
Minister of Economy Planning, who was on Forbes magazine’s 2007 list of the 100
most powerful women in the world. And there are many more to be discovered.
The key challenge is to find unique and innovative ways to build on women’s strengths
and on their capacities while exploring new ones. I am optimistic that this colloquium
will produce meaningful and practical recommendations for ensuring that women are
11
empowered to achieve their full potential and to contribute to the development of a
region whose potential and contributions are so vital to global development.
Thank you
12
*
PRESENTATIONS
* The papers reflect the personal opinion of the experts and are not necessarily endorsed by the
United Nations or the Doha International Institute for Family studies and Development.
13
Yakın Ertürk
Women’s Empowerment and Human Rights
Introduction
In my intervention today, I will focus on the interlink ages between women’s empow-
erment and women’s human rights and argue that these are inseparable and mutually
reinforcing processes and the existing international human rights instruments provide
women with a legitimate legal framework for claim making in their rights struggles.
Diversification of women’s voices in the rights struggle has challenged both main-
stream human rights culture and the hegemonic representation of their cultural/reli-
gious community.
My personal perspective on the subject of women’s rights is embedded in my academic

work as well as in my experiences within the institutions of international gender equal-
ity regimes, particularly the post of the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on
violence against women, its causes and consequences (SRVAW) - which I held from
2003 to 2009.1 I will, therefore, start with a global perspective on women’s empower-
ment and their engagement with the international human rights framework, then pose
some issues for thought and discussion concerning women in the Arab countries.
Women and the United Nations
The diversification of the global women’s movement over the years has enriched our
understanding of the complexities of gender inequality both in its universal as well as
particular manifestations. Women’s movement thrived theoretically and in practice
as women’s diverse experiences gained visibility, “trickling up” from the local to the
global. Women organizing globally and the creation of the UN as a media for multilat-
eral dialogue are two key elements that account for the evolving international gender
equality and rights regime, which stimulated – at times modest, and at times impressive
- national level pro-women change in all countries.2 The UN provided women with an
international platform to voice their demands and the women’s movement expanded
and transformed the UN instruments to become responsive of women’s concerns. In
the process, the essence of international relations has changed, which until recently
was perceived as the site of “high politics” only.
* Yakın Ertürk, Prof. of Sociology, Ankara - Turkey; former SRVAW (2003-2009); member of the Council of Europe Committee on the Prevention of
Torture (CPT) (2009- ).
1 Prior to this, I served as the Director of UN INSTRAW (1997-1999) in Santo Domingo; and the Director of UN Division for the Advancement of
Women (1999-2001) at UN headquarters in New York.
2 For further discussion on women and the UN see for example: L. Reanda. 1981. “Human Rights and Women’s Rights: The United Nations Ap-
proach.” Human Rights Quarterly: 11-31; H. Pietila. 1999.
15
Given the reluctance of most national governments to consider gender issues in social
and economic policy, the international arena attracted women from around the world as
a viable environment where they could join forces in pursuing their goals for the estab-
lishment of gender sensitive instruments and mechanisms. This has not been a problem
free and easy process. Nonetheless, the Organization gradually became moulded ac-
cording to the rising demands from women, and gender sensitive documents made their
way to the intergovernmental bodies for consideration.
Once negotiated and adopted by governments, these consensus documents formed the
basis of State responsibility against which women’s groups can lobby for change at
the national level. In this regard, the gender equality agenda fundamentally altered the
doctrine of State responsibility which, in conventional terms, was understood as nega-
tive responsibility, i.e. doing no harm. Focus on the violation of women’s human rights
imposed a positive responsibility on States to take measures to prevent not only harm
inflicted by the agents of the State but also that of non-State actors.3 Consequently, is-
sues concerning women moved from the privacy of the home and the sovereignty of
the State to the international arena where the performance of governments with respect
to their due diligence obligation to prevent, protect, prosecute and provide compensa-
tion for acts of violence against women is now reviewed and assessed.4
Empowerment of Women
The most comprehensive of the international gender equality policy framework is, no
doubt, contained in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action (PfA). The Mission Statement
of this document defines the Platform as an agenda for women’s empowerment and
seeks to promote and protect the full enjoyment of all human rights and the fundamen-
tal freedoms of all women throughout their life cycle, thus highlighting the crucial link
between women’s empowerment and women’s human rights.
The PfA identifies 12 critical areas where governments are called upon to take mea-
sures in order to remove the obstacles for women’s empowerment. In this context,
empowerment is perceived as both a means to achieving women’s advancement and an
end in itself as an indicator of advancement.
Engendering the Global Agenda: A Success Story of Women and the United Nations, INSTRAW Occasional Paper Series. No 1; D. Jain. 2005. Women,
Development, and the United Nations. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Y. Ertürk. 2005. “The UN agenda for women’s rights and gender equal-
ity.” In Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs. Vol X Number 2: 91-113.
3 See: Y. Ertürk. 2006. The Due Diligence Standard as a tool for the Elimination of Violence against Women. Report of the SRVAW to the Commission
on Human Rights (E/CN.4/2006/61). Available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/women/rapporteur/index.htm; “In-depth Study on All Forms
of Violence against Women: Report of the Secretary-General” 2006 (A/61/122/Add.1); A. Clapham. 2006. Human Rights Obligations of Non-State
Actors. Oxford: Oxford University Press; and also Y. Ertürk. 2008. “The Due Diligence Standard: What Does It Entail for Women’s Rights?” in Carin
Benninger-Budel (Ed.). Due Diligence and its Application to Protect Women from Violence. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers: 27-46;.
4 State accountability with respect to their international commitments regarding women’s rights is an international concern. States report to monitoring
bodies on the measures they have taken to improve the status of women. With the establishment of the Human rights Council (HRC) in 2006, the Uni-
versal Periodic Review (UPR) mechanism was created as a unique process which involves a peer review of he human rights record, including women’s
rights of all 192 UN Member States every 4 years. See www.ohchr.org for an elaboration of the UPR system and reports on the review of individual
countries. Also see: Y. Ertürk. 2008. Indicators on VAW and State Response. Report of the SRVAW to the HRC (A/HRC/7/6).
16
The concept of empowerment is defined and understood in diverse ways. The interna-
tional women’s movement initially used it within the “women in development” (WID)
paradigm.5 In this context, empowerment was conceptualized as a means for achieving
women’s economic autonomy and for meeting strategic gender needs through a bottom
up mobilization. However, more often than not, WID practitioners reduced the concept
to a utilitarian level. They perceived women’s empowerment as a means to enhance
economic efficiency, primarily because women are known to demonstrate a positive
market performance, particularly in areas such as repayment of loans, consumption
patterns, among others.
The 1995 Human Development Report (HDR) made significant contributions to the
debate by focusing on the critical role of gendered aspects of disparities in develop-
ment work. The report emphasized three dimensions: capabilities, opportunities and
empowerment. Empowerment is defined by the HDR as a well-being dimension where
women’s disadvantage is located in both political and economic institutions. It is ar-
gued that women’s participation in the decision making processes of these institutions
can have positive outcomes for their overall well-being. The HDR argues that growth
is not necessary for overcoming gender inequality, however, the two indexes developed
for measuring women’s well being – Gender Development Index (GDI) and Gender
Empowerment Measure (GEM) - both presuppose income and growth.6
My personal understanding is that, women who have been historically excluded from
mainstream power in all societies are naturally self-empowered as they must develop
strategies to cope with the challenges of everyday life and negotiate within a disempow-
ering patriarchal system to survive and preserve their dignity. Even under conditions of
disorder, such as conflicts and natural disasters, women have to manage some form of
order to feed their children and sustain their families. However, in the final analysis,
transcending unequal gendered structures requires a transformative understanding of
empowerment. This requires, self-empowered women to organize and challenge rather
than accommodate the conditions of their life. In other words, women’s empowerment
to cope versus empowerment to change requires different strategies. It is the latter that
has inspired women’s collective agency and constituted the basis of international gen-
der equality documents such as the PfA.
Today, the literature on women’s empowerment reveals that the concept is perceived as
a more comprehensive process that involves the development of women’s overall capa-
bilities7 to enhance their ability –individually and collectively- to overcome or remove
the disempowering economic, social, cultural, legal forces that limit their choices and
to live a life not only free of violence but the right to reconstruct that life. Sunder ar-
5 See: C. Moser. 1993. Gender Planning and Development. London: Routledge.

6 For further discussion of the HDR approach, see: S. Seguino. 2009. “The Road to Gender Equality.” In G. Berik, Y. Rodgers, and A. Zammit. Social
Justice and Gender Equality. New York: Routledge: 44-70.
7 For a discussion of the human capabilities approach, see: M. Nussbaum. 2005. “Women’s bodies: Violence, security, capabilities”, in Journal of Hu-
man Development, Vol. 6, No. 2, July: 167-183.
17
gues that, “It is only when women ‘reclaim their own cultures, interpreting texts and
traditions in self-empowering ways…that women may truly claim their rights” (2003:
1449).8
Such an understanding essentially implies altering the existing gender order towards a
more egalitarian system.
From impunity to accountability
Globalization and the ending of the cold war signaled the significant change towards
a new world order where international relations, the nation-State and the relations be-
tween the State and the citizen are being fundamentally re-configured. These changes
are dialectical, with both universalizing and diversifying tendencies. Their implica-
tions for the gender equality agenda have also been diverse and contradictory. This
subject, although critical in itself, is not central to the current discussion.9 What is
pertinent, however, is that particularly with global re-structuring and the post-cold war
era, the human rights paradigm started capturing the aspirations of people everywhere.
Formerly excluded groups, including immigrants, minorities, indigenous peoples and
women, could now rely on an international system of rights beyond the nation-State in
making their claims.
There is now a convergence around the values of human dignity, justice, non-discrim-
ination, equality, justice and universality inherent in the Universal Declaration of Hu-
man Rights (UDHR) and human rights treaties. All member States of the UN are a
party to at least one, if not more, of the human rights instruments; wars are fought in
the name of human rights; neo-liberal economic policies are opposed on the basis of
the ‘rights-based’ approach; international financial institutions and multinational cor-
porations find it crucial for their public image and long term interests that they are
perceived as respectful of human rights, including women’s rights.
This momentum enabled women, who themselves emerged as significant global ac-
tors in the post-cold war era, to re-interpret the human rights language in arguing that
women’s rights are human rights. As women’s local resistances and movements for
justice matured socially and politically so did their global presence and authority in
challenging the historically rooted patriarchal values and institutions that normalized
women’s subordination in all societies.
The engagement of the global women’s rights movement with international jurispru-
dence not only empowered them further and made them one of the most effective and
8 M. Sunder. 2003. “Piercing the Veil.” The Yale Law Journal. Vol. 112: 1399-1472.
9 There is a rich literature on the impact of globalization on women and their status in various countries. See: Y. Ertürk. 2009. Political Economy of
Women’s Rights. Report of the SRVAW to the HRC (A/HRC/11/6); D. Elson. 2002. “Gender justice, human rights, and neo-liberal economic policies.”
in M. Molyneux and S. Razavi (eds.). Gender, Justice, Development and Rights, New York:
Oxford University Press: 78-114; S. Sassen. 1998. Globalization and its Discontents, NY: The New Press.
18
inclusive transnational movements but it has had far reaching impacts in opening new
areas of theorizing and inquiry for feminist research; mobilizing women from around
the world to rally for State accountability in matters concderning gender justice; stimu-
lating national level legislative and institutional reform to prevent gendered discrimi-
nation and violence against women; changing the human rights language and practice
to correct its male and Western bias; and confront dominant interpretations of their cul-
ture and religion. Perhaps the most concrete indicator in this regard is the near univer-
sal ratification of the Women’s Bill of Rights - CEDAW- with 186 States Parties, Qar-
tar being one of the most recent State to ratify the Convention.
While women’s rough and difficult journey in standard setting started with the efforts
of the founding mothers who were present at the creation of the UN (and the League of
Nations before it), the main breakthrough in the human rights area came after years of
persistent lobbying by women with the recognition of violence against women (VAW)
as a human rights issue at the 1993 Vienna Human Rights Conference. This was fol-
lowed by other gender inclusive standards in human rights protection, such as, the
adoption of the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women by the
United Nations General Assembly the same year and the creation of the post of Special
Rapporteur on Violence against Women in 1994. Patriarchal relations in private life as
a result opened to public scrutiny for the first time.10
The 1990’s also saw sexual violence and rape used as a deliberate war strategy in the
wars in former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. As a result of public outcry and protests by
women, rape which has historically been hidden and absent from conflict analysis and
peace initiatives became integrated into the mandates of international tribunals that
were created to prosecute the perpetrators of war crimes. Today, rape is an integral
component the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) as war crime
and crime against humanity.
The gender aware normative instruments and mechanisms adopted in the course of the
past decade also recognize women’s varied role in war, including their potential to con-
tribute to peace. Among the most significant developments in this regard include the
numerous Security Council Resolutions (SCR) on women, peace and security, starting
with 1325 (2000).11
These developments reveal a significant shift from impunity to accountability with

respect to crimes against women12 and a recognition of women as active agents of
change.
10 Violence against women was not included in the provisions of the CEDAW, as most government delegations at the time considered the subject to
be a private matter. In 1992 the Committee monitoring the Convention adopted General recommendation 19 on violence against women to correct for
this shortcoming
11 Others are: SCR 1820 adopted in 2008 and most recent resolutions 1888 and 1889 both adopted in 2009.
12 C. Chinkin. 2004. “Gender-related crimes: A feminist perspective.” in R. Thakur and P. Malcontent (eds). From Sovereign Impunity to International
Accountability. Tokyo: UN University Press: 116-134.
19
Women keep demanding and the UN gender regime keeps expanding. Just last month,
Mdm Michelle Bachelet of Chile was appointed Under-Secretary General of the UN
to head the new institution that will unify all system wide initiatives for the advance-
ment of women. Also noteworthy is the adoption on 1 October 2010 of the Resolution
on Discrimination against Women in Law and Practice by the Human Rights Council.
In accordance the resolution, a Working Group of 5 indipendent experts will be estab-
lished to study and monitor discriminatory laws and practices globally.
These are just some of the milestone developments that have evolved as a result of
long years of tireless efforts of women around the world and their effective engage-
ment with the UN machinerary. The short history of this engagement demonstrates
that women’s organized and persistant activism was the main force behind the estab-
lishment of a relatively comprehensive international regime for women’s equality and
rights that has firmly established State accountability as a norm with respect to gen-
der issues. It would not be wrong to argue that the gender agenda of the UN (and regi-
onal bodies) is the only bottom up agenda, with the world’s women as its true owners.
While we must celebrate the progress achieved we must also remember that, 15 years
after the adoption of the PfA by over 190 States and more than half a century since the
adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the realities of the majority
of the world’s women today continue to remain in stark contrast to the commitments
made by States and the international community at numerous forums and platforms.
Gender gap in many development indicators persists in all countries and women con-
tinue to experience violence and other forms of human rights violations in times of war
and in peace with impunity.
Women’s rights in the Arab countries
How do women in Arab countries fair vis-à-vis universal human rights standards?
In addressing this question it must be recognized that the Arab world is not homog-
enous and neither are its women. While, a gender gap is observed in all spheres of life
in the countries of the Arab region, State policies with respect to gender inequality var-
ies considerably. This variation is often attributed to the differences in the process of
State formation in the various countries.
Despite these variations, most analysts agree that command over women’s status is a
key factor in the maintenance of community and family cohesion across the region.
Associated with this there is ample evidence of the existence of different forms of vio-
lence against women, however, the problem is often met with denial or justified with
reference to varying interpretations of culture, tradition, and religion. To my knowl-
edge no country in the region has yet adopted a specific and comprehensive law that
criminalizes domestic violence. The CEDAW Optional Protocol has only been ratified
20
by Tunisia and Libya and States, with the exception of Yemen, have placed extensive
reservations when ratifying the Convention.
The reactions to recent legal reforms in some of the countries in the region – whether
concerning family relations or women’s public sphere participation – have often been
emotionally charged, with the critics often claiming that Islam is under attack. Equality
and human rights claims by civil actors are met with suspicion when it comes to wom-
en’s rights. Critics argue that international human rights norms, including CEDAW,
are Western in origin and therefore not appropriate in non-Western contexts. Such de-
bates are increasingly finding support from various women’s groups as well.
The anti-rights arguments are rooted in hegemonic interpretations of culture and con-
servative discourses. While they are meant to sustain the status quo, they are often pre-
sented in an anti-colonial and nationalist language, thus putting women in a dilemma
of having to choose between their rights and their culture. Consequently, women may
voluntarily compromise, if not totally sacrifice, their own rights in the name of “hon-
or”, “common good”, the “nation”, etc. Such an environment complicates women’s
activism and agency for change in the region.
Furthermore, the challenges arising from socio-political dynamics of the individual

countries, issues confronting the region in general, such as; colonial history, the Pales-
tinian issue, the situation in Iraq, rising Islamaphobia and its twin evil of fundamental-
ist Islamic movements as well as the global economic disparities and financial crisis,
pose additional burden on the rights struggles and democratization in general.
Under such circumstances; do Arab women have anything to gain in engaging further
with the global women’s rights movement and the human rights system? What does
the international human rights and gender equality agenda offer women in this region?
Answers to these questions would have to come from women of the region themselves
and this will necessarily vary in accordance with the specific dynamics in each country
and the nature and level of women’s empowerment, organizing and activism.
Change cannot be imposed on a given society by external sources, desire and demand
for change must come from within. Meetings such as these can help facilitate ex-
change of experience in diverse contexts, share lessons learned and foster solidarity
for the building of demand for change in the respective countries. It should also be
recognized that, implementation of CEDAW and other human rights instruments do
not imply uniformity. Even if such international norms are interpreted in a coercive and
absolutist manner, there is no guarantee of attaining a uniform outcome in the different
local and national contexts. The international equality and rights regime can be used by
national level lobbying groups to legitimize their demands and goals within the dynam-
ics of their own contexts. Ratification of CEDAW and other human rights treaties have
21
no consequential impact on women’s lives unless women learn to use these as effective
tools in their advocacy and negotiation at all levels of social relations.
While uuniversal human rights framework remains abstract, legalistic and distant to
the lives of average women in the region, it does provide a new global legalism which
confers legitimacy to women’s claims. Human rights violations are no longer merely
a moral matter, but also reflect a legal breach. Irrespective of the growing suspicion
concerning CEDAW and other international mechanisms, it is a reality that States in
the region are part of the international community of States where they have made and
are continuing to make commitments. Yet, they are falling short of their international
commitments; this has to be accounted for.
International mechanisms can be used more effectively to negotiate change at home.

There are many interesting strategies women have developed in this regard. Some
women use international law as their main bargaining tool, as was the case during the
amendment of the equality provision (Article 10) of the Turkish constitution which
provided that men and women are equal before the law. Women’s groups lobbied for
years for the amendment of this article to conform to the principles of CEDAW (rati-
fied by the Turkish Government in 1986). In 2004, Article 2004 was amended to read:
“Men and women have equal rights. The State is liable for ensuring this equality”.13
With the constitutional amendment CEDAW has also been granted priority over na-
tional legislation.
In other contexts, women have chosen to negotiate from within their cultural and reli-
gious traditions to demand for justice. In this regard, there are many significant exam-
ples from the Arab region. I would like to refer to a relatively recent the global initia-
tive - the Musawah movement (launched in Feb. 2009) - which brings together women
from Muslim majority countries to re-interpret Muslim family law using a rights based
approach. The starting point of the Musawah movement is to question why Muslim
family laws and practices treat women as inferior to men while equality and justice are
values intrinsic to Islam.14
Status quo has loosers and winners; change would imply loss of privilege for some,
gains for others and uncertainty for all. Particularly those with limited capabilities and
access to resources change can be risky even if the status quo is abusive, therefore,
they may not be enthusiastic about the promises of change. This is particularly the
case in the area of women’s rights. Due to relations of dependency, lack of access to
information and lack of self confidence, some women may be reluctant to engage in
uncertainty or even adopt the position of their oppressor. Such unwillingness on the
part of some women to protest is all too often portrayed by hardliners as demonstrating
13 This article is still on the agenda of the women’s movement, who are advocating for the article to be further revised to include the notion of “tem-
porary special measures”. A consensus has been achieved in this regard and such an amendment is expected to take place shortly.
14 For relative articles and activities see: www.musawah.org
22
Arab women’s contentment with their situation.
Even among more liberal circles the women’s rights movement is disapproved of with
assertions that the problem in the Arab countries is not one of gender inequality but one
of oppression of people in general. It is further argued that efforts to enhance women’s
public participation through quotas and other measures will merely result in cooptation
of a few token women. While both arguments may be true, they are incomplete and
inherently male biased. The former dismisses the multiple layers of oppression women
experience compared to their male counterpart and the latter overlooks that fact that
men who are participating in the oppressive system also run the risk of cooptation.
Change is dialectical and not linear; it will bring benefits as well as risks. This should
not result in inaction. A brave and evidence based step in the right direction can stretch
a long way. For instance, when King Faisal of Saudi Arabia introduced girls’ schools
in the 1960s there was a societal outcry. Faisal responded by indicating that no one is
obliged to send their daughters to school. Within months, the request for girls’ school
grew throughout the country. Today Saudi women enjoy full access to schooling at
elementary and secondary levels. In higher education, new fields of study are increas-
ingly made available for girls. In 2009, law schools gave their first female graduates.
Now the challenge for the Saudi society is to find ways of integrating these women
with law degrees into the labour market, which is essentially sex segregated as are the
other institutions.
Concluding comments
The emerging human rights culture, built on values that retain a universal appeal de-
spite the implementation gap, is a cultural resource that has so far been underutilized
by women’s rights advocates globally. Despite differences in women’s experience, the
moral force inherent in the human rights paradigm applies to all women (and men for
that matter).
Through empowering strategies – individually and collectively – women can use the
international human rights system in innovative ways in their own struggles to resist
and overcome disempowering forces in the family, the society, and the State. This will
not only enhance women’s rights but will contribute to the process of a��
broad-based de-
mocratization in a given society.
23
Layachi Anser
Women’s Empowerment: Concepts and Contexts
1. Introduction: some facts on the situation of women

2. Women empowerment: an historical background
3. The Gender gap and gender equality
4. Women Empowerment: Multiple Aspects
5. Conclusion: some policy recommendation
Introduction: some facts
Before analyzing in details the meaning and significance of women’s empowerment,

we need to provide a brief account on women’s situation. This will help us evaluate the
fundamental importance of the issue and the immensity of the task at hand facing both
governments and civil society at the national and international levels.
Existing data reported by various United Nations specialized agencies reveal a gloomy
picture regarding women’s situation. Women constitute more than 50 percent of the
poorest people in the world today with responsibilities to feed and take care of whole
families. These are direct bread winners toiling mainly in agriculture, but also in a large
variety of productive activities and services in the crowded urban and slum areas of the
megacities.
However, almost 75 percent of women in the world have no access to financial facili-
ties like bank loans and credit lines for the simple reason that they have unpaid or inse-
cure jobs and most of them are denied the right to property ownership. This is the true
picture behind a very peculiar situation where women constitute over half the world’s
population, yet have only one percent of the world’s wealth.
Available data also show that out of 1.3 billion people living in absolute poverty around
the world, some 70 percent are women and girls. Such situation is characterized not
only by dearth and hardships, but also denial of basic rights and lack of opportunities.
(United Nations, 2010)
According to the UN Millennium campaign, women carry out two thirds of the world
working time. It means the major share of work that maintains life, like farming, cook-
ing, rearing children, looking after the elderly, housekeeping etc., is done by women.
But these efforts are being undervalued, if not, totally ignored. They rarely appear on
any society’ records of production or added value.
It is striking that women’s income share barely amounts to 10 percent of all income
24
distributed over the planet. Moreover, female labour, where it exists, is widely con-
fined to marginal positions and low paid jobs. The majority of women are still living
In situation where traditions and customs deny women property rights, whether in land
or other means of production, obstruct their access to loans, credit lines, the right to
inheritance, or own their home, women face complete economic instability and cannot
have any long term investment for themselves or in their children’s future.
Turning to education and literacy, available data show that women make the bulk of
the illiterate in the world, 2/3 of nearly 900 million adult illiterates worldwide. Girls
make up 77% of some 77 million children deprived of primary education. Education is
a decisive driving force for human development. Available data show women with ac-
cess to education tend to have fewer children, (some studies correlate every additional
year of education with a 10 percent drop in fertility). Educated women delay their mar-
riage and pregnancies, have fewer and healthier children, (according to UN Population
Fund, each additional year of women schooling is associated with 5 to 10% drop in
child mortality) and they are more likely to send their children to school. But where
women have no stable and permanent income to rely on and invest in their own or their
children’s education, where girls’ education is considered superfluous and girls are val-
ued for their contribution to household labour, they miss the excellent opportunity to
enhance their status and position. In such situations it is not only individuals who stand
to lose but also families, communities and society as whole. The World Bank estimates
that countries in Africa and South East Asia lose 1 to 5 percent in per capita income
per year compared to countries where children enjoy quality basic education. (United
Nations, 2010)
Women’s Rights are Human Rights
“Women’s rights” is term which refers to the assumed liberties and privileges of female
population. Such rights vary according to time and space, may or may not be recog-
nized by law, suppressed or not by social norms in a given society and under specific
historical conditions. These rights are usually distinguished from general notions of
human rights that are recognized for male population. Moreover, advocates of this is-
sue believe there is an intrinsic historical bias against women and girls. (Hosken, 1981)
Women’s rights could be categorized into economic, social, legal and political rights.
They encompass a wider range of issues such as the right to physical integrity and au-
tonomy, to work, to equal wages, to own property, to education, to vote, to hold public
office, to enter into legal contracts and to enjoy marital, parental and religious rights.
(Lockwood, 2006). In many parts of the world, women and their advocates have cam-
paigned and continue to do so for the same rights as men. (Lockwood, 2006).
Women worldwide had to struggle for decades to accede to their basic rights and el-
evate them into human rights. The long and extremely hard struggle culminated with
25
success in the International Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in June 1993.
It was a mile stone in the modern history not only for women but for humanity general-
ly. This was sooner followed by another major success represented by the UN General
Assembly’s ratification in December 1993 of the famous Declaration on the Elimina-
tion of Violence against Women. Such success contributed to keep momentum on the
issue of women’s rights placing it top of the agenda not only for the UN institutions,
but also for most governments and civil society organizations around the world. The
long heated debate in precedent years was the driving force behind the advent of a
new comprehensive conception of human rights which openly acknowledges women’s
rights as fundamental human rights. This significant change in approaching human
rights was further strengthened by the appointment of a special Rapporteur on violence
against women by the UN commission on human rights less than a year later in March
1994. (UN Population Information Network (POPIN))
The dramatic development in this area revealed what great potential the human rights
framework can provide to the cause of women’s rights. Nonetheless, the real effects of
those changes were hampered by many structural and systemic factors excluding the
majority of women in the world whose conditions remained much the same. Societ-
ies and culture worldwide were slow to respond to changes brought about by political
and legal measures, thus denying women almost everywhere some fundamental rights.
The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW) approved in 1979 presented yet another fantastic opportunity for the inter-
national community to enhance women’s status and role in a large number of countries.
This convention, unlike others in the field of human rights, compels signatory members
to make practical arrangements to eliminate forms of discrimination regardless of their
source and nature. Furthermore, the convention not only secures fundamental human
rights, but also indicates practical measures, tools and areas of interest to women and
their advocates, such as affirmative action, access to health and education, changing
sex roles and stereotypes. These actions are of vital importance especially to women
in the poorer countries and in the rural areas. (UN Population Information Network
(POPIN))
Gender Equality: meaning and impact
Gender equality is a term that covers the area of gender equity, gender egalitarianism,
or sexual equality. It could be defined as a complex process that aims to establish fair-
ness of treatment and provide women and men with equal opportunities, rights and
responsibilities. (UNDP, 2008) Such objective is rooted in a belief in the injustice of
numerous forms of gender inequality, leading to what has become known as gender
gap. (United Nations, 1997). This latter phenomenon is best combated through main-
streaming a gender perspective.15
United Nations bodies and agencies make a strong link between gender equality and
26
human rights, especially women’s rights and economic development. (World Bank,
2006) (United Nations, 2008). UNICEF, for example, defines gender equality as “lev-
eling the playing field for girls and women by ensuring that all children have equal
opportunity to develop their talents.” (UNICEF ., 2008)
The United Nations Population Fund has explicitly considered gender equality “first
and foremost, a human right.” (UNFPA , 2006). Furthermore, “Gender equity” is one
of the major goals of the United Nations Millennium Project, to end world poverty by
2015. The project goes farther to argue “Every single Goal is directly related to wom-
en’s rights, and societies where women are not afforded equal rights as men can never
achieve development in a sustainable manner.” (United Nations, 2008)
Enhancing gender equality is, therefore, considered a strong endorsement to greater

economic success. (World Bank, 2006). For example, Arab countries that deny equal-
ity of opportunity to women were strongly criticized by a United Nations’ report re-
leased in 2008. The report alerted that such disempowerment played a critical role in
hindering their development in many areas such as commerce, learning and culture.
(E-Joussour , 2008)
Gender equality has to be accepted by both men and women as having positive mate-
rial and moral impact on the lives of those concerned. For example, a Swedish study
of gender equality in 2007 revealed that “negative effects” to health for both sexes are
observed due to increased stress of the opportunities in the workplace. It suggests that
“one-sided expansion by women into traditionally male roles, spheres and activities
will not lead to positive health effects unless men also significantly alter their behav-
ior”. (Backhans, 2007)
The impact of gender equality:
Gender equality is not only an end in itself, being a fundamental human right, but is
also considered an effective and efficient tool to achieve other valued objectives, in-
cluding economic prosperity for both women and their communities. In the following,
I will briefly present some of the implications of gender equality.
1- Equality between men and women is more than a matter of social justice - it’s a
fundamental human right. Furthermore, gender equality also makes an efficient means
to achieve economic success. By having equal opportunity and acceding to good edu-
cation, women can effectively participate in diverse economic activities and fully take
part in decision-making. Such achievements will make women a genuine driving force
15 “Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation,
policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimen-
sion of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women
and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality.” See United Nations: Report of the Economic
and Social Council for 1997. A/52/3.18 September 1997, p 28
27
for sustainable development and a significant contribution to the combat against pov-
erty.
2- Gender equality is therefore a pivotal element that gives women access to other
fundamental rights like, quality education, good health, access to property ownership
and financial help. For the moment, women are still lagging behind on all indicators; in
terms of political participation they only represent ¼ in national legislatures or parlia-
ments. Girls still constitute the majority of children not attending schools, and almost
two thirds of women in developing nations work in the informal sector and/or as un-
paid domestic workforce. Yet, these are among the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) which all nations accepted to achieve by 2015.
3- Gender equality is rightly considered by UN specialized bodies and NGOs an es-

sential “condition for comprehensive, democratic, violence-free and sustainable devel-
opment.” This attitude is behind concerted efforts made by all UN bodies, particularly
UNDP, and NGOs around the glop to work collaboratively with national partners to
ensure a full and effective involvement of women in planning, budgeting, and policy-
making processes. Encouraging governments and private enterprises alike to promote
women’s economic opportunities. To hold governments responsible for the provision
of essential public services such as education, health care and dissent shelter for all
citizens, including women and girls, equitably. (UNDP, 2008).
Women’s Empowerment: concept and context
Although it is a contemporary catchword, the word empower is not new, having arisen
in the mid-17th century with the juridical meaning “to invest with authority, authorize.”
Shortly afterward it acceded to a more general use meaning “to enable or permit.” Both
of these usages survive today but have been overwhelmed by the word’s use in politics
and popular psychology. However, its modern use originated in the civil rights move-
ment’s pursuit of political empowerment for its followers. The word was then used
by the women’s movement, and its appeal has not diminished since.16 As people of all
political creed have a need for a word that makes their constituents feel that they are,
or are about to become more in control of their destinies, the term empower has been
adopted by conservatives as well as social reformers. It has even migrated out of the
political field to become an interdisciplinary notion. (Houghton Mifflin Company. ,
2009.)
However, according to the free encyclopedia Wikipedia, the word empowerment “cov-
ers a wide range of meanings, interpretations, definitions and disciplines starting from
individual psychology and philosophy” to the highly publicized self-help business and
16 According to the definition used by the World Bank “Empowerment is the process of enhancing the capacity of individual or groups to make choices
and to transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes. Central to this process are actions which both build individual and collective assets,
and improve the efficiency and fairness of the organizational and institutional context which govern the use of these assets.”
28
behavioral or managerial sciences. As for the Sociological meaning, empowerment
often refers to power acquired by members of groups that have been excluded from de-
cision-making processes, on grounds of disability; race; ethnicity; religion, or gender.
Today, Empowerment as a methodology is too often associated with gender equality
and feminism (Wikepedia.org, 2010). The term also refers “to increasing the spiritual,
political, social or economic strength of individuals and communities. It often involves
the empowered developing confidence in their capacities” (Wikepedia.org, 2010).
In a more comprehensive sense empowerment is a complex process through which
individuals and /or groups gain full access to their personal/collective power resources
and authority to influence their rapport to other people, institutions and society. Con-
sequently, Women’s empowerment covers a wide spectrum of issues that can be easily
summarized into five important components:
1. The extent to which women hold a sense of positive self-image;

2. Women’s right to have access to, and make choices.
3. The right to enjoy equal access to resources and opportunities,
4. The right to self-determination and control over their own lives,
5. The ability to influence the course of events both locally and globally. (UN Pop
ulation Information Network (POPIN))
The concept in this wider and comprehensive sense became popular through the use of
the United Nations specialized institutions in the beginning of the 1990’s. The United
Nations various institutions became especially aware of the increasing significance
of women’s empowerment to the success of development programmes in developing
countries. The empowerment of women was crucial component to a great number of
declarations and platforms of action such as the 1990 World Conference on Educa-
tion for All, the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development,
the 1993 Human Rights Conference, the 1994 International Conference on Population
and Development, the 1995 World Summit for Social Development and the Regional
Preparatory Conferences for the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women. This in-
creased interest in, and understanding of, women’s pivotal role in the development
process has also been mirrored in the goals and priorities of all UN organizations and
agencies. The United Nations resident agents in developing countries have been urged
to play a greater role in facilitating interagency cooperation on the specific issues of
gender equality, equity and women’s empowerment at country level.
The International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) has stressed in

its programme of action that women’s empowerment and autonomy is highly impor-
tant both as an end in itself and necessary tool to achieve sustainable human develop-
ment. It openly states that “Advancing gender equality and equity, empowerment, and
the elimination of all kinds of violence against women... are priority objectives of the
international community”(Principle 4 of the ICPD Programme of Action). (United Na-
tions, 2009)
29
The ICPD recognizes in its programme of action that women everywhere are not only
facing hardships, but their lives; health and well-being are also at risk. They receive
less education and lack equitable access to many other resources making them overrep-
resented among the poor, the needy and the powerless. A concerted programme of ac-
tion is required to overturn such situation and give women access to scarce resources,
ease their household tasks and remove legal and social barriers to their effective par-
ticipation in the public sphere. Women have to be freed from the specter of domestic
violence and enhance their social awareness and commitment through education and
mass communication programmes. By now, it has become evident that the central issue
uniting all the major international conferences of the 1990’s is women’s empowerment.
Moreover, the international community has assumed the responsibility for fulfilling the
major commitments to help make women’s empowerment a reality of today’s world.
Women’s Empowerment: the economic aspect
Women’s economic empowerment, is therefore, a process that requires daring, com-

prehensive and sustained policies to advance women’s chances and rights and to ensure
they can participate effectively in all sorts of economic activities and their voice be
heard. To increase women economic prospects and chances, they need access to the
labour markets, increase their share of better paid and secure jobs, a good environment
that helps them to start their own businesses. They also require financial services spe-
cifically tailored to meet their needs. They also need security and care in times of crises
and disputes. “This is especially true for women living in rural areas and vulnerable
environments”.
In this context, it is argued, there are crucial factors to ensure that women’s empow-
erment is genuine and not factitious. They include legal rights giving access to land
property, effective participation in decision making, representation in local institutions,
securing access to appropriate financial services and other forms of technical help.
Women’s empowerment is an essential and highly important goal, “ranked third among
the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) – and it plays a vital role to speed
progress toward other MDGs.” (UNDP, 2008)
It is noticeable that the term women’s economic empowerment is often used in relation
to- and sometimes interchangeably with – gender equality and women’s rights. But the
question is how does this concept operate into a larger context which does not only
ensure gender equality, but also contributes to advance society in general?
Since development was for a long time defined and measured strictly by economic
indicators, progress too was measured in economic terms. Consequently, economic
growth and income distribution are considered decisive factors to combat poverty and
economic empowerment a vital aspect of gender equality and women’s empowerment.
30
This conception or rather misconception of development led international agencies,
governments and private businesses to concentrate their efforts on economic aspects
in an attempt to enlist support for gender equality dimension. But the validity of such
conception of development has been severely challenged17 and so is the validity of the
term empowerment which is closely related to it. What are the wider implications of
this concept on women’s sense of identity, on the concept of work, and on the overall
notions of well being and progress? Is there a danger that it might neglect or even rein-
forces the latent structures of injustice that we are combating? Today, some argue that
the use of the term empowerment and its relation to gender equality should be rooted
in an alternative approach, one that values justice, freedom and human integrity for all.
Development strategies based on notions of economic growth tend to advocate wom-
en’s empowerment through various measures that direct women from the early age
into programmes of entrepreneurship. This can also be seen from allocating resources
to educational programmes stressing financial skills on how to invest, how to save and
how to access markets. These are considered as important skills for women and girls
to manage their own businesses. Such measures and skills could probably contribute to
lift women from poverty and ensure material prosperity for them and their communi-
ties. But would they be of any significance for intrinsic human and social values such
as honesty, reliability, cooperation and collective responsibility that should go along
with sound financial management? Are those skills sufficient to empower women mak-
ing them principal actors in a process of sustained change and integrate them in a
more holistic notion of development and well being? Are there alternative models of
development that can strengthen the community and its economy while addressing at
the same time crucial issues of injustice and social inequality, to avoid having women
turned into mere tools of economic growth?
While it is incontestably true that economic empowerment is an important component

to provide women with means of subsistence and material prosperity, to give them a
meaningful life, the crucial issue is to change attitudes and perceptions. To seed in
peoples’ minds and hearts that men and women cannot improve their lives separately,
or at the expense of each other. They must believe in the equality of their chances and
struggle to obtain it and preserve it if they are to build a humane society. The main
idea is that economic empowerment should not be thought of separately from moral
empowerment. Building a social system on self interest alone can be very damaging to
both individuals and society. It contradicts the very basis of family, community spirit
and human solidarity built on love, generosity, social responsibility and parental devo-
tion to material and moral welfare of the children, relatives and neighbors.
Studies in this field have shown that women are not only confronted with difficult
choices between career and family, but many have already chosen not to marry, or
not to become mothers. Family is in danger of losing more ground as women are eco-
17 See the rich and varied scholarly work produced by scholars such as Samir Amin, Immanuel Wallerstein, Andre Gander Frank among others, on the
notions of underdevelopment, dependency and unequal world exchange.
31
nomically empowered, women are trading off their role as first educator against paid
career and children and family life are only the first victims. There is an urgent need
to reconsider the relationship between men and women as strategic partners may be
with different roles, but certainly with shared responsibilities for building an equitable
society. This goal has to start at the family level or will have no chance to be achieved.
This vision of empowerment goes beyond acquiring mere technical skills or financial
know-how and managerial expertise, it is based on men and women engaging into a
process of self transformation in order to transcend existing social structures and build
a humanely balanced social order. (advancingeconomics.blogspot, 2010)
Women’s Empowerment: the political aspect
Promoting women’s political participation and involvement in public affairs does not
benefit to women alone, but also to men and communal life generally. This makes
women’s effective involvement in politics a crucial issue with far reaching conse-
quences on the development of society as whole. Women’s participation in politics
may take various forms such as active involvement in community life, civil society
organizations, local authority bodies and government institutions. In all such instances,
women should be equally and effectively represented in various processes of decision
making. (Nussbaum, 2003)
In the last few decades some spectacular changes have occurred in this field. Despite the
fact that women still constitute only a minority in national parliaments (19%) world-
wide, an even increasing number of countries have opened their parliaments to women
representation either through free election or quota systems. Rwanda, a small central
African country emerging from civil war, made the headlines in September 2008 being
the first country in the world to elect more women than men to its national parliament
(56%). (Krook, 2010). Other countries have made spectacular advance on this issue in-
cluding Sweden (47%), South Africa (45%), and Costa Rica (39%) pointing to a grow-
ing worldwide trend. But there also exceptions, particularly among old democracies of
the West like France (19%), and the USA (17%) barely achieving the world average
representation. The 2010 legislatives in Britain brought an unprecedented number of
women to the House of Commons (22%), but even this was a modest increase over the
previous elections (Krook, 2010). However, even with these dramatic developments,
issues regarding the status and role of women in public life, particularly their participa-
tion in politics are still major questions of discussion and debate.
In most developing nations, the driving force behind women success has been the
adoption of electoral gender quota systems. These take various forms including re-
served seats for women, party quotas voluntarily adopted by political parties, or legis-
lative quotas passed by law imposing on political parties the nomination of a specific
proportion of women. Today, more than 100 countries worldwide have resorted to one
or another type of gender quota system to enhance women’s presence in politics. The
32
sudden spread of this tool in the last two decades have led to a heated debate and dis-
cussion, particularly from those who consider them unfair and weaken merit as an es-
sential criterion of representation. (Bassu, 2003)
Nevertheless, gender quota system could fulfill various functions besides increasing
women’s political participation. Advocates point to the fact that it boosts diversity
among elected women themselves, attracts more attention to women’s problems in
policy making, alters the gender aspect of the public field and encourages female vot-
ers to become more involved in politics. Whereas, opponents fear that quota will open
the way to unqualified, inexperienced and less interested women to hold office, thus
reinforcing the stereotypes about women’s lack of skill and performance.
The existing empirical evidence is lacking and contradictory at the same time. While
some studies reveal that quota systems opened the way to elite women, either women
having strong ties with powerful men or those loyal to political parties. Others show
that quota brought more diversity and provides chances to young women and some-
times women form marginalized groups. But all concede that women acceding to office
through quota systems were relatively lacking political experience. This is a double
edged argument that points to both lack of qualification and lack of opportunity and
discrimination which keeps women in a vicious circle. (Tambiah, 2003)
Women’s Empowerment: the cultural aspect
The cultural aspect is probably the most contested sphere of women’s empowerment
providing opponents with diverse arguments that policies enhancing women’s status
represent undue interference with established traditions, harmful for customs and re-
ligion. But these are not always authentic and neutral claims. In many instances, they
represent a defense of the status quo and preserve interests of particular social groups,
strata or classes. Hence, the need to draw a clear line between cultural traditions, be-
liefs and social practices that are harmful to women’s fundamental rights like forced
early marriage, gender violence and denial of inheritance rights and those which af-
fect women positively such as praise of elderly women and their traditional skills and
know-how. (UN Population Information Network (POPIN))
Advocates of women’s empowerment should stress the relational nature of all societal
aspects be that material or moral. Consequently, change in the material side such as the
adoption of new technologies, economic development and new forms of organization
will bring with them changes in the socio-cultural aspect including family relation-
ships, social status, roles, values and perceptions of lie and society. Women’s rights and
women’s empowerment should be considered as integral parts of a general strategy for
social and economic development worldwide, but especially in the poorer countries.
The champions of cultural specificities should understand that culture has never been
a fixed entity accomplished once for all, but rather a synergy of values, dogma and
33
perceptions embedded in continuous processes of formation and change. Culture is a
complex human artifact produced in response to internal and external challenges; envi-
ronmental, economic, social and political.
It is also very important to note that culture and society as concepts or theoretical cate-
gories may be misleading in implying uniformity and conformity. Both society and cul-
ture are based on social interaction, practical relationships and as such they are divers,
plural and produced by different groups with opposed and perhaps conflicting interests.
Society and Culture usually refer to the established social order, one that reflects a
certain balance of power between various groups and interests. But nonetheless, they
represent dominant groups and their interests at specific point in history. Hence, the use
of culture by opponents to deny women’s rights has to be questioned and not taken for
granted. They almost invariably represent factional interests of dominant groups under
the patriarchic social order in which women are kept under male subjugation. The ap-
peal to cultural and religious specificity is more often than not a cover that preserves
social control and oppression. The claim that gender discrimination is “natural” and
part of a nation’s culture reflects the assertion that domestic violence is a private family
matter rather than a public offense. Gender discrimination is like race discrimination,
both cannot be justified. If South Africa’s apartheid policies received international con-
demnation, so should be the case with gender discrimination. (UN Population Informa-
tion Network (POPIN))
Modalities to enhance women’s empowerment
Enhancing women’s empowerment in all its aspects requires coordinated actions and
policies between various bodies, institutions and agencies at the international, national
and local levels, governmental and non-governmental, public and private. Govern-
ments and Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) should draw national plans indi-
cating specific goals and establish indicators to achieve realistic levels of gender equal-
ity and women’s empowerment. They have to provide training in gender analysis and
gender-sensitive programming for government officials, staff, partners and individuals
in NGOs. Grass-roots women’s movements have to be involved in working sessions
and meetings of international and national officials as well as international NGOs.
Furthermore, there is a pressing need for establishing research institutions and study
groups bringing together gender experts from governments, NGOs, women’s grass-
root organizations and academia. The incorporation of various civil society organiza-
tions and actors will ensure women’s opinions and views are taken into account at all
levels of policy-making process.
In order to consolidate a critical mass of support for gender-sensitive policies, these

should not be left to relatively junior staff as this more often reinforces the existing
marginality of women’s interests and concerns in strategies of national development.
The high-level advocacy and representation will serve to legitimize gender interests in
34
the eyes of international agencies’ staff and local partners alike, thus making develop-
ment strategies most effective. (UN Population Information Network (POPIN))
Some Policy Recommendations
a- Economic Empowerment
Women’s economic empowerment can be achieved through a selection of measures
including the following actions:
• Extending education and training opportunities to women and girls at all levels to
provide them with much needed skills and know-how necessary to be actively in-
volved in various economic and social activities.
• Endorsing increased recognition of women’s unpaid care work, as well as its reduc-
tion and redistribution between males and females within families and communi-
ties.
• Encouraging research in the field of customary law to enhance women’s position
and give them better access to land and participation in decision-making.
• Developing women’s business’ opportunities through training schemes focused on
technical skills, management aptitudes and functional literacy.
• Backing business projects that observe equality of chances and fairness of standards
and rules in the workplace.
• Support efforts aimed at strengthening women’s legal rights to hold and manage
property. (United Nations, 2010)
b- Political Empowerment
These are few policy recommendations which may be useful to formulate institutional
strategies for capacity building to empower women politically:
• Close the gender gap in education at all levels, especially in primary and secondary
education. The role of equality in education in bringing about equality in all walks
of life is well known and discussed in much detail in most studies dealing with this
issue.
• Increase the visibility and representativity of women in public office using different
forms of quota systems.
• Enhance women's leadership by helping to reform electoral processes, change po-
litical parties’ rules, and strengthen parliaments, judiciaries and the civil service.
• Strengthen the ability of women's organizations to advocate and implement projects
that promote women's rights.
• Promote legal reforms to ensure equal legal protection to women and girls.
• Ensure that essential public services like health and education benefit women, girls,
men and boys equitably.
• Promote the ratification, implementation, and reporting on women's international
and regional instruments such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimina-
tion against Women.
• Reduce gender-based violence through raising awareness, promoting family con-
35
sultation services and training of human rights activists.
• Encourage governments and civil society organizations to adopt policies that help
eliminate gender biases in all sectors and in its various forms and expressions. All
parties should make concerted efforts to integrate gender awareness into policies,
programmes and institutional reforms. They must strive to mobilize and engage
men in the struggle to end gender inequality; and develop gender-sensitive tools to
check progress and ensure accountability. (UNDP: women empowerment) (UNDP,
2010)
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37
Appendix:
1- Gender Gap Regional Ranking 2007
38
2- Global Map of CEDAW
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
Participation in the CEDAW

Signed and ratified Only signed
Acceded or succeeded Non-signatory
Unrecognized state, abiding by treaty
39
Astrid Stuckelberger
“Why the Life-Course Approach to Gender
Empowerment is Important?”
1. From Empowerment to Equality
A common thread uniting each of the major UN international conferences since the
1990’s is women’s empowerment. The Programme of Action of the International Con-
ference on Population and Development stresses that the empowerment and autonomy
of women is a highly important end in itself and necessary for the achievement of sus-
tainable human development.
Despite International Conferences on Population and Development, World Summits for

Social Development, World Conferences on Women and despite the progress achieved
with the Beijing Platform for Action for Women and the Convention on the Elimination
of Violence against Women CEDAW), gender equality and discriminations are still
insufficiently addressed in all regions of the world. In all parts of the world, women
are facing threats to their lives, health and well-being. They receive less education than
men and are over-represented among the poor and powerless. Today, the United Na-
tions stresses that the international community is accountable to the world’s women for
fulfilling the significant commitments it has made to help make empowerment a reality
of women’s lives.
The past three decades have witnessed a steadily increasing awareness of the need
to empower women through measures to increase social, economic and political eq-
uity, and broader access to fundamental human rights, improvements in nutrition, basic
health and education (WEF, 2005). The World Economic Forum Gender Gap Report
2010 gives an interesting snapshot of current performance of some fundamental out-
come variables related to basic human rights such as health, education, economic par-
ticipation and political empowerment. It introduces valuable new insights regarding
progress over the last five years: “On average, over 96% of the gap on health outcomes,
93% of the gap on educational attainment, 59% of the gap on economic participation
and 18% of the gap on political empowerment has been closed. No country in the world
has achieved gender equality. The four highest-ranking countries—Iceland, Norway,
Finland, Sweden—have closed a little over 80% of their gender gaps, while the low-
est ranking country— Yemen—has closed only around 46% of its gender gap.” (WEF,
2010).
Much more needs to be made to bring women to the front and find sustainable mecha-
nisms to empowerment and to protect and promote their rights and access to all their
rights. Therefore promoting empowerment of women in the Arab countries is an im-
portant issue and sharing the success stories or reasons for failures can only reinforce
40
progress and implementation of gender equality and access to quality of life for all.
Given the relatively slow progress in many regions of the world in reaching decent
levels of equality of women, the question to ask is if we can improve the methodology
used in measuring needs, progress and addressing the different typologies of inequali-
ties in women’s life. This article suggests a new approach which goes beyond the tra-
ditional way of tackling gender empowerment and equality.
Definition and Concept of Empowerment

There are many different definitions of empowerment yet little consensus. Etymologi-
cally, at the center of empowerment is the word “power”, which is reflected in the fact
that in a gender perspective the “power of choice” and the “power to change” with free-
dom of choice and action are fundamental. The definition varies significantly across
the world and at different times of history, with significant reference to sex, ethnicity,
age, religion, migratory status, rural/urban residence, and many other variables. Fur-
thermore, the perception of empowerment is different according to different people and
their context. According to the definition used by the World Bank18 “Empowerment is
the process of enhancing the capacity of individual or groups to make choices and to
transform those choices into desired actions and outcomes. Central to this process are
actions which both build individual and collective assets, and improve the efficiency
and fairness of the organizational and institutional context which govern the use of
these assets.”
According to UN documents, women’s empowerment requires five components based

on women’s human right19 :
1) a sense of self-worth
2) the self-determination of their choices
3) the access to opportunities and resources
4) the power to control their own lives, both within and outside the home
5) the ability to influence the direction of social change to create
a more just social and economic order, nationally and internationally.
Thus, the notion of empowerment is a multi-dimensional and cross-disciplinary pro-
cess. It includes sociological, psychological, economic, and other dimensions, as well
as a wide range of issues, from education and health care to governance and economic
policy. Overall, empowerment is the strengthening not only of a social process but also
of a personal process and of a structural situation that encourages or hinders women’s
empowerment and gender equality. Hence, addressing gender empowerment would be
incomplete without including systematically the following 3 different approaches:
- Individual: psychological, personal

> factors such as subjectivity, self-esteem, perception, beliefs, sense of coher
18 World Bank website “What is empowerment?”: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTPOVERTY/EXTEMPOWERME

NT/0,,contentMDK:20272299~menuPK:546167~pagePK:148956~piPK:216618~theSitePK:486411,00.html
19 UN Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs with UNFPA, Guidelines to Women’s Empowerment http://www.un.org/
popin/unfpa/taskforce/guide/iatfwemp.gdl.html
41
ence, sense of control
- Collective: socio-familial
> factors such as norms & roles change, inter-generational and intra-genera
tional complexity, transgenerational impact
- Structural: cultural, political
Factors such as the constraints set by traditions, religious practices and codes,
institutional habits.
In the mid-1990s, Sara Longwe developed the Women’s Empowerment Framework20

in which she conceptualized five levels of equality in a hierarchical order, with each
higher level denoting a higher level of empowerment. She conceptualized it as the
bases with which to assess the extent of women’s empowerment in any area of social
or economic life. Analyzing the many successes in empowering women must go along
with recognizing what has stagnated or even regressed in gender equality. Facts and
data show that a lot more needs to be done to increase empowerment and decrease gen-
der inequality in all 5 following areas mentioned by Longwe (table 1).
Table 1: Women’s Empowerment Framework and Levels of Equality
Women’s Empowerment Framework

Levels of Equality by Sarah Longwe2
Increased Increased
Control equality empowerment
participation of women in the decision-making process to achieve balance of control
men women over the factors of production, without one in a position of dominance.
Participation/Mobilization
equal participation in the decision-making process, policy-making, planning and
administration. In development projects: involvement in needs assessment, project
design, implementation and evaluation
Conscientization
understanding of the difference between sex roles and gender roles and the belief
that gender relations and the gender division of labour should be fair and agreeable to
both sides, and not based on the domination of one over the other
Access
women’s access to factors of production, land, labour, credit, training, marketing
facilities, and all publicly available services and benefits, on an equal basis with men.
Equality of access is obtained by securing equality of opportunity through legal reform
to remove discriminatory provisions.
Welfare
level of material welfare of women, relative to men, with respect to food supply,
income and medical care, without reference to whether women are themselves the
active creators and producers of their material needs.
One fundamental aspect is lacking in most discussions about empowering women and
gender equality issues: the systematization of time in individual lives and linked lives,
which is known in social science by the terms ‘life course perspective’ (sociology) or
‘human development perspective’ (psychology). This dimension of timing gender in-
equality can be tackled in a stepwise way by analyzing with more clarity and efficiency
20 Cited in March, C. I. Smyth and M. Mukhopadhyay. A Guide to Gender-Analysis Frameworks. London: Oxfam Great Britain, 1999
42
not only the situation of women but the solutions at hand throughout a lifetime, specific
to women’s life cycle and life events. Empowerment is a process, it unfolds with time
and it fluctuates with time, but is not acquired instantly. What is then needed to measure
empowerment of women throughout time?
This article will try in a concise way to demonstrate the need and way ahead to grasp
the concept of time, this essential dimension of sustainability in women’s empower-
ment.
2. Life course perspective: the missing dimensions in gender empowerment

The Life Course Perspective is recent: it developed as an interdisciplinary field over
the last 30 to 40 years. It is a complex interplay of biological, behavioural, psychologi-
cal, and social protective and risk factors contributing to equality levels across the span
of a person’s life.
What is specific to the life course “perspective” in comparison with other research ar-
eas? Are there set criteria recognized as part of the life course approach?
Social scientists underline that the Life perspective acknowledges that changes in
human lives are part of human development and happen with defined character-
istics. Karl-Ulrich Mayer (2009), life course specialist identified 4 criteria defining
the specificity of the life course:
The Life course approach happens..

• over a long stretch of life time, such as from childhood to old age, and not just as
particular episodes, such as transition to marriage or first birth, or narrow life phas-
es. There is also the strong assumption that prior life history has strong impacts on
later life outcomes.
• across a larger series of cohorts rather than by a few cohorts or synthetic cohorts
based on cross-sectional data (life time and historical time).
• across life domains, such as work and family, often implying interdisciplinary ap-
proaches.
• in the context of collective contexts, such as couples, families, cohorts, generations.
For example, inequities in birth outcomes, such as low birth weight and infant mortal-
ity, are often explained by the quality and frequency of prenatal care. In contrast, the
Life Course Perspective suggests that these inequities result from differences in pro-
tective and risk factors between groups of women over the course of their lives. As a
result, the health and socioeconomic status of one generation directly affects the health
status of the next one.
Based on those characteristics, it is clear that gender issues at the United Nations and at
the international level are not addressed in a life course perspective. Too often the issue
43
is looked at in a ‘static way’, in general a “snapshot of women’s condition versus men
condition” at one point in time, while the important issue is the dynamics of women’s
condition throughout their lives. While useful as a basis, many questions remain un-
answered with the ‘snapshot’ view: how are inequalities evolving at different stages in
life? in different life situations? different life events, etc? how can inequalities/equali-
ties cumulate through the different stages of women’s lives? how can we measure and
ensure that the equality condition of women and their empowerment be sustainable and
long lasting?
A new method is needed to empower all women at all ages and point in time so as to fi-
nally close the gender gap in a sustainable way. The traditional methodological frame-
work should move forward in new ways, from the static view to a more dynamic and
comprehensive framework. Through the example of charts and data below, one can see
how limited our understanding of the situation can be if the static approach, the most
frequently used, is dominating gender empowerment and equality analysis:
1. Static approach to the Status of Wom-

en (i.e. univariate statistics, cross-sectional, prevalence):
women’s lives must be screened through the data to find a similar pattern of life
events: a static approach to prevalence of events linked with age or with life events
(e.g. pattern of school education, of violence, of first marriage, of first birth, of first
job, etc).
2. Dynamic approach to the Status of Women (i.e. multi-variate data and analysis,
longitudinal, retrospective, incidence): with dynamic analysis, the static data can
be correlated with different factors to see if one can identify typologies or trends by
crossing this data with other factors (i.e. cultural or social determinants). This ap-
proach helps avoiding generalization and reinforces specificities of different groups
of women for example.
3. Comprehensive approach to the Status of Women (i.e. panels, cohort studies,
regressions and complex multivariate analysis, grade of membership, clusters, log-
linear modelling, etc.): integrating static and dynamic aspects of time to identify
patterns and typologies over the life course. This approach will provide compre-
hensive modelisation of women’s lives and realities according to specific contexts
(i.e. poverty, violence), giving a sense of (multi)linear cause-effect, hence a more
precise and efficient intervention system.
Ideally, this method, systematically applied, would elucidate remaining barriers and
measure the increase/decrease of women’s empowerment and level of equity at differ-
ent moments of their lives (longitudinal pattern) and of collective lives (cohort pattern),
such as a life/time indicator correlated to different factors.
Gender inequality and discrimination is a worldwide issue in all regions, settings and
classes, it is persistent throughout the life course and cumulates different layers, it is
44
also persistent throughout generations (Stuckelberger, 2006). Therefore, a more refined
and comprehensive approach to women’s empowerment and to the concept of ‘’hu-
man development’’ should integrate and analyze the whole life span, all age groups,
see specificities for each generations and cultures. Identifying different typologies of
gender inequality throughout a life, can only help us to bring together what is needed
for those specific ‘lives’ to increase gender equality towards the highest level possible
of equity, in line with the international framework set by the United Nations,
Examples of the static (A), dynamic (B) and comprehensive (C) approach to gender
analysis
(From the Progress Report of the World’s Women, UN Women 2010-2011)
A. Static Approach to Data on Women’s Condition

Graphic 1
Gender Wage Gaps in Latin America
Across Latin America, women are paid less than men.
Graphic 2.
Percentage of Women in Senior Positions
There is one woman for every nine men in senior management positions.
The ��
percentage��
of women in senior positions ranges from 3% to 13%, de-
spite the fact that their share of full-time employment ranges from 18% to
49%.
45
B. Motion Approach to Women’s Condition: Longitudinal Data
Graphic 3.
Women in Parliament 2010: Top 29 countries
As of June 2010, twenty-nine countries have reached or exceeded the 30% mark in
women’s representation in parliament (29 used quotas)
Graphic 4
% of Women Delegate to UN Climate Change Conferences
Women are not fairly represented as delegatesor heads of delegations at the

United Nations. The example of the UN Climate Change Conferences over
timeonyl 30% as members of UN delegations are women, and even less as
heads of delegation.
C - Dynamic Approach to Women’s Lives: correlations and cause-effect perspective

Graphic 5
The lifetime impact of early marriage
on decision-making in the household
No matter what their current age, women who married before they were
18 are far more likely to report later in life that they have no say in
decisions than those who married later.
For example, in Colombia, women who married young are 47% more
likely to report having no say, compared to women who married later.
46
Graphic 6
Lifetime Prevalence of Physical and Sexual Violence by
an Intimate Partner (accumulation of types of violence during life)
In five sites, more than half of women have experienced physical

or sexual violence, or both. Timer and timing counts in empowerment.
3. How to Integrate the Life Course Perspective in Gender Empowerment and

Equality21?
Gender-related empowerment and equality throughout the life course reflect differ-
ent factors interacting together in a time framework. The analysis therefore includes a
whole set of processes associated with gender-specific life styles, labour division and
socio-economic inequalities between men and women during the life course.
The main features of the life course perspective analysis include the 3 following as-
pects:
I. The life course development is analyzed as the outcome of personal characteris-

tics and individual action as well as of cultural, institutional and structural conditions
(relating micro-, meso- and macro-levels of analysis, structure and agency).
II. The life course/cohort analysis is essential for social policies with a paradigm
shift from curative to preventive intervention.
III. The Life Course Perspective integrates a focus on critical periods and early
life events with an emphasis on the wear and tear a person experiences over time, con-
sidering cumulative discriminations and inequities in the analysis of factors such as:
socioeconomic status, race and racism, neighbourhood conditions, health care, disease
status, stress, nutrition and weight status, birth weight, and a range of behaviours are
some of the key protective factors and risk factors that may affect equity levels, from
birth to death, and at each stage of the reproductive life, and over the ageing process up
to end-of-life issues.
Another aspect of the analysis is to integrate the concept of cumulative advantage/

disadvantage consistent or fluctuant throughout life. For example, a woman born in a
context of poverty, migration and racial difference will go through her childhood with
47
a high risk of triple discrimination (girl, poor, ethnicity) and go through the rest of her
life with a cumulative effect discrimination. Another example at the other end of life, an
older woman, widowed with only basic school education will also be at high risk of liv-
ing multiple discriminations and abuse (gender, old, no education, vulnerable to abuse
or to defend her rights, etc), this condition being the outcome of a life-time of cumula-
tive inequalities puts her at multiple level of suffering unjust treatment(Stuckelberger
et Höpflinger, 1996, 1998). Robert Merton’s (1968) initiated the concept of cumulative
advantages/disadvantages applied to human lives and describes it as dealing with “the
ways in which initial comparative advantage of trained capacity, structural location,
and available resources make for successive increments of advantage such that the
gaps between the haves and the have-nots widen” (“The Matthew Effect in Science”,
p.606), Dannefer (2003) proposes the definition of cumulative advantage/disadvantage
as “the systemic tendency for inter-individual divergence in a given characteristic (e.g.
money, health or status) with the passage of time” (p. 327).
Researchers have recognized the neglected aspects of life cycle individual and cohort
analysis and the need to look beyond generalizations to examine more closely key
characteristics of life trajectories and life cycles, as well as the factors that produce
them such as early childhood peculiarities, life events, period effects, etc. The interest
lies in analysing the extent to which observed age differences and age-related variabil-
ity results from systemic life course processes and to identify individual trajectories
within period- or cohort-effects.
4. Risks of Gender Disempowerment and Inequality at Different Stages of the

Life Cycle
Gender differences during the life course or life cycle are consistent and in most cas-
es putting women in a higher risk situations of disempowerment and inequality than
men. The literature consistently underlines the fact that the effects of socio-economic
differences on living gender inequalities and well-being persist across the life span.
Indeed, from the point of view of the cumulative advantage/disadvantage hypothesis,
the relationship between many types of social status and living conditions increases in
strength (Dannefer, 1988; O’Rand, 1996). Based on the Figure 1, examples of situa-
tions specific to the life cycle are listed below and give a first framework to approach
women empowerment at specific stages of life as well as addressing gender equality
in different life circumstances. This is not an exhaustive list of risks or situations but
gives a first grid to analyze further gender inequalities over the life course, at each stage
one can than ask oneself if and how women are empowered to counter the inequalities
they live.
48
Figure 1 indicates some of the most obvious relationships concerning men-women
differential stages of the life cycle during the life course based on the ‘specific risks’
for women (‘risks’ here defined as the probability of experiencing a specific situation
during one’s life-time).
Stage 1: Childhood
Overall: There is evidence that childhood adversity linked to social inequalities experi-
enced during childhood has important consequences in later in life, such as on physical
and psychological health, (see Barker, 1998; Brunner et al., 1996; Costa, 1999; Hay-
ward and Gorman, 2004; Kuh and Ben-Shlomo, 1997; Lynch, Kaplan and Salonen,
49
1997; Power and Peckham, 1990; Schwartz et al., 1995;). Recent evidence suggests
that a family’s socio-economic status background and pre-adult intellectual resources
have a significant effect on outcomes at midlife, but that they may be entirely mediated
by adult achievements (Zimmermann, Stuckelberger and Meyer, 2006). These results
underscore the importance of assessing total effects rather than direct effects in assess-
ing the influences of socio-economic factors across the lifespan. Gender discrimination
contributes to the continuance of poverty.(UNICEF, 2007, CPRC, 2010) Poverty will
not cease until girls and women have the same rights and opportunities in life as boys
and men. Research indicates that prevailing social norms and cultural practices have
a powerful negative influence on the life opportunities of girls during childhood and
adolescence. Some of the key barriers include:
Risks at birth :
• Foeticide and infanticide: UNICEF notes that “Where there is a clear economic or
cultural preference for sons, the misuse of (pregnancy diagnostic tools) can facili-
tate female foeticide (UNICEF, 2007).
• Infant mortality at birth is still very high in many low and middle income countries
and is an important Millennium Development Goal
Risks during school years :

• Discriminatory school education: A central focus of the middle years of childhood
and adolescence is ensuring access to, and completion of, quality primary and sec-
ondary education. With a few exceptions, it is mostly girls who suffer from educa-
tional disadvantage. They are are less likely than boys to be enrolled in school, are
more likely to drop out when enrolled, and are less likely to develop vital skills and
competencies Impoverished girls are 3.5 times more likely to be out of school than
their wealthier peers (UN, 2010).
Child labour
• The cycle of poverty forces many girls into situations of child labour to ensure their
survival, thus perpetuates the cycle of poverty and limits educational opportunities.
More than 100 million girls, ages 5 – 17, are involved in child labour around the
world, with the majority involved in hazardous work, including domestic service.
(ILO, 2009).
• Girl exploitation and trafficking: girls are more likely to be hidden working as do-
mestic servants or trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation, even at young ages.
Other Risks as a Girl Child – Youth:

Many other risks and hazards can have long lasting deleterious effects on the full reali-
sation of women, to mention a few:
• Physical and sexual violence: Girls are disproportionately affected by gender-based
violence in the household, at school, in the workplace, and in the community result-
ing in both physical and psychological harm.
50
• Early marriage and forced marriage: The practice of child marriage, which is most
prevalent in poor, rural communities, often perpetuates the cycle of poverty. Be-
cause of pressure to bear sons, young brides miss out on their education and adoles-
cence. They and their future children are also more likely to experience numerous
hardships and ailments, from malnutrition and physical and sexual abuse.
• Reproductive health issues: female genital mutilation, early pregnancy and abor-
tion,
Stage 2: Adolescence – Beginning of reproductive phase

Overall: Specific areas that UNICEF highlights during adolescence can happen for
the first time or be a continuity of childhood. Those inequities and discriminations
include: female genital mutilation/cutting, child marriage and premature parenthood,
sexual abuse, exploitation and trafficking, sexual and reproductive health and HIV/
AIDS. Among the greatest threats to adolescent development are abuse, exploitation
and violence, and the lack of vital knowledge about sexual and reproductive health,
including HIV/AIDS (UNICEF, 2007).
• Educational Levels: The positive relationship between levels of schooling (or edu-
cation) and health is one of the strongest and best documented linkages in this area
(e.g., Adler et al., 1993 1994; Ross and Mirowsky 2003, 1999; Ross and Wu, 1995
1996). Summarizing their research on education levels, Mirowsky and Ross (2003)
argue that amount of schooling creates most of the relationship between achieved
social status and health, and that it is primarily through the increased sense of per-
sonal control that results from higher levels of schooling that greater health and
other performance outcomes are achieved.
• Violence and abuse in all its forms: physical, psychological, social, economic and
structural
• Labour exploitation: labour exploitation at home and outside home with no recog-
nition and retribution of informal work. Forced sexual exploitation such as early
prostitution and trafficking.
• Issues linked to reproductive health: denial of access to different health care and
family planning counselling (access to contraception, prevention and care are de-
nied, questions of abortion, of young motherhood, etc) .Early marriage and forced
marriage
Stage 3: Adulthood – Maturity - Motherhood

Overall: Motherhood and old age are two key periods in many women’s lives when the
pernicious effects of multiple difficulties: illiteracy, poverty, ill-health, violence, work
abuse and inequality can combine. It is estimated that each year more than half a mil-
lion women—roughly one woman every minute—die as a result of pregnancy compli-
cations and childbirth, 99% of which occur in developing countries UNICEF, 2007).
Yet many of these women’s lives could be saved if they had access to basic health care
services.
• Multiple roles and informal/formal work overload: the majority of women bear
51
the burden of multiple work both at the family level and at the professional level.
Women with children increase their informal labour by often taking care of the chil-
dren, husband and their elderly parents/parents-in-law (also called the sandwich
generation trapped into working informally for two other generations). All data in
the world show that women are the main informal carers who can impede on their
access to labour or to a professional career. The years spent raising children with no
other professional experience put them at disadvantage after their parenthood pe-
riod to find a qualified and equally paid job compared to men. Their life as mother
at home is not recognized both economically and professionally and put them at
higher risk of poverty and exclusion.
• Health: The gendered nature of life course trajectories clearly structures and con-
straints the health-related resources and opportunities of men and women. Those
factors work additively or interact with one another to produce gender differences
in health.
• Labour: women often work more than men, yet are paid less. As the labour force
participation of women and particularly of young mothers has increased, modern
women are obviously often in a situation of multiple stress and overload. Table 2
shows an example of adopting a life course perspective in empowering women in
employment in Europe.
“Women constitute half the world’s population, perform nearly two thirds of this work
hours, receive one-tenth of the world’s income and own less than one-hundred of the
world’s property”
Prof. Krishna Ahooja-Patel,
Quote in ILO editorial (1978) cited in Development has a Women’s Face: Insights from
within the UN” (2007)
Table 2. Example of empowering women in employment in Europe in a life course

perspective
European countries adopted policies

empowering women to choose long life employment patterns
52
Stage 4: At older ages – ending of the reproductive phase
Overall: elderly women may face double discrimination on the basis of both gender and
age. Many older women are plunged into poverty at a time of life when they are very
vulnerable. However, “children’s rights are advanced when programmes that seek to
benefit children and families also include elderly women. In a society where life after
active motherhood is longer than active motherhood, concentrating one’s life around
motherhood is a pattern going through a social transition. At the same time more and
more women realise that a too strong emphasis on traditional family roles (housewife,
mother, etc.) has its price, particularly after divorce or at older ages.
• Women are life long informal carers: with increased longevity all over the world
we often find 2 generations of older ages and the young old generation taking care
of the older generation and the grand-children, while they are themselves reported
to suffer more than men at the same ages of chronic conditions and functional dis-
abilities.
• Poverty and widowhood in older women: more often widowed, living alone, lower
education average, men marry younger women and die before. Their rights to in-
heritance and assets are often denied, even by the family and thus their poverty level
increases.
• Inexistence of the right of older women: the right of older persons, further more
the right of older women need to be addressed. In contrast with other age groups,
no framework exists to address older women inequalities and empowerment. More
than 30 non-governmental organizations have issued a statement at the United Na-
tions Human Rights Council in Geneva in 2009 to underline the gap and ask for
urgent measures22. The response came from CEDAW who adopted for the first time
in 2010 a general recommendation on older women and protection of their rights23.
More needs to be done for older women in the world, the bearer of a tradition and
dignity of women for future generations. It is only when addressing violence, abuse
and discrimination at older ages that we will guarantee the arrest of the vicious cir-
cle of transgenerational effects of inequalities throughout future generations (Stuck-
elberger, 2002, 2005, 2006).
5. Conclusion: Importance of the life course
As demonstrated in this article, the life course approach includes a set of subjective/
intrinsic and objective/extrinsic components building at each stage of the life course.
This interplay between the individual and his socio-cultural and political environment
is strongly marked by gender differences, not only due to innate biological differences,
but moreover to its consequences on the differential experiences of life between men
and women. From the above review of factors contributing to understanding the cu-
22 http://www.spssi.org/_data/global/image/NGO%20Statement_Right%20OlderWomen_official2009.pdf
23 CEDAW general recommendation on no 27(2010) : http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cedaw/docs/CEDAW-C-2010-47-GC1.pdf
53
mulative disadvantage/advantage of the life cycle, it appears that classification can be
made between a) variables fixed during the youth period, b) variables that intervene
during the life course, and c) recent and current conditions. All of them can have direct
and indirect effects on the status of women during her life. This sequence constitutes
the methodological rationale for the models proposed for gender empowerment and
equality analysis.
As underlined, women accumulate marked disadvantages compared to men in early

childhood that perpetuate throughout life. Time can catch up disadvantages early in
life and counter the effects of negative factors, and vice versa. More research is needed
to draw a balance sheet of positive and negative factors intervening over time, consid-
ering that the most recent period of time might well be the most crucial after all. The
existence of gender differences between early disadvantages and for example current
deleterious health status leads us to look at women and men through a differential lens
during their life course. Inequalities engendered early in life in today’s older cohorts
have marked effects on their current status and life conditions, proven by studies on
ageing for example (Stuckelberger, 1996). It is clear therefore, that in terms of better
understanding inequalities among women, measures of socio-economic disadvantage
over the life course are both conceptually and empirically superior to using socio-
economic indicators from one point in time (Wamala et al., 2001). The identification
of new factors related to gender differences such as individual developmental aspects
specific to each sex could be a basis for reflection and intervention. Throughout life,
the dynamics of a the life cycle events and situations among men and women provide
different models that bring lessons not merely in a gender-specific way but moreover in
a coherent and balanced perspective from which both sexes may benefit in the future.
Finally, disentangling the ways in which factors at each stage of life act or interact to
shape empowerment and/or equality for women is, obviously, complex and difficult
and needs further investigation. The fact that explanations are not only specific to di-
verse factors described above, but may also vary from one cohort, population or region
adds to this complexity. It is crucial to understand that the effects of early life exposures
on later risks of discrimination and lack of rights are likely to be highly contextualized
in both time and space. Several studies suggest that future research on the effects of
cumulative advantages and disadvantages over the life course should explicitly adopt a
gender perspective on the processes and pathways by which the condition of men and
women may be affected by similar or different factors (Stuckelberger et Höpflinger,
1996, 1998)
The future success of the life course perspective and cumulative advantage/disadvan-
tage theories lies in its capacity to elucidate new mechanisms and women’s pathways
leading to empowerment/disempowerment and equality/inequality, as well as its abil-
ity to explain social, environmental and temporal patterns unfair distribution in the
population. Specifically, there is a need to develop a broader theoretical linkage be-
tween socio-cultural, economic and psychological conditions during the life course
54
by understanding: (1) the contextual factors that help mediate the effects of specific
factors – e.g. the role of social isolation, social support and inter-generational social
capital, health conditions, etc., and (2) the institutional- and societal-level opportuni-
ties and constraints that provide barriers to empowerment and equality, e.g. education,
access to rights and their applications, access to jobs, health and judicial protection.
Finally, this approach is only a first step in understanding the linkages between early
life course factors, recent factors and current status of women in the Arab countries and
open a promising field for future research and policy to support the empowerment of
women at all stages of the life cycle and ensure the protection of their rights and self-
determination of their life.
6. Recommendations
Following the above rationale and demonstration on the importance of adopting a life
course approach in all aspects of gender equality and women’s empowerment, a few
recommendations can be made:
a. The need for a new methodology integrating the life course approach in presenting,
analyzing and discussing gender issues and the promotion of empowerment in women,
such as:
 Systematically disaggregating data by gender and by age groups with cohort com-
parison
 Designing Life Course modelling systems of equity levels
-create modelization to address gender discrimination throughout the life cycle
-develop case studies to exemplify: cumulative gender equality or inequality
 Development of a comprehensive Index on empowerment and gender equality
-Indicator of gender inequality over the life course (i.e. cumulative index of pov-
erty over life time)
-mainstreaming levels of gender equity over the life course in other UN indicators
-making sure no age groups are missing when tackling gender empowerment and
life course
b. The need to rethinking empowerment at 3 different levels:

 Individual empowerment is crucial to human development and development issues
-over the life course and life cycle with no age discrimination
- self-development and self-realization including psychological and subjective aspects
- the UN Women should address this missing component with specialists of human
development such as psychologists or scientific NGOs organisations24 to find new
ways to address the psychological dimension of women empowerment.
« It is critical for women to believe that they are worthy beings,
have very unique gifts to offer that are desperately needed »
Wendy Luhabe
24 For example, the Society for Psychological Study of Social Issues www.spssi.org
55
one of the most influential business woman South Africa, New African Woman (no 6:
52-54)
 Family & community empowerment allow to adopt a systemic approach to

gender equality
-empower mothers, grand-mothers and grand-grand-mothers and men as agents of
change to improve the status of women
-transgenerational sustainable effect of gender empowerment or disempowerment
 Institutional & Policy must support women empowerment

- measures to be put in place and gender-sensitive legislation such as quota policy
- a human right-based approach with a long life development approach should be
part of UN women
c. Need for a structural time adjustment between religious-cultural rights and women’s
rights
- the burning issue of religious rights and women’s right needs to enter a process
of adjustment
- It is imperative to bring religious leaders to revisit women’s rights and religious
rights with women
d. The imperative of mainstreaming a life course and life long approach to all UN
issues concerning women
 Assessing and addressing multiple discrimination of women over time
 Advantage vs Disadvantage Cumulative of equality and empowerment over the
life course
 Integrating a Transgenerational aspect to gendered poverty, abuse, violence, sui-
cides, etc
 The “Life Long…” aspect should be added in all agendas, especially in life
long gender equality and life long empowerment but also in main UN themes such
as: life long women’s education, life long women’s rights, life long reproductive
health, life long eradication of poverty, life long employment, etc
Example: The Beijing Platform of Action: to integrate a life course perspective and
life long vision, for example, older women are only mentioned once.
7. References
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��
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58
Ronald Wiman
Mainstreaming the gender perspective into social development
1. The purpose of the paper
The social, political, economic and cultural empowerment of women requires that the
gender equality issue is drawn into the main stream of decision making and societal
development. While by many countries and regional bodies mainstreaming the gender
perspective has been declared as the main strategy in equality work, bringing gender
equality into the centre of societal policies has proven to be challenging in all countries.
This paper examines the general prerequisites, challenges and solutions of gender
mainstreaming in a specific context i.e. the so called Nordic Welfare State model that
is characterized by strong political emphasis on democratic governance, social equity
and gender equality. The specific focus is on Finland, a country with about 5 million
inhabitants ranking to about 20th place in GDP per capita and 12th place in Human De-
velopment Index (2009). While the context for mainstreaming the gender perspective
in a relatively wealthy country may be considered to be less challenging than in many
other regions and countries, a dialogue for analyzing the issues involved in various
contexts provides insight for all participating in the exchange of experience on how to
tackle empowerment of women in the mainstream policies. The purpose is not to sug-
gest, that societal models or policies would be transferable. Rather the paper attempts
to show the usefulness of a systemic, holistic approach to women’s empowerment and
gender perspective mainstreaming in contrast to an approach focusing on mainstream-
ing as a project with a given timeframe.
Finland, as a member of the European Union, is used as an example to identify the

entry points for better inclusion of the gender perspective in national development
strategies and plans. Some specific cases and their effectiveness in mainstreaming the
gender perspective are described. The focus is on institutional developments while try-
ing to avoid describing the complex specifics of the social, political and administrative
system.
Furthermore, the challenges in efforts to integrate the gender perspective in interna-

tional development cooperation are examined. A process going currently on in the
implementation of Finland’s development cooperation policy is presented as an illus-
trative case on challenges and effective steps on reaching better social quality of co-
operation by including gender equality as a cross-cutting objective in all development
cooperation. Then some concluding remarks are made on the scope of developmental
social policies and a set of general policy recommendations are presented based on the
experiences described in the paper.
59
2. Background for Finland’s gender mainstreaming policies
2.1. Origins
The idea of mainstreaming gender in public policy making emerged first in the inter-
national development dialogue at the Third World Conference on Women in Nairobi
(1985). Since then the idea was further developed e.g. within the UN community and
in the Northern European countries (Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, Finland). Actually,
the Nordic Countries themselves have applied a mainstreaming approach in many so-
cial issues as they were used to exercise specific, more comprehensive Social Policy–
approach integrated in their general development policies. They also have supported
the UN in cash and kind to develop a more comprehensive, integrated approach to
social issues as an alternative to targeted group- specific projects.25
In the Beijing Platform of Action (1995) the commitment to mainstreaming the gender
perspective was then adopted by the international community as the key strategy to
promote gender equality. Currently, mainstreaming is considered to be the main strat-
egy towards gender equality by many countries and intergovernmental bodies includ-
ing the European Union, the UN and its regional bodies such as the ESCWA.
The Council of Europe26 defined gender mainstreaming in the following way in 1998:
“Gender mainstreaming is the (re)organization, improvement, development and evalu-

ation of policy processed, so that a gender equality perspective is incorporated in all
policies at all levels, and at all stages, by the actors normally involved in policy mak-
ing”27
It is useful to make a distinction between gender equality policies and mainstreaming

policies.
Gender equality policies take gender imbalances as the starting point and develops ac-
tions for better gender equality. The Council of Europe enumerates the elements of the
traditional Gender Equality Policy28:
• Equal opportunities legislation and anti-discrimination laws
25 For instance Finland supported UN to produce a manual on how to integrate the disability dimension in development cooperation. See Wiman R
(ed): Disability Dimension in Development Action. Manual for Inclusive Planning. Stakes for the UN (1997, 2000,2003)
26 European Union (27 countries) is the largest development cooperation donor. Europe as a region is however larger than that. The voice of the
Whole of Europe is possibly better represented by The Council of Europe (1949). It is a “human rights, democracy, and rule of law” organization
of 47 European countries. It covers virtually the whole of Europe and is thus much more diverse and multicultural that the EU. Much of EU’s policy
principles have their roots in the consultations and agreements that have taken place in the Council of Europe. Also in gender equality issues the EU
has its anchors in the Council of Europe’s work.
27 Council of Europe (1998): Gender Mainstreaming- Conceptual framework, methodology and presentation of good practices ( p 15 ) See Gender
mainstreaming in EU Member States p 4
28 (1998, p.24. Ref: Gender mainstreaming in the EU member states 2007, p 5)
http://www.sweden.gov.se/sb/d/574/a/75096
60
• Equality ombudsmen/commissions/councils for protecti9on against discrimination
• Strong national equality machinery
• Specific equality policies and actions
• Research and training on gender equality issues
• Awareness raising regarding gender equality
Gender mainstreaming policies, on the other hand, target policies and fields that do
not (yet) deal with gender equality. The purpose is to introduce a gender perspective
in other policies to ensure that the outcomes of those policies are more gender neutral.
Reaching better gender equality calls for both gender equality policies and gender
mainstreaming policies. The mainstreaming of the gender perspective is not an end of
itself but it is a strategy to achieve gender equality in the vast domain of other policies
than those mandated to agencies dealing with gender equality issues.
However, mainstreaming the rights, needs and potentials of any group that has been
systematically “side streamed”, discriminated, disempowered and excluded is not
changing much as long as the mainstream structures that create and maintain unequal
power relations work against these good intentions. Therefore also targeted empower-
ing action is needed to complement mainstreaming. Targeted action give immediate
results for the targeted individuals or groups. Additionally, empowering support should
be designed so as to also build capacity of women as a group and to strengthen their
collective voice.
2.2. The European Union and gender mainstreaming
The principle of equal treatment of men and women appeared already in the founding
documents of the European Community (EC, 1957) and this principle has since been
applied in the Community’s legislation.
Gender mainstreaming policy is of later origin. It first appeared in the European Com-
munity’s Third Action Programme on Equal Opportunities (1991-1996). While the
Community itself did not yet do much to implement the idea it supported the inclusion
of gender mainstreaming in the Beijing documents (1995).
After Beijing the window of political opportunity opened. New members joined the
Community and three Commissioners from “countries with strong existing commit-
ment to equal opportunities , and with considerable experience in mainstreaming gen-
der in their own public policies” ( Sweden, Austria, Finland) were nominated.29 The
new Commission (having 5 women as members) launched the Fourth Action Pro-
gramme on Equal Opportunities of Women and Men (1996-2000) that contained main-
streaming as the central instrument to equality. It also published a Communication
29 http://centers.law.nyu.edu/jeanmonnet/papers/00/000201-03.html
61
“Incorporating Equal Opportunities for Women and Men into All Community Policies
and Activities” (1996)30
The Amsterdam Treaty (1999) the European Community / European Union expanded
the Union’s mandates in equal opportunity area and since then EU is committed to a
twin- track- approach to gender equality. Gender mainstreaming is the primary instru-
ment. Targeted actions are secondary instruments and are needed to complement main-
streaming and to empower women.31 This twin - track strategy is applied both in EU’s
internal policies and should apply also to its external relations, including development
cooperation.32 For development cooperation practitioners, a thorough manual is avail-
able. 33
3. Gender mainstreaming policy in Finland
3.1. The historical context
Finland scores at the 20th place when world’s countries are ranked according to the
GDP per capita. According to many other indexes that measure human and social de-
velopment it comes closer to the top. Actually, the August 2010 issue of Newsweek
Magazine ranked Finland as the “best “ country of the world on the basis of a compos-
ite index calculated from education, health, quality of life, economic competitiveness
and political environment.34
However, it has not always been so. Finland has a history characterized by many cri-
ses of the sort current developing countries have experienced: colonial past until 1806
under Sweden then under Russia 1809-1917), devastating civil war at independence (
1917-1918), land reforms freeing the landless tenants, serious recession in the 1930s.
In 1939 Finland’s national income per capita was at the level of today’s Namibia and
the country was still predominantly agricultural and livelihoods were based largely
on small subsistence farming. Then development was disrupted by two wars with
neighboring mighty Soviet Union ( 1939-45). Ten per cent of Finland’s land area was
seized, 10% of the population displaced as internal refugees and a Soviet military base
located at the Southern tip of Finland. The peace agreement obliged Finland to paying
war compensations in kind by supplying masses of industrial goods to Soviet Union (
for free) over a period of 9 years: this was de facto a foreign debt “servicing” of which
swallowed some 10-15% of state budget.
Socially oriented policy aiming at equal and universal coverage has been at the core of
nation building, of crises management and also of economic growth policies until very
recently. There has been a strong element of government involvement in securing sta-
30 http://centers.law.nyu.edu/jeanmonnet/papers/00/000201-03.html
Origins of Gender mainstreaming in the EU
31 Gender equality and women’s empowerment in development cooperation “ COM 2007, p 10 / re guidelines p 16).
32 The European Consensus for Development OJ 2006/C/46/1
33 Toolkit on mainstreaming gender equality in EC development cooperation http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/sp/gender-toolkit/en/content/toolkit.htm
34 Newsweek August 23 &30, 2010. Data on web pages http://www.newsweek.com/photo/2010/08/15/best-countries-in-the-world.html
62
bility and promoting equality. Furthermore, the approach has been institutional rather
than project-oriented. Decentralization and devolution of powers to local authorities
has also been characteristic to the Nordic model of the Welfare State. Gender equality
has had a strong position in this comprehensive approach to social policies.
While membership in European Union (1995-) has brought along many economic
benefits, globalization directly and through the European Union has started exercising
pressures against strong state intervention in markets. Also pressure on cutting social
and health sector spending has been increasing.35
3.2. Gender equality as an integral part of social policy
Gender equality has been a progressive, step by step feature in the development of
Finnish society for a long time. Already before independence (i.e. before 1917) when
Finland was under the colonial rule of Russia (1809-1917), important steps were tak-
en: in 1864 unmarried women we granted full civil rights once 25 years of age. Equal-
ity of inheritance rights of men and women was established in 1878. Finland was the
first country in Europe granting women voting rights in national elections (1906). The
marriage Act released wives from the guardianship of their husbands in 1930.
Despite of the turbulent history and poverty of the nation, several social policy mea-
sures were introduced at the time the country was still an agricultural developing coun-
try. Most of these social policy innovations were benefiting particularly women: pri-
mary education (6 years) for all (1921), Maternity Allowance (1937-), universal Social
Pension (1937-), statutory school meals for all pupils (1943-), free of charge local Ma-
ternity and Child Welfare Clinics (1944-), universal Child Care Allowance 1948, uni-
versal maternity leave (1949-), Maternity Package (clothes and child care utencils) etc.
During the years of rapid growth and industrialization many measures improved wom-
en’s opportunities to combine work and family life. In 1962, equal pay for equal work
– principle was established both in public and private sectors. Since 1963 universal
health insurance secured incomes to the family in case of illness – and child birth and
maternity leave. Paternity leave was introduced in 1978 in order to involve fathers
better to child care – and to alleviate the disadvantage of women in the labor market.
Home Care Allowance (1985) enabled also women with smaller incomes better to
choose between work and child care. Municipal child care was revised in 1973 and
gender equality was one of the objectives. Subjective right to municipal child care
for all children until 3 years of age (1990) was extended in 1996 to all children under
primary school age (7 years) . Day care is a subjective entitlement obliging the munici-
35 Also poverty was practically eradicated in the end of 1980s. Since then, experimenting with neoliberal economic policies including cuts in social
policy, persistent long term poverty is back – and the risk is highest for woman-headed households with children. A lesson learned, but difficult to
correct
63
pality to provide it according to need on request to all families. Next year (1969) a bill
was passed providing a choice of municipal day care, home- based care or private care.
The two latter alternatives subsidized with an allowance covering a substantial share of
the costs. The day care system has concretely improved the choice of women whether
to care for children at home or to continue the working career. The paternity part of
the parental leave has also equalized the choices of mother and father – still, however,
leaving the major responsibility to the mother. Fathers are increasingly utilizing the
option but more interest in it would be desirable both from gender equality perspective
and that of father - child relations.
Gender equality policy has not been inherent in family policy only. In the Finnish
context, gender equality policies have been an essential part of more comprehensive
societal policies that aim at promoting equity and equal opportunity in society in gen-
eral. Free education for all, health for all, social security for all, decent work for all,
housing for all were principles introduced already those days when the country was not
rich. The universality of societal services and security promoted also gender equality.
Furthermore, equality was promoted through three- partite labor marked negotiations
system since 1940’s . These negotiations included a social policy component. Between
1969 - 2008 The Government, Employers, and Employees Central Unions negotiated
consecutive comprehensive framework packages on salaries and working conditions.
This package included regularly a social policy component. Often it included solidarity
components: higher proportional pay rises to low pay sectors or a component directly
targeted at increasing women’s salaries relatively faster.
A component on income guarantee and social security for independent farmers was
also part of the negotiations of such labor market packages. Throughout the history of
Finnish independence another institutions, Producers Cooperatives provided market-
ing channels and some support services for small farmers in the sparsely populated
country side. Again, this institution enabled e.g. widowed women to continue farming.
In sum, policies other than those targeting gender equality, have had a major influence
to the development of gender equality in Finland. The development of gender equality
was supported by comprehensive social policies that enabled women to get educated
and to participate in productive work, politics, culture and society at large and to better
combine work and family life. Democracy with strong responsible government, eco-
nomic growth, comprehensive social policies and increasing gender equality appear to
have constituted a virtuous spiral raising the country from poverty to top performers in
one lifetime.36
36 Also poverty was practically eradicated in the end of 1980s. Since then, experimenting with neoliberal economic policies including cuts in social
policy, persistent long term poverty is back – and the risk is highest for woman-headed households with children. A lesson learned, but difficult to
correct.
64
3.3. Institutional arrangements for promoting gender equality
Improvement in the status of women and in their opportunities for combining work and
family has been inherent in many social policy measures and legislation. A specific
gender equality policy was officially established in 1966 when the Government ap-
pointed a fixed term Committee on the Status of Women. A permanent advisory multi-
stakeholder body, Council for Gender Equality (TANE) was established in 1972. The
first Government Action Plan for Gender Equality was formulated for 1980-85 in line
with the action plan endorsed at the UN First World Conference on Women in Mexico
1975. The Action Plan was formulated jointly by several ministries and contained the
obligation of all Ministries to promote gender equality in their mandated area. That was
actually the first gender equality mainstreaming policy.
The first legislative, binding Act on Equality between Women and Men (1986) followed
the ratification of CEDAW in 1986/87. The Act contained already a formal require-
ment on mainstreaming gender equality in the work of all Government Authorities. It
was revised in 2005 and mainstreaming element was strengthened. There has been a
close interaction between international events and agreements on women’s rights and
the development of domestic legislation and gender equality institutions.
An Ombudsman for Equality was established in 1987 as independent law enforcement

authority. The ombudsman works with the Equality Board monitoring compliancy with
the Equality Act and serving as an appeal mechanism. A permanent Gender Equality
Unit was established at the Ministry for Social Affairs and Health in 2001 to draft Gov-
ernment equality policy and legislation, to coordinate inter-ministerial operations and
for mainstreaming and issues related to international collaboration ( e.g EU, Council
of Europe, Nordic Council of Ministers). ��
The Council for Gender Equality is an inde-
pendent committee and a wide-based discussion forum between authorities and civil
society in equality matters. The Minister responsible for education and culture has res-
ponsibility of gender equality issues, as well.
A powerful innovation emerged in the area of the involvement of civil society, parti-
cularly women’s organizations in gender policy. An initiative to establish an umbrella
organization to gather women’s groups from all sides of the political spectrum was
made in 1987. A Coalition of Women’s Associations (NYTKIS) was created. It inclu-
des also non-political women’s organizations. The first success story of this Coalition
was its campaign “Vote for a woman!” As an immediate result, in the 1991 elections,
Finland broke the world record on female representation in national Parliaments ( 77
of 200 seats).
The institutional structure is rather modest compared to most of the 15 “old” EU count-
ries where gender equality issues belong to Mister’s Office, have their own Ministry,
or Ministry Department. Only in France and Finland gender issues are at unit level.
65
Furthermore, gender equality issues do not have focal points at local government level.
These challenges have been identified by the current government and plans are being
made to strengthen the structures.
In the Annex 1, there are examples on what kind of detailed arrangements and resour-
ces there are in place in Finland regarding the prerequisites of effective mainstreaming:
appropriate policies, adequate information and knowledge base, functional and func-
tioning operative machineries, systems for capacity building, and feedback systems.
3.4. The current Government Action Plan on Gender Equality
The current Government has committed itself to promote gender equality in all its
work and decision- making. Actually the Government itself is historically unique in
this respect: the prime minister and the majority of Government’s members are women
(12 of 20).
The Programme includes the following objectives that also illustrate the main current
equality concerns in the country :
• mainstreaming - introducing gender equality in all governmental decision making

and action
• narrowing the earnings gap between women and men
• promoting career development of women
• increasing gender awareness in schools and narrowing the gendered division of
occupations to men’s and women’s occupations
• improving the combining of work and family life
• decrease violence against women
All together the Programme includes 27 action lines. A comprehensive evaluation is

under way and will be published later this year. Below we describe mainly issues re-
lated to mainstreaming.
Mainstreaming gender equality in all decisions and actions
The idea of mainstreaming of gender equality has been in the Programmes of various
Governments since 1997. Since 2005 mainstreaming has been the lead strategy for
promoting gender equality. The definition of gender mainstreaming follows the Coun-
cil of Europe definition:
“Gender mainstreaming is a strategy by means of which the gender perspective and the
objective of promoting gender equality are included in all preparatory work and deci-
sion making by the authorities” summarizes the report “37
66
The purposes of mainstreaming is to support gender equality policy by taking into ac-
count the gender dimension in all policies and practices and to break gender neutral
and even gender blind practices and culture. Mainstreaming gender does not replace
equality policy. Instead mainstreaming is a necessary complement of equality policy.
In the current Government Action Plan mainstreaming of gender equality is seen in

the context of the overall aim of equitable and effective governance and the obligation
involves thus all Ministries.
The action lines of mainstreaming included

• mainstreaming gender equality perspective in cross- sectoral policy programmes
• mainstreaming the gender perspective at least into (at least) one main project of the
Ministries
• establishing a equality working group at all Ministries
• including gender equality perspective into budgeting
• gender impact assessment in preparing legislation
• introducing gender equality perspective in performance evaluation
• training to the leadership of the Ministries
• establishing an gender equality information service (2009)
3.5. How well has gender mainstreaming worked?
In this item two examples are given on the assessment of the results of mainstreaming
exercises. The first one is an awareness raising and training project. The second case
describes the outcomes of the Government Action Plan on Gender Equality as a whole
and comments on some specific items related to mainstreaming.
(1) The gender glasses project – introducing gender issues at all Ministries
A successful vehicle for mainstreaming has been the project “Gender Glasses”. With
some financial support by the European Union the project was launched in 2007 in
order to raise awareness and to provide training to the management and personnel of
Ministries. 38
The first step was to produce a short leaflet “Gender glasses” . The leaflet provides, in
a popular manner, simple but logical advice on how to introduce the gender equality
perspective in all preparatory work.
First, the issue is introduced in a way that leads to the conclusion that everybody’s tasks
tend to be gender relevant:
• Is your activity relevant from the perspective of people and their well-being?
• Does the activity target areas where there are differences between women and men?
37 Gender Glasses in Use” (2009)

38 http://www.stm.fi/en/gender_equality/gender_glasses
67
• If yes to both, this is for you.
If gender equality is relevant for you, only three steps are needed:
1. Put on the gender glasses:
• assess how the planned activity affects differently women and men, girls and boys
• what you already know about the situation of women and men
• what more you need to know
2. Assess gender impact (GIA)

• How the activity affects differently women and men?
• Use existing information, research and involve appropriate expertise
3. Take note of the results

• highlight the results
• if GIA was not made explain why
• Keep the gender perspective along in monitoring and follow- up
The lesson is that those who are not professional in gender issues are needed to be in-
volved in order to materialize gender equality mainstreaming. A heavy manual is not
the best instrument for motivating “newcomers”. The leaflet is an example of how to
make the case crisp and clear rapidly to all civil servants needed for mainstreaming to
take place in practice.
Another key element in the programme was training. First the leadership was given
training. Then followed the civil servants and theme-specific training to equality task
forces on how to work in practice. A handbook “Gender glasses in use “ was prepared
during the process.
The self-evaluation by the project concluded that the project was able to collate the
baseline information and increased awareness on the obligations to mainstream as well
as on the ways how to do it concretely. Networking within and across ministries was
also increased.
The lessons learned included:
• the normative ground for gender mainstreaming is strong but implementation is
weak
• the training needs to be motivating and encouraging not accusing and antagonizing
• it is useful to make the mainstreaming of gender equality a broader concern and
issue that that of women only; it concerns also men’s issues.
• concrete advise, support and indexes and tools are needed rather than academic
theory
• involving the management boards are an effective entry point
• gender equality must be mainstreamed into the core business of the agency rather
than treated as a separate obligation
68
The project is a good practice example on how to widen the awareness and prepare
ground for effective implementation gender equality policies – where also those are
needed who are not experts in gender issues. The message needs to be tailored to dif-
ferent audiences. Gender specialists and researchers are not always best trained to sim-
plify messages and make them understandable and attractive for non-specialists.
Mainstreaming gender equality is obviously difficult. While legislation and institutions

matter much still depends on individual interest and effort. Training raises awareness
but concrete tools and indicators for monitoring and follow-up are necessary for turn-
ing awareness to action. While mainstreaming is supposed to be the strategy towards
achieving the gender equality policy goals, in reality, gender equality goals that are
enforced by legislation, norms and guidelines seem to be the vehicle to promote main-
streaming.
(2) Evaluation of the Government Action Plan as a whole
The Government Action Plan was first evaluated in 2009, one year after the launching
of the Plan. The study revealed both successes and failures in implementation.
The success was that all Ministries had introduced some activities. Progress was, how-
ever, variable.
The gender perspective was identified and observed but in most cases it is not cut-
ting through from strategy to practical action. Progress has been most visible in the
legislative process and in gender sensitive budgeting. These are fields for which there
have been high level guidelines by the Government. Gender Impact Assessment in law
preparation has been mandatory since 2003.39 Still about 87% of the proposals of the
Government to the Parliament lacked gender impact assessment (2009). One half of the
Ministries had observed the gender dimension in their budgeting.
The main conclusions that can be thought to be applicable in a variety of other contexts
are:
• The goals, management and guidance as well as monitoring needs strengthening.
• The crucial role is by the strategic leadership, and its commitment and systematic
guidance. Also the leadership needs training.
• Also more practical guidelines are needed.
• The role of the equality task forces at Ministries and Agencies have been crucial in
changing the practices permanently.
• While gender perspective has been observed in most ministries in budgeting to
some degree, it will be implemented only if it is also observed in detailed planning
and programming.
• Gender equality training is more effective if it is included in the mainstream training
39 A manual on Gender Impact Assessment in law preparation has been prepared in 2007. (Suvaopas, STM 2007:25)
69
programme that deals with the core contents of the work of the agency in question.
• Also the role of inter-ministerial follow-up task force is crucial for commitment and
implementation.
The Government is currently preparing the first comprehensive Report on Gender
Equality that is an evaluation how well Governments’ gender equality goals have been
achieved during the last 10 year period. The special themes of the report will be
• decision-making
• reconciling work and family life
• violence against women
• education and research
• men and equality
• mainstreaming as a strategy for gender equality policy
• organization of equality policy
On a number of the themes an in depth study was commissioned. While it is not pos-
sible to comment all these, some items are commented on below.
Decision making and governance: Finland is the first and only country in the world
where both the President and the Prime Minister are women. In the current Govern-
ment there are 12 women and 8 men. However, in general, in the Government agencies,
the higher the post the higher is the proportion of men. The proportion of women in the
leadership of Government offices has increased slowly. The Equality Act requires that
in public committees the proportion of men/women must be at least 40%. In 2009 the
proportion of women in Government committees was 45%. As of the private sector,
17% of Executive directors were women. In EU the average is about a third. Improving
the situation stays on the agenda.
Violence against women is considered to be one of the most serious obstacles for gen-
der equality. The CEDAW has repeatedly drawn attention to the insufficient measures
to prevent violence against women in Finland. The issue was included in the Gov-
ernment Programme on Internal Security 2004-2007 and actions will be continued
in 2008-2011. Violence against women has been addressed with fixed term projects
which are neither adequate nor sustainable. Among others, a holistic strategy should
be prepared, permanent resourcing secured for preventive work and service system for
victims and other involved stakeholders upgraded.
Men and equality: Since the equality programme 2003-2007 men have been included
in the Action Plans to some extent. The Council for Gender Equality motivated the in-
clusion of this item by pointing out that inclusion men’s issue as a cross-cutting theme
may not be enough. At this stage, it is a new theme and “mainstreaming may make it
invisible”. By making men visible, their (gender specific) problems and the conse-
quences of their (gender specific) action will be handled in societal policy dialogue.
70
Gender equality is an issue that is relevant to both genders. Also it is important to real-
ize that achieving the goals of gender equality policy calls for cooperation rather than
setting men and women against each other. Also men’s NGOs have pointed out, that
most institutional structures dealing with gender equality constitute of only women
or have far less than 40% of men – the proportion that would be required by equality
legislation.
4. Gender mainstreaming in the context of international cooperation
4.1. The European Union
EU and the Member States are signatories of the main international frameworks for
gender mainstreaming and empowerment of women. In its external relations, however,
the EU is not systematically pursuing these principles.40 In its development cooperation
the twin track approach of combining gender specific and mainstreaming interventions
is applied – in principle. In practice i.e. in implementation many problems and gaps still
remain. Some Country Strategy papers include gender issues but, as European Parlia-
ment has noted, true integration is weak. In several instances, gender is stipulated as
a cross-cutting issue or is referred to rhetorically as “shall be mainstreamed” without
clear indications on how this will be achieved nor financially supported Gender issues
have been fragmented across EU institutions. It has become everybody’s and nobody’s
responsibility without an adequate budget line.41
On the other hand, very thorough toolkits on gender equality in development coopera-
tion have been produced by the EU. With experience of the hectic environment of Aid
Agencies/ Ministry for Foreign Affairs one can say that these are too thorough – too
long toolkits tend to end up on the shelve “to be read” rather than on the pile of daily
desk top tools.
The Union of the Mediterranean, that consists of EU and the 16 North African and
Middle Eastern countries have agreed at ministerial level in Istanbul 2006 and Mar-
rakesh 2009 “to promote de jure and de facto equality between women and men and to
respect civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights of women as well as men,
as defined in the international human rights instruments to which they are parties”
(Conclusions of Marrakesh)
Human rights NGOs have welcomed such an agreements but are concerned of their im-
plementation. For instance, the Euro Mediterranean Human Rights Newtork, EMHR”
recommends that gender mainstreaming is inscribed into the national action plans”
and resourced adequately.
40 Gender mainstreaming and empowerment of women in EU’s external relations instruments 2009) ( p9-10)
41 CONCORD Cotonou Working Group Briefing Paper” Gender Equality and Women’s Rights, Nov.2008).
71
The EU and its neighbors around the Mediterranean Region have shared visions on
gender equality and share platforms for dialogue. There are challenges of practical co
operation and policy implementation.
In international cooperation on mainstreaming gender equality, policies and practices

tend to be more or less far apart. There are several reasons for this. One is the difficulty
of running principles through the system from mission statement to actual work plans.
The case of Finland in the next item points out some of the critical entry points in this
process.
4.3. Gender mainstreaming in Finland’s foreign policy
Finland has committed herself, at the international level, to promote the mainstreaming
of gender equality by signing the Beijing Platform of Action and also by joining the
European Union as its founding documents commit Member States to gender main-
streaming policies. As discussed, the Amsterdam Treaty (1997) endorsed the main-
streaming policy as the official policy for the Union as a whole and its member states.
The rights of women and girls and gender equality have been at a very central place in
Finland’s foreign policy and its development cooperation component for a long time.
Rights of women is first of the priorities in the Government Report to Parliament on
the Human Rights Policy of Finland 2009 42. The others are rights of the child, per-
sons with disabilities, gender and sexual minorities and rights of indigenous peoples.
“Participation of women is not only good governance. It is also good for governance”
states the Report. Mainstreaming the rights of women and girls in foreign policy is
implemented through actively including gender issues or at least “gender proofing” of
all major statements on international for a. An Ambassador on Gender Equality and one
Gender Adviser are employed at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in addition to the staff
responsible for Human Rights issues.
Finland has been organizing events to support global action in gender issues such as
the International Colloquium on Women’s Empowerment, Leadership Development,
International Peace and Security convened jointly by the President Ellen Johnson Sire-
leaf of Liberia and President Tarja Halonen of Finland ( Monrovia, Liberia 2009) . The
Colloquium’s objective was to support the aims of UN Security Council Resolution
1325 on women, peace and security to ensure that women are protected from the worst
abuses in times of conflict and to empower them to play their rightful and vital role
in helping their countries prevent, end and recover from conflict. Other global initia-
tives include e.g. “Women and Climate Change” that aims at ensuring that the role of
women is particularly taken into account in any forthcoming Convention on climate.
42 Government Report to the Parliament on the Human Rights Policy of Finland

http://www.formin.fi/public/download.aspx?ID=54284&GUID={1248AD8B-CFFB-44F6-A69B-7831BC7F274C}
72
While gender issues are well and visibly promoted at the very top at high level dia-
logue in foreign policy, there are challenges in mainstreaming gender in development
cooperation practice. According to the recent evaluation, gender mainstreaming did not
lead to increase in gender issue financing, rather the contrary. Also gender equality task
force is dormant at the Ministry.
An ongoing exercise at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs is to improve the practical in-
clusion of gender equality in all development cooperation. This is done in the context
of improving the quality of assistance by a better inclusion of social and human devel-
opment – related Cross-Cutting Themes (CCTs) in Finnish development cooperation.
Gender equality is one of these CCTs:
The Cross –Cutting themes in the Finnish Development Policy Programme 43

• Human Rights Based Approach
• Gender equality and promotion of the rights of women and girls
• Societal equity
• Promotion of rights and opportunities of vulnerable groups (children, people with
disabilities, minorities)
• HIV/AIDS as a health and social challenge in development. 44
The process of improving the integrating these Cross-Cutting Themes (or actually cross
cutting objectives) across the board of Finland’s mainstream development cooperation
follows similar kinds of steps – although in smaller scale – as the implementation
gender mainstreaming in national policies. Below we refer only to the gender equality
theme but the same steps are being followed for the whole CCT cluster.
A Case: How a new improved cycle of integrating gender equality in development

cooperation is being conducted
I. Evaluation of the current situation: Gender inclusive development cooperation

Policy Programmes were there (2004, 2007) but not satisfactorily implemented
Development Policy Programmes contained the CCTs, including gender equality, in

line with international commitments. Also National Gender Equality Act implies the
obligation to the observing of gender impact in all public administration. There was a
Guideline on Gender Impact Assessment, as well. While the policy included the obli-
gation to take into account a gender equality and other CCTs, both Government Audit
Unit and external evaluations concluded that outcomes were unsatisfactory.
43 Development Policy Programme 2007 http://www.formin.fi/public/download.aspx?ID=24014&GUID={41C62727-0F60-4794-B744-

40E9460D79F}
44 Also environment and sustainable development and good governance are current cross-cutting themes. Here we deal only with the social devel-
opment related themes
73
II. Policy commitment to gender mainstreaming was renewed (2009) through
the line of command at the Ministry
First a political commitment for upgrading the effort was needed. NGOs and other
stakeholders pushed strongly for this and lobbied the Parliament and Ministry staff.
The Ministry issued a new internal instruction containing the outline of a three track
strategy gender equality, and the other CCTs, were to be included in all operations.
The strategy for integrating gender equality (and the other Cross Cutting Themes),
is a three- track approach:
1. primarily mainstream gender equality and each of the CCTs and
2. support gender-specific targeted projects and
3. include gender equality and the other CCTs in all policy dialogues, training and
information dissemination.
Mainstreaming is complemented with targeted empowering projects and political

dialogue, awareness raising and mobilization of relevant target groups.
III. Information base was checked and is being improved (2009-10): The
current situation and adequacy of information on gender inclusion and equality was
checked and revising launched.
Baseline information in country cooperation programmes and internal statistics
showed, for instance, that gender issues had been very inadequately covered. It was
not possible to get information on the inclusion of gender equality from the data
system of the Ministry except by hand picking.
IV. Management result matrix was revised (2009) and Task Team
established: The CCTs, including gender equality, were included in the work plan
and results matrix. A CCT -team was formed, including the Gender Ambassador,
the Gender Advisor and Advisors on the other themes.
The CCT- team at the Ministry was tasked to prepare an action plan including train-
ing, designing of toolkits and to provide expert support to staff. The Gender Team
includes an Ambassador for Gender Equality, a senior Gender Advisor and occa-
sional assistants.
V. Training and the designing/adapting of gender mainstreaming tools is

going on
The Cross Cutting Themes were re-named as Cross-Cutting Objectives (CCOs)
to emphasize that they must be handled in a result - oriented manner. Integrating
CCOs, including gender equality, in Project Cycle Management (PCM) -system and
reporting is underway. Markers for CCOs are being incorporated into the statistical
system. CCO components are included in staff training programmes.
74
VI. Follow-up and reporting: Performance in the inclusion of gender and
other CCTs are to be reported yearly (2009-)through the Minister to Government
and to the Parliament
The results will be reported yearly through the management lined to the Minister for
Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation and in the Government ODA report to
the Parliament for debate. Consultations and dialogue with relevant NGOs is taking
place frequently.
The lesson learned is that a key practical element in the implementing of mainstreaming
strategies is the inclusion gender equality and other cross-cutting themes as objectives
in the Project Cycle Management (CPM) guidelines and documentation as well as in
the results indicator system. Experience shows that declarations and commitments do
not seem to work without being accompanied by training and easy-to-use “desk-top”
tools. The CCO - team is currently busy in designing the tools and inclusive document
templates into the internal web-based PCM system. This is done in regard to each of
the CCTs, including gender equality. Templates with gender inclusive perspective cov-
er Terms of Reference (TORs) for 1) Programme identification, 2) Decision to launch
planning, 3) Programme Planning, 4) Appraisal, 5) Mid-term Review.
However, it has become obvious that the best is an enemy of the good: trying to include
very professional, i.e. lengthy and specific, references to gender equality provoked
strong opposition from the technical team responsible for the whole revision of all
PCM guidelines. Thus only parsimonious notes on gender equality have been proposed
to be included in the official project documentation templates and specific checklist
are accessible through links to “less official pages” containing tools and good practice
examples.
5. The role of international development partners in supporting the mainstreaming

of a gender perspective in national development plans – the critical role of
ownership
In this item we look into the role of the donor community. The focus is on the OECD-
DAC perspective and Official Development Assistance (ODA). However, the sug-
gestions are relevant more widely in relation to the international partners, including
regional intergovernmental agencies. There are differences in the mandates of such
organizations but as far as cooperation that is considered to be counted as ODA certain
principles apply. In 2005 the donors agreed with the developing partner countries on
the Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness and subsequently the Accra Agenda for Ac-
tion (AAA) of 2008 45. Five crucial principles, “Partnership Commitments” of ODA
45 The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and the Accra Agenda for Action. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/11/41/34428351.pdf
75
were endorsed:
Ownership: “Partner countries exercise effective leadership over their development

policies, and strategies and coordinate development actions.” This means that each
Government is responsible for the development of its own country and is accountable
to its own citizens. This implies, that at least awareness and sensitivity to gender equal-
ity must be there. If not, support to awareness and to eventual equality policy formula-
tion must be included in the dialogue.
Alignment : “Donors base their overall support on partner countries’ national develop-
ment strategies, institutions and procedures.” This means: no to “donor push”. Partner
country gender equality policies need to be respected and eventual institutional struc-
tures need to be involved at an early stage of the cooperation.
Harmonization: “Donors’ actions are more harmonized, transparent and collectively

effective.” This means that donors shall work together and aim at harmonizing their
contribution and aid channels and procedures for e.g. reporting. Indicators, monitor-
ing and reporting formats must include a gender equality perspective. Strive for joint
formats by all donors.
Managing for results: “Managing resources and improving decision making for re-
sults.” This means that aid shall be evaluated on the basis of factual outputs and im-
pacts rather than good intentions. Gender equality indicators must be included in the
plans and result matrixes.
Mutual accountability: “Donors and partners are accountable for development re-
sults.” This means that both parties work according to the principles of good gover-
nance and democratic and transparent decision-making. Open dialogue between do-
nors and partners must include the gender perspective.
The crucial message in the context of gender mainstreaming is that donors cannot push
their ideas or policies on to the partner country. This is sometimes a challenge. Situ-
ations, where gender equality policies, institutional structures and resources are not
there alert for the inclusion of an awareness raising support and institution building
component into the cooperation strategy, or eventually working first through Civil So-
ciety Organizations, e.g. women’s NGOs.
6. Concluding comment: Mainstreaming the gender perspective is essential for

sustainable social and economic development
Gender mainstreaming is not a goal in itself. It is a strategy towards development

goals, one of which is improved gender equality. From people’s perspective the goal
of sustainable development is, very generally, enlargement of choices for women and
76
men - without compromising the choices available to the next generations - starting
from today’s children.
The concept of social development as referred to by the World Bank MENA 46 team
points out usefully entry points for gender equality and empowerment inclusive devel-
opment interventions: “Social development concerns itself with: promoting the inclu-
sion of poor, vulnerable and excluded groups (especially youth and women); strength-
ening social cohesion and the capacity for collective action towards development and;
enhancing the capacities of citizens and civic groups to hold accountable the institu-
tions that serve them.”
“Over the last two decades, MENA countries have made noticeable progress in
social development. Initiatives have been launched for (i) the inclusion of youth,
women and other vulnerable groups; (ii) the reinvigoration and empowerment of lo-
cal communities; and (iii) improving citizen and private sector access to information
on government-related opportunities and benefits. However, the MENA region still
faces the social development challenges of inclusion (youth, women, and vulner-
able groups), social cohesion (urban and rural space) and greater accountability.” 47
The MENA region has a long history of family and social responsibility as well as of
public spending on social security and services. Also in employment the public sec-
tor is a significant player. Such factors have been contributing to the fact that human
development indicators have improved remarkably, especially for girls and women.
There remains, however, still a wide gender gap in many spheres of life and “gender-
based inequalities contribute to women’s social economic and political exclusion and
so retard national development” .
There are development challenges that typically are very gender- relevant in all coun-
tries: lack of opportunities, especially employment, lack of channels for participation
and influence, exposure to risks, vulnerability, insecurity and violence.
Marginal “social safety nets” or isolated welfare projects are not effective responses to
problems that are systemic. Rather charity and minimum last resort handouts maintain
the status quo. For disempowered people, safety nets, by definition, are traps rather
than springboards that would empower people to (re)gain control over their own lives.
Such empowering social services and security treat people as agents of action, not as
objects of charity.
Historical experience by many countries suggest that more comprehensive and cross-
sectoral approach to social development is feasible and it is effective in transforming
the institutions that create and maintain inequalities including those related to gender.
46 Middle East and North Africa

47 World Bank MENA site: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/EXTMNAREGTOPSOCDEV/0,,menuPK:
583439~pagePK:34004175~piPK:34004435~theSitePK:583433,00.html
77
Gender mainstreaming is an essential element in transformative societal policies that
goal-consciously strive toward social development towards “a society for all” that is
inclusive of all women and men, girls and boys. Mainstreaming the gender perspective
is thus a key element in more comprehensive social policies48 that strive for societal
(institutional) change that enable and empower all people to contribute to and benefit
from development.
7. Lessons learned. Policy recommendation
Improving gender equality is a Human Rights and development goal of its own right. It
is also a decisive instrument in efforts to reduce poverty and to achieve other interna-
tionally agreed development goals as well as national development priorities, including
faster and better quality economic growth. Gender equality has a short-term price tag
but in medium and long term it provides ample returns in terms of the social quality of
economic growth and societal development.
Creating an enabling environment for full and equal participation of all women (and
men) in national development as active agents calls for more ambitious national social
development strategies that explicitly aim at improving the social quality of all poli-
cies.
A. Strategic choices at the national level
1. Gender equality should be incorporated into the gradual development of

comprehensive national social policies with focus on equal rights, different needs,
variable life situations and various potentials of women and men, boys and girls
rather than addressing gender equality mainly through specific projects, only.
Such rights-based, equitable and inclusive social policy calls for the designing
of implementation instruments that are designed to create equal access to
societal institutions ( inclusion),AND equal and secure access to resources and
services ( decent work and socio-economic security, social and health services),
AND respect for diversity and for minority rights (cohesion), AND an enabling
environment for full social, economic, political and cultural participation of
women and men (empowerment). Such policies shall be monitored through
systems that hold authorities accountable.
2. The implementation of the gender equality dimension of these social policies

is effective when the strategy is composed of three mutually reinforcing action
tracks:
(i) Primary instrument is to mainstream gender equality in all sector policies, plans
48 See Wiman, Voipio & Ylonen: Comprehensive Social Policies for Development in a Globalizing World. Min. for Foreign Affairs, 2007 http://
info.stakes.fi/ssd/EN/comprehensive/index.htm
78
and activities, and
(ii) Mainstreaming should be complemented by targeted, empowering action that
aims directly at improving the status of women, their livelihoods and capabilities
to manage successfully their own and their families’ lives, and
(iii) In addition to proactive political advocacy, strengthening the voice of
women as collective agent in decision making; this includes support to women’s
organization and their involvement in development.
3. The institutional arrangements should integrate all the necessary elements

for implementation of the strategy:
(i) A conducive policy in line with the relevant international legal instruments
(ii) An adequate disaggregated information base for evidence-based policy
making,
(iii) A functional and functioning operation machinery
(iv) Capacity development system including ready-to-use tools adapted to national
context
(v) A feedback system that creates accountability and learning cycles
(vi) Structures that enable men to identify a constructive role in equality policy
and its implementation through equal cooperation
4. Mainstreaming the gender perspective calls for a Whole-of-Government

approach and the responsible agency should be located accordingly to high
enough level
The role of donors and international partners, including regional organizations
1. International partners shall take proactively up gender equality issues in

accordance to their commitments to international legal instruments on human
rights and development issues taking into account the obligation to respect
the agency, ownership and responsibilities of the partner government to its
constituency and the international legal instruments that are binding to all.
2. The donors should provide support that aims at building systemic capabilities
i.e. creating prerequisites for sustainable, institutionalized gender equality policy
implementation by the partner country as an integral part of supporting socially
just development.
3. Also donors should design a three track action strategy that combines inter-
sectoral mainstreaming with targeted, empowering support to women and girls
in order to fill the gender gaps and to enable women and girls to benefit from
mainstream developments. The third track consists of political dialogue and the
strengthening of women’s voice in domestic policy-making through support to
relevant organizations.
79
4. International partners should systematically build their own capacities for
integrating gender equality in international collaboration at all levels.
80
Ranjana Kumari
Women empowerment – challenging patriarchy:
Indian experience
Women are still confronting preventive barriers for realizing their full potential, re-
gardless of affirmative steps that have been taken internationally and nationally. In-
ternational agreements and policy recommendations on gender equality are working
only if transformed into gender sensitive policies and laws and brought into action by
effective national implementation. This paper examines these challenges and proposes
a multifaceted way of approaching the pressing issues of gender equality and women
empowerment. We start with the process and the concept of empowerment, which is
analysed from the point of view of reconstructing the existing power relations. The
process of empowerment is analysed on a global scale.
On the second part, we move to Indian context, where the milestones and challenges in
attainment of gender equality are studied. The concepts of gender equality and women
empowerment are examined by looking at the socioeconomic and political aspects
of the developing nation. Women empowerment is seen as a challenge to masculine
norms of patriarchal system. We also explore the role of women’s movement in the
social development of India and the progress India has made in terms of Millennium
Development Goals. Finally, based on the experiences in India we draw some policy
recommendations.
I Gendered world, empowered women?
Empowerment is now increasingly seen as a process by which the one’s without power
gain greater control over their lives. This means control over material assets, intellectu-
al resources and ideology.49 Gender inequality is the outcome of unbalanced power re-
lations between two sexes. Therefore, empowerment can be seen as a process of social
change, wherein these power relations are restructured and renegotiated. Social change
can be catalyzed by affirmative steps like securing girl’s rights to education, building
the women’s leadership and economic capacities, setting quotas for women’s seats in
local and national governments and providing women with information on their legal
rights. The process of empowerment has implications for gender-just society. How-
ever, for this to take place, whole communities, men included, have to be included in
the process of renegotiating the use of social, economical and political spaces.
We are living in interesting times with high expectations set for gender equality: gen-
der concerns are globally recognized, governments have ratified several international
49 Dr. Rakesh Chandra, 2007. Women empowerment in India – Milestones and Challenges. Institute of Women’s Studies. University of Lucknow.
http://www.empowerpoor.org/downloads/women%20empowerment.pdf
81
conventions and agreements pertaining to protection of women’s rights and gender
equality, and the empowerment of women is agreed as a single most important goal for
achieving other development targets. At the same time however, women are denied of
life with justice and dignity.
Internationally agreed goals and commitments towards gender equality, like the Bei-
jing Platform of Action, Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women (CEDAW) and the United Nations Millennium Development Goals
have outlined women’s rights as human rights. Yet, women experience violations of
their basic human rights. Women’s access for justice, security, livelihoods, education,
nutrition and health are severely constrained in most of the developing world.
According to the latest Gender Gap Index 2009 gender disparities remain across the
globe and violations of women’s human rights are a prevailing facet, especially in the
region of Asia-Pacific.50 Asia-Pacific region as whole, and especially South Asia, ranks
near the worst in the world in such indicators as nutrition, health, education, employ-
ment and political participation. Asia-Pacific Human Development Report states that
women are affected mostly by the recent economic slowdown as they constitute the
majority of Asia’s low-skilled, low-salaried and temporary workforce that can easily
be laid off during economic downturns. Government policies are still ignoring the fact
that women are an unused resource in the workforce, which could contribute in the
economic development of the countries. It is estimated that lack of women participa-
tion in the workforce costs US $89 billion every year.51 Further, an ESCAP study in
2007 estimated that gender inequality in education costs Asia and the Pacific around
$16-$30 billion a year as a result of reduced labor productivity.52
Nevertheless, change is gradually taking place. Across the world more and more women
are part of the workforce. Recent figures reveal a ‘silent revolution’ in the west where
women have crossed the 50% percent share of the jobs in the marketplace and women
constitute 60% of all students graduating from universities.53 This silent revolution
has surprisingly not been contested by men, at least not overtly. However, women still
earn substantially less than men on average and are severely under-represented at the
top of the organisation. And the political arena still remains the last male bastion to be
stormed by women. In a developing country like India there remains tiers of tradition,
custom, societal prejudice, religious restrictions and unsavoury deprivations due to
poverty that must be overcome if that is possible.
The rich world has seen a growing demand for women’s labour. The feminisation of the
50 Global Gender Gap Report 2009. World Economic Forum.. http://www.weforum.org/pdf/gendergap/report2009.pdf

51 Asia-Pacific Human Development Report 2010. Power, Voice and Rights: A Turning Point for Gender Equality in Asia-Pacific.
52 Dr. Noeleen Heyzer, Under-Secretary General of the United Nations and
Executive Secretary of ESCAP: Gender equality and the empowerment of women in achievement of the MDGs: Regional Perspectives, Economic
and Social Council
Substantive Session 2010, 2 July, New York.
53 The Economist, “Women in the Workforce”, January 2nd 2010
82
workforce has been driven by the relentless rise of the service sector. The expansion of
higher education has boosted women’s job prospects. However, their rising aspirations
have not been fulfilled as women have not reached the higher levels of the occupational
ladder in large numbers. This may to some extent be prejudice but also the juggling that
women are expected to do between motherhood and careers with the sad consequence
that many professional women reject motherhood completely. Only a few places, Den-
mark, Sweden, and to some extent France and Quebec provide comprehensive systems
of after school care that allow women to pursue their careers along with managing a
family.
An International Labour Organisation study shows that “while women represent 50

per cent of the world adult population and a third of the official labour force, they
perform nearly two-thirds of all working hours, receive a tenth of world income and
own less than one per cent of world property.”54 In the EU women have filled 6 of the
8 new jobs created since 2000. In the US the bureau of labour statistics calculates that
women make up more than two-thirds of employees in ten of the 15 job categories
likely to grow fastest in the coming years. By 2011 there will be 2.6 women for every
man studying in American universities.55 The combination of an ageing workforce and
a more skill dependent economy means that countries will have to make better use of
their female populations.
II Experience of women empowerment and gender equality in India
Context
In India, women are constitutionally equal to men. Empowerment of women has been
outlined in national policies and programs like Poorest Areas Civil Society (PACS)
Program and the National Policy for the Empowerment of Women (2001). India has
also ratified various international conventions and human rights instruments commit-
ting to secure equal rights of women. Key among them is the ratification of the Con-
vention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in
1993.
CEDAW is an international convention which secures rights and equal treatment for
women. It seeks to put an end to discrimination against women, and calls upon govern-
ments to embody the principle of non-discrimination in their constitutions and legisla-
tion, and also to ensure the practical realisation of gender equality. India’s responsi-
bility as a signatory of CEDAW means it needs to do more than stop discrimination
against women, it actually needs to make sure that women enjoy practical equality.
54 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---gender/
55 The Economist, “Women in the Workforce”, January 2nd 2010
83
There are also special rights specifically aimed at equality for women:
• Article 14, the right to equality, which grants equality before the law, and equal
protection by the law for women;
• Article 15(1) prohibits discrimination against any citizen by the state “on grounds
only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them”;
• Article 15(3) also allows for special provision for women and children by enabling
the State to make affirmative discriminations in favour of women.
• Article 16 guarantees that no citizen shall be discriminated against in matters of
public employment on the grounds of sex.
• Article 42 directs the State to make provision for ensuring just and humane condi-
tions of work and maternity relief.
• Articles 15 (A) (e) to renounces any practices derogatory to the dignity of women.
As per legislatures in India, these have managed to pass the laws, which address wom-
en’s unequal status and vulnerability:
The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 (28 of 1961)

The Commission of Sati)Prevention) Act, 1987(3 of 1988)
The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956
Eve Teasing (New Legislation)
Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986
Sexual Harassment (Sec. 509 Indian Penal Code)
Domestic Violence Act (2005)
However, law enforcement has been inefficient in many ways. For example the fac-
tors that have been impeding the effective implementation of Domestic Violence Act
(2005) are:
(1) The lack of awareness on the new legislation

(2) Unavailable civil infrastructure including well trained protection officers, medi-
cal and shelter facilities for aggrieved women, free and accessible legal aid, and
well trained police and service providers
(3) Insufficient allocation of funds. Specific Budget allocation for PWDVA must be
made both at the Centre and State level
Regardless of international conventions, national policies and rights women in India

continue to face struggles in all spheres of life, which is the result of unequal gender re-
lations. “Patriarchy has remained deeply entrenched in India, influencing the structure
of its political and social institutions and determining the opportunities open to women
and men”56.
56 Samita Sen 2000. Toward Feminist Politics?The Indian Women’s Movement in Historical Perspective.The Policy Research Report on Gender and
Development.Working Series No.9. http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/india/indian.pdf
84
Social evils like female foeticide and infanticide, high levels of domestic violence,
dowry deaths, trafficking and sexual harassment are still part of the Indian reality. An
often stated fact is that these activities are confined to rural and backward sections of
the society, which is grossly untrue as Dowry and Female Infanticide are still practiced
in educated, respected and upper class family. Much of the discrimination is to do with
cultural beliefs and social norms. These norms themselves must be challenged if this
practice is to stop.
Female children suffer from widespread neglect; a strong preference towards boys ex-
ists even before a child is born, with female foeticide being shockingly common. Bias
against women and girls is reflected in the demographic ratio, with only 927 females
for every 1,000 males. The Indian Medical Association estimates that five million
female foetuses are aborted each year. And, ‘As a result, the sex ratio in the 0 to 6 age
group in some northern areas (where the craze for boys is at its worst) is amazingly
skewed: 793 females for every 1,000 boys. In some areas it is 754, and in parts of Pun-
jab and Haryana, the figure is about 600.’ This is completely unacceptable: life chances
are determined on the basis of gender even before birth.
Further, there has been an increase of 5.7% in crimes against women in India in 2008
as compared to 2007.57 According to NFHS-3 freedom of movement is also severely
curtailed for a large proportion of women in India. Only one-third of women age 15-49
are allowed to go alone to the market, to the health centre, and outside the community.
Access to spaces outside the home increases with both education and wealth; less than
half of women have the freedom to go alone to these places in every education and
wealth category.58 According to a survey done by the International Centre for Research
on Women, 52% of women were reported to have suffered at least one incidence of
GBV in their married life alone.59 15,000 dowry deaths are estimated to occur each
year.60
Additionally, there exists a large gender gap in literacy. India ranks 121st under the
educational attainment index of the global Gender Gap Index as the female literacy
rate (53%) is two thirds of that of men (76%). 245 million women in India lack the ba-
sic capability to read and write. India’s ranking in the primary, secondary and tertiary
enrolment rates are 113th, 123rd and 103rd respectively.61 Almost twice as many girls as
boys are pulled out of school, or never sent to school. For every 100 boys out of school
there are 122 girls out of school the world over. In India this gender gap is much wider;
there 426 girls out of school for every 100 boys (UNESCO). The female literacy rate in
some parts of the country is abysmally low, around 20 percent, and the main thrust for
improvement is female education.
57 National Crime Records Bureau http://ncrb.nic.in/

58 National Family Heatlh Survey - 3 http://www.nfhsindia.org/data/india/keyfind.pdf
59 OneWorld South Asia. ‘Oxfam Campaign Wakes Up Asians to Gender quality.’ http://southasia.oneworld.net/article/view/110142/1/1860
60 Partha Banerjee. ‘A Matter of Extreme Cruelty: Bride Burning and Dowry Deaths in India’. Injustices Studies. Vol. 1, November 1997
61 The India Gender Gap Review, 2009, page 4: http://www.weforum.org/pdf/gendergap/IGGR09.pdf
85
Social scientists such as Dr. Amartya Sen and Jean Dreze have highlighted the problem
of female deprivation, illiteracy and high infant mortality rates in India. Women’s ex-
clusion from social and economic participation in society results in low female labour-
force participation. The two most significant factors for social and economic develop-
ment in India which have been analysed by these sociologists are female literacy and
women’s ability to earn an independent income through paid employment. It is amaz-
ing what a close connection exists between women’s agency and women’s well being
and improvement in society. Yet India has dismally neglected the girl child, women,
their health and education. 62 ”---the persistence of extraordinarily high levels of gender
inequality and female deprivation are among India’s most serious social failures. Few
other regions in the world have achieved so little in promoting gender justice.”
The gender discrimination and inequality is also reflected in the political sphere. The
discrimination they face hinders them from unleashing their full potential and excludes
them from benefiting equally from development process. Equally, the allocation of
seats to women in most political parties falls short of an acceptable standard. Empow-
erment is considered a key principle of good governance.
A majority of women in India have yet much to gain and they continue their struggles
for equal opportunities in different spheres of life. The World Bank emphasizes the
importance of political and economic empowerment of women as a contribution to
sustainable growth and responsible government.63 Women are still lacking in opportu-
nities to play a part in this however, and this is costing society at large, as we are not
benefiting from their contribution.
Role of Women’s movement in India
The women’s movement has been a major force in India contributing the evolutionary
process of social development in general and to women’s development in particular.
Interaction of the Government with the movement, with voluntary organizations and
with social activists has been an abiding feature of India’s quest for women’s empow-
erment.
Since 1920’s the women’s movement has gained prominence in leading the social re-
form with gender concerns at its focus. Among the many achievements of the move-
ment at the time of Independence were the constitutional guarantees of equal rights for
women and universal adult suffrage The most important contribution of the women’s
movement is that it has been able to generate a national consensus on gender justice.
Secondly, it has been able to bring about a greater unity among women of India across
political, social and cultural platforms.
62 See Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen “India Economic Development and Social Opportunity” (1998) (Delhi Oxford University Press)
63 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGENDER/Resources/governance_
86
The women’s movement in India is active and has been able to bring about policy
changes relating to women. The movement has also been an aid in strengthening the
nation as well as democracy by bringing some parity in decision making. However, to
make the policy recommendations and bring positive changes in the lives of women,
there is a strong need for the civil society, the women’s movement activists and leaders
to form a strong coalition.64
A national level umbrella organization for women, WomenPowerConnect (WPC), was

established in 2004 to bridge the gap between grassroots activism and policy outcomes.
A national level advocate was needed to give a unified voice for women’s organizations
to effectively lobby for gender-sensitive policies and legislations. WPC has been effec-
tive in mobilizing the support of Indian women’s movement towards:
• Passage of the Women’s Reservation Bill

• Effective Implementation of the Protection of Women Against Domestic Violence
(PWDV) Act
• Putting into practice Gender Budgeting process
• Tabling and Passage of the Protection of Women against Sexual Harassment Bill
• Arresting declining child sex ratio and the implementation of the Pre-Conception
and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act
Millennium Development Goals and status in India
The Millennium Development Goals, or MDGs, are eight goals and 18 time-bound
targets for developing countries set to be achieved by 2015. These are addressing the
most pressing areas of development – poverty, hunger, inadequate education, gender
inequality, child and maternal mortality, HIV/ AIDS and environmental degradation.
Goal 3 of MDGs is specifically addressing gender equality and women empowerment.
Target is to eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably
by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015.
By giving gender equality a special emphasis global community has recognized its’
crucial role in achievement of other MDG targets.65 Advancing gender equality through
empowerment promotes the overall human development – not just for women but the
whole societies. Hence, gender is a cross cutting theme in all the MDGs. Education
of the girl child results in woman, who is aware of her legal rights and is able to make
informed choices about her own health and the well-being of the family. She knows the
value of educating her children and is able to generate income through employment op-
portunities. Hence, empowered woman is independent of her husband and has control
over her own life and the number of children.
64 Samita Sen 2000. Toward Feminist Politics?The Indian Women’s Movement in Historical Perspective.The Policy Research Report on Gender and
Development.Working Series No.9. http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/india/indian.pdf
65 UNDP publication: Gender and the Millennium Development Goals. http://www.undp.org/women/mdgs/gender_MDGs.pdf
87
Gender equality and the empowerment of women are a precondition for overcoming
the barriers for development. Yet, the progress has been slow in all areas – from educa-
tion to access in political decision-making. The Millennium Development Goal report
2010 indicates that despite the progress there is still a wide gap in school enrolment
in many regions of the developing world and that women continue to be employed by
vulnerable informal sector.66
India has achieved progress with regard to MDGs in areas like enrollment in primary
and secondary education, gender parity in school education and literacy, fight against
Malaria and Tuberculosis, immunisation of children against deadly diseases, access to
safe drinking water and development of telecommunication. However, significant in-
equalities of especially gender – but also class, caste and region are hampering India’s
road towards MDGs. “Persistent inequalities, ineffective delivery of public services,
weak accountability systems and gaps in the implementation of pro-poor policies” are
further hindrances to progress in regard to MDGs according to expert group meeting in
Delhi. The same expert group passed recommendations towards “devolution of power
to local governments in rural areas, streamlining of funds flow, and use of information
technology” to greater reach of people67
Country report states that disparity between men and women in employment and deci-
sion-making is unlikely to be amended by 2015. Inequalities result in high infant and
maternal mortality rates, malnutrition and hunger and high poverty figures. India tops
world hunger chart - It had around 230 million undernourished people in 2009 and
over 46 percent of Indian children are undernourished. The number of hungry people
in India mount up to 50% of the world’s hungry.68
Women in India are often extremely physically undernourished. It is estimated that

pregnancy-related deaths account for one-quarter of all fatalities among women aged
15 to 29, with well over two-thirds of them considered preventable. Two thirds of In-
dian women go through pregnancy and childbirth without any trained birth attendant
(TBA), in unhygienic conditions.. The maternal mortality rate (MMR) remains among
the highest in the world (410 per 100,000 live births). By estimation the country will
achieve by 2015, Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) of 135 per 100,000 live births as
against the required 109 per 100,000 live births. Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) shall be
of only 46 per 1000 live births, as against the required 26.7 per 1000 live births. 69 Ma-
ternal sickness and death may be triggered by pregnancy but are frequently conditioned
by medical and socio-economic factors affecting a woman’s life before pregnancy.
88% of pregnant Indian women are anaemic and 33% of infants are born with low birth
weight.70 Epidemiological data shows that this doesn’t need to be the case: reproduc-
66 The Millennium Development Goals Report 2010.United Nations.

67 UNDP 2010. Achieving MDGs in India. Elimination of inequalities and harnessing new opportunities for implementation of policies and pro-
grammes., http://content.undp.org/go/newsroom/2010/september/achieving-mdgs-in-india.en
68 UNDP 2010. Achieving MDGs in India. Elimination of inequalities and harnessing new opportunities for implementation of policies and pro-
grammes., http://content.undp.org/go/newsroom/2010/september/achieving-mdgs-in-india.en
69 Pamela Philipose, 2010, Will India catch the MDGs bus? http://southasia.oneworld.net/opinioncomment/will-india-catch-the-mdgs-bus
88
tive health (RH) services can reduce maternal mortality and morbidity and contribute
to women’s RH. It is essential that these problems are addressed to make women safer,
healthier, and consequently empowering them.
Challenges and opportunities in socioeconomic and social spaces
Socioeconomic
Development in India is geographically unbalanced from tribal backward regions to

metropolitan cities with modern shopping complexes. Further, inside one city differ-
ences in welfare, livelihoods and values are remarkable form slum dwellers to inter-
national corporate employers. Cities are unable to cater to the amplifying needs of all
citizens, especially the poor and marginalized, since there is lack of infrastructure and
affordable services.71 This mix of multiple and diverse layers of the society poses chal-
lenges for any development efforts. The argument that improved prosperity for the
wealthiest will trickle down to benefit the poorest has been proven inaccurate, and so-
cieties are beginning to accept that government investment in human capital is needed
if we are to reduce poverty.72 This investment must prioritise the inclusion of poor
women and introduction of women to the workforce.
Change is, however, gradually taking place in India. Equality of women is becoming a
reality for the educated middle-class owing to changes in the social, economic, political
and legal spheres. Earlier the rules that defined woman’s relationship to a male bread-
winner and the father of her child implied dependency.73 Following the family ethic it
has always been defined and considered that child rearing as the exclusive responsibil-
ity of women, apposition that not only kept women at home, but enabled employers to
rationalize the marginalization of those who entered the labor force.74
With middle and lower-middle class women entering the labour force, the traditional
patriarchal norms of decision-making and breadwinning are breaking down.75 Women
of today have more say in domestic spheres due to their rising economic independence.
In the 13 years the proportion of households with a woman designated as the household
head has risen by more than half, from 9% to 14%. The evolution in Information and
Communication Technology (ICT) is also radicalized women’s mobility and decision-
making capacity.
Urban Indian women are becoming increasingly visible and successful in the profes-
sional and public sphere. Approximately one third of employees at Indian software
70 Ibid 11 at
71 Rao, M. Govinda & Bird, Richard M: Urban Governance and finance in India. National Institute of Public Finance and Policy http://www.nipfp.
org.in/working_paper/wp_2010_68.pdf
72 Lekha S. Chakraborty 2007. Gender Responsive Budgeting nad Fiscal Decentralisation in India: A Preliminary Appraisal. National Institute of
Public Finance and Policy http://www.nipfp.org.in/working_paper/wp_2007_46.pdf
73 Regulating the lives of Women by Mimi Aramaitz, pg. 204, para1
74 Ibid, para 4
75 Masculinity, Hinduism And nationalism in India by Sikata Banerjee, pub. By SUNY Press, State University of New York Press, 2005, pg. 11
89
companies today are women. In fact, NASSCOM puts the figure at 38%. In all walks of
life, be it doctors and engineers, corporate divas, senior bankers, women in the service
sector, in travel, tourism, hospitality, media and entertainment and writers, women are
in the forefront. Whether it is Barkha Dutt, who has become an idol for several journal-
ists, Arundhati Roy, a Booker Prize Winner and a social activist, or Kiran Mazumdar
Shaw, who became the wealthiest Indian woman after the initial public offering of her
company, Biocon, they have all heralded the arrival of Indian women professionals.
Notwithstanding the emerging new opportunities for middle-class women to build their
career, the equation is not that simple. The recently published research by Centre for
Social Research on Women Managers indicated that the new errands open to women
in working life cause them the double burden. Working women are overburdened with
long hours of working, commuting and the expectations at home. This implies that
changes in economical opportunities do not automatically result in changes at private
spheres. 76
Political arena
The Constitution, via Articles 325 and 326, assures political equality to all men and
women. Yet the representation of women in Parliament and State assemblies is ex-
tremely low in India. Whereas women are nearly 48 % of the population and out of the
registered voting population, nearly 42% are women, only 7% contested the recently
held 2009 Lower House (Lok Sabha) General Elections. Only 59 women were elected
to the Lok Sabha, for the first time crossing 10% in 62 years of India’s independence.
There are only 3 women cabinet ministers out of 33 and only 1 minister of state in the
present government.
To face the challenge, the women of India are following a three-dimensional strategy
for conclusive changes to eliminate all those factors from the political culture, which
have been perpetuating exclusion of women so far. First of all, we are engaged in unit-
ing women for advocacy at three levels - national, regional and international. Secondly,
we are intensifying our constructive efforts at the grass roots level for training in lead-
ership. Finally, we are promoting a partnership with media and judiciary for changing
the mindset and practices, which have been obstructing women participation as full
citizens in the public sphere. The positive aspect is that women are increasingly better
organized, confident, and articulate to fight for their rights. It has now become difficult
to silence their voices any further.
It is to be understood that for Indian women participating in politics it is not a simple

matter of taking up a new activity. Rather, it is participating in activities and institutions
designed and populated primarily by men.77 In this context, it is critical to enhance the
76 Centre for Social Research 2009. Study on Women Managers in India: Challenges and Opportunities
77 Ethnic Studies Report, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, July 2000 © ICES
90
capacity of the women to fight elections reduce or remove the preventive barriers and
to introduce new affirmative steps, such as quotas, that can enhance the participation of
women in the state and national parliaments. In India, there is a strong need to lobby for
passage of 33% Reservation of Seats for Women in Parliament Bill (Women Reserva-
tion Bill or WRB). This bill has been pending for more than a decade and its passage
is a must to ensure seats for women in state assemblies and National Parliament. The
existing networks, which are working on the issue of gender parity in politics need
strengthening to support and help sustain women in politics.
The Women’s Reservation Bill, tabled in 1996, seeks to reserve one-third of all seats
for women in the in Lower House of Parliament (Lok Sabha) and the state legislative
assemblies. One third of the total number of seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes shall be reserved for women of those groups in the Lok Sabha and
the legislative assemblies. The Bill has been met with a lot of resistance and has not
been passed even though it has been tabled many times. It has been stalled repeatedly
in parliament for lack of political will. There is no consensus among political parties to
allow women to occupy one third of the seats in Parliament. But there are still plenty
of people trying to get it passed. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law and
Justice has recommended that the Women’s Reservation Bill be passed in its present
form at the earliest opportunity.
India has been more successful in local politics. The 73rd and 74th amendments to the
constitution, passed in 1973, reserved one-third of all seats for women in local level
politics, panchayats. Reservation aimed at decentralizing the power and also remov-
ing the gender imbalances and bias in the institutions of local self government.78 This
brought to the fore with one stroke more than a million women who are being elected to
the panchayats every five years. This is surely the largest mobilisation of women power
in India. The experience of reservation of women leaders in panchayats has been very
encouraging indeed. In fact now women constitute nearly 43 % of panchayat seats,
well above the 33% reservation for them.
A significant move by the Government of India is to raise the bar of reservation to 50%
for women in panchayats as evidenced by a bill seeking 50 percent reservation for
women in urban local bodies was introduced in Parliament recently. As President of
India, Pratibha Patil in her speech to the Parliament on June 4th said, “a bill providing
50 percent reservation for women in urban local bodies would be moved by the govern-
ment as women suffer multiple deprivations of class, caste and gender and enhancing
reservation in urban local bodies will lead to more women entering the public sphere.”
A movement for capacity building of these elected women leaders has now enabled
them to exercise this leadership and bring about change in their villages which impacts
78 Bhora,O.P,1997,women in decentralised democracy, Journal of Rural Development,Vol16(4),pp 637-683,NIRD, Hyd

91
the lives of millions in rural India. Beginning in 2000, The Hunger Project seized this
historic opportunity. Its Panchayati Raj Campaign79 is a multi-pronged strategy that
has, to date, empowered 71,000 elected women representatives to be effective change
agents for the end of hunger in their villages. The Hunger Project has empowered and
trained women to be leaders in the villages. Under the project in each year of a woman
leader’s term specific interventions are implemented to empower her to succeed. For
example, initiatives of these women members of the panchayats have brought piped
water, built schools, put an end to alcoholism, monitored teachers and health care work-
ers and brought hope to the people of the villages where they live.
Women will have to transform politics before they can attain any measure of equality
with men in the political field. There is however a growing acceptance of the notion
that women’s entry into politics will be generally beneficial and make the administra-
tion more responsive not only to certain agendas that women typically are concerned
about but that women will organically change the way we are governed at present.
III Summary
Historically, women have faced unique challenges in all spheres of life, be it social eco-
nomical or political. Despite the decisive measures taken internationally and nationally
to guarantee the social, political, economical and legal rights to women, the challenges
are still very much to date in India and other developing countries.
Decisive measures have to be taken in order to further the process of women empower-
ment and ensure that the goals for gender equality are met. This is of utmost importance
if we are to reach the other development goals facing the developing nations. Unless
these measures are taken, the pervasive nature of gender discrimination will result in
high social, economic and political losses in developing nations.
Empowerment of women benefits the whole nation and hence, national development
strategies, policies and programs should reflect in their full power the pressing issue
of inclusiveness. Commitments to international conventions in gender equality and
achievement of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are to be the first priority of
developing nation.
We began by examining the concept of empowerment, which was described as the

social process where social, economic and political spaces are renegotiated and recre-
ated. Social change is pertinent for reaching equal gender relations. A strong women’s
movement has the power to mobilize the civil society and strive for policies and laws,
which address women’s rights as human rights and deliver justice in action.
79 http://www.thp.org/
92
IV Policy recommendations
One of the key challenges is to prepare women for a different role which needs initia-
tives at different levels, and also on an unprecedented scale. Women need to be aware
of their status, of how they are excluded, of their rights, of the need to be included and
its implications. The following are areas where focused interventions need to be located
to bring about a change not only in the position but also the status of women in India:
Education
Girls need to be educated. Much more needs to be done for the schooling of girls in
urban and rural areas in the form of schools, scholarships, reservation of seats, hostels
for girls, college education. Ekal Vidyalayas and the schools of the Bharti Foundation
are brilliant examples of how girls can benefit from education, and more initiatives in
the private sector can result in rich dividends from girls’ education.
Capacity-building programs for women such as training researchers to identify and re-
spond to women’s technology requirements; gender-sensitive training for all the func-
tionaries at the national, district and sub-district levels involved in any projects; and
providing technology adoption and marketing support to these women’s organizations.
Re-productive health
State, society and women’s organisations must take every step to improve women’s
reproductive health. The co-relation between women’s agency and MMR is a pointer
in that direction. Empowering women affects their social circumstance and health.
Gender Mainstreaming
Gender mainstreaming efforts ‘mainstream’ or integrate gender perspectives and the
goalof gender equality in government policy-making, planning, implementation, and
evaluation. Gender mainstreaming also makes government more efficient in serving
the needs of its citizens by ensuring that even seemingly neutral policies and programs
take into account women’s concerns and needs right at the onset.
Gender Budget
Gender budgeting helps in increasing government expenditures in social services that
benefit mostly women and children, and in steering government priorities towards the
‘care’ economy such as health and nutrition, education and other family and commu-
nity services.
Women’s agenda
Women’s issues must at every level become an agenda for the century. The Millenni-
um Development Goals (MDGs) of universal education, gender equality and maternal
health are the benchmark for development and need to be kept at the forefront of public
consciousness.
93
Aside from campaigns, an integral part of the core of strategies for women’s political
participation is building women’s agendas for change. Women’s political leadership
should further be strengthened in terms of realizing the agenda of people-centered and
sustainable development; and, working towards the elimination -in law and in real-
ity- of discriminations based on gender, race, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation, caste,
descent, work, lifestyle, appearance, age and others. Women political leaders have to
overcome identity politics, local elite politics and control by family dynasties, which
in many developing countries have been the same forces that have allowed women to
access positions of political power in the first place.
Quotas
Quotas have been viewed as one of the most effective affirmative actions in increasing
women’s political participation. There are now 77 countries with constitutional, elec-
toral or political party quotas for women.
Legislative advocacy and training to win elections

Women intervene in the law-making process by gathering mass support for or cam-
paigning against a proposed law, and advocating amendments to or repeal of an exist-
ing law. To make the efforts successful, at the level of elections, women must be im-
parted ‘win ability’ training for women who intend to run for public office. Women’s
groups should lobby for the passage of a legal amendment to electoral laws to ensure a
minimum critical level of women’s participation amongst candidates in general and at
the level of individual parties.
Freedoms and rights

Women need to enjoy the full exercise of their civil and human rights. The fulfilment of
basic survival and social needs, economic independence, and freedom from family and
community violence and freedom for association are crucial requirements in women’s
realization of their full potentials. In countries where the freedom of association is lim-
ited, women find themselves under constant surveillance and sometimes under threat
by their own governments. In countries where religion and culture impose numerous
social restrictions and impinge on state laws, women experience more difficulties in
accessing education and engaging in the public political space.
Legislation
Creation of gender targeted legislation and effective implementation is of utmost im-
portance for women’s security and human rights. Capacity building for judiciary in
gender sensitive law enforcement enhances the effectiveness of the law implementa-
tion and justice for women in front of law. Development of an office for the gender
review of all pieces of legislation before they are debated and/or passed in Parliament
could ensure that all MPs, women who may be new to the position and men alike, could
receive the necessary information to intelligently debate bills in the gender context.
94
Joanna McMinn
Women’s participation at the National level and institutional capacity

of the State and civil society to support women’s empowerment:
a perspective from the Republic of Ireland
Introduction
My paper will explore what equality and empowerment mean for women in the Repub-
lic of Ireland, with a particular emphasis on identifying achievements and impediments
to women’s participation at the national level. I will present an equality framework
that informs current debates about women’s empowerment in Ireland, before offering
a brief overview of the current trends in the presence of women in the work force and
in government in the Republic of Ireland. I will reflect on the critical issue of women’s
political participation at the national level, and from an international perspective, as
well as consider the impediments for women and the current debate around quotas as
a solution. I will also describe other examples of women’s participation in policy fora
at a national level: through the Irish model of Social Partnership that has provided op-
portunities for engagement between the state and civil society; the National Women’s
Strategy and the National Committee on Violence Against Women. It is from this spe-
cific context and my own experience that I draw my reflections and analysis to con-
tribute to the debate at this colloquium regarding policies to empower women in the
political, economic, and social fields.
Equality Framework
The development of an equality framework has been highly influential in discussions

of what equality means for women in Ireland, and their empowerment. The Equality
Studies Centre in the National University of Ireland initially developed this frame-
work. The National Women’s Council of Ireland (NWCI) underpinned its Strategic
Plan with the four strategic pillars of equality, allowing the organization to address a
wide platform of issues in a coherent way:
• Redistribution and equality in access to, and enjoyment of, resources - wealth,
income, employment, and of public goods such as education, health and
accommodation (Economic equality)
• Representation and equality in access to, and enjoyment of, influence and power -
influence and of having a say in decisions that affect one (Political equality).
• Recognition and equality in access to, and enjoyment of, status and standing for
diversity - accommodation of one’s particular identity, experience and situation
(Social and Cultural equality).
• Respect/Care and equality in access to, and enjoyment of, sustaining relationships
of love care and solidarity (Affective equality).
95
Affective equality resonates particularly with women’s experience of inequality. Since
women carry the responsibility of care work in most societies, work that is unpaid and
under-valued, it is clear that this impacts on women’s status, and their participation
in all areas of social, political and economic life. Furthermore, equality can be un-
derstood as pursuing different objectives along a continuum: equality of opportunity,
equal access, equal participation, and equal outcomes.
The full realization of equality requires movement beyond the limited goal of equality
of opportunity, which is limited to change of individual behaviours and attitudes. The
pursuit of equality of opportunity, however, can and does co-exist with significant and
persistent inequality. The goal for equality needs to be set out in terms of eliminating
the disparities and inequalities that exist between groups in society; this is a goal that
emphasizes the need to change societal structures and institutional systems. However,
it is the case in Ireland that government policies aspire only to most basic equality of
opportunity and work within that understanding. What this means is that little progress
has been made towards equality of outcomes for women, particularly in terms of par-
ticipation at the national level.
Presence of women in the work force and in government in the Republic of Ire-
land
The 1937 Constitution of Ireland places women firmly in the home. Article 41 states:
‘In particular, the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the
State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved. The State shall,
therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity
to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home.’ Despite a number of of-
ficial reviews of the Constitution, this part has remained unchanged.
The late 1990s and the early 2000s witnessed a significant development in the promo-
tion of equality and human rights in Ireland. New institutions were established includ-
ing the Equality Authority, the Equality Tribunal and the Irish Human Rights Com-
mission. New legislation was enacted including the Employment Equality Acts 1998
to 2008, the Equal Status Acts 2000 to 2008 and the European Convention on Human
Rights Act 2003. A new equality and human rights infrastructure emerged. Despite this
progress, however, Ireland is a society that is characterized by persistent and significant
inequalities, and that remains host to a range of human rights abuses.The Republic of
Ireland has undergone enormous developments in the last 30 years economically, mov-
ing from being one of the poorest to one of the richest countries in the world. The Celtic
Tiger economy was greatly enabled by women’s participation in the workforce (which
in 2009 stood at 60%) and it also brought immigration to Ireland for the first time in
its history. This past decade has witnessed both economic boom and economic crisis.
The position of women while much improved in terms of economic independence, has
in many ways remained subordinate particularly in terms of their position in the work-
96
force and in their participation at the national level in political life.
Women in Ireland now have higher levels of formal education than at any time in the
past. In fact, within the 25–34 age group, 51% of women hold a third-level qualifica-
tion, compared to just 39% of men. In 2009 men accounted for around 84% of gradu-
ates in Engineering, manufacturing and construction and 60% of graduates in Science,
while women accounted for 79% of graduates in Health and welfare, 76% in Education
and 65% in Arts and humanities. Despite the increase in levels of participation in the
workforce, and excellent educational achievements of women, gender remains a cen-
tral structural inequality in the economic life of the country. This is reflected in wom-
en’s earnings and the gender segregation in the workforce. Women’s income in 2007
was around two-thirds of men’s income. After adjusting for the longer hours worked
by men, women’s hourly earnings were around 87% of men’s, despite equal pay legis-
lation. There are also significant inequalities in caring work. Men spend considerably
more time on paid employment than women, while women spend substantially more
time on caring and household work. Women’s share of unpaid work is greater among
parents than in couples without children. The number of women in managerial posi-
tions is only 30 per cent. Just 4% of chief executive positions in Irish business are
women.
Women in Decision-making
An examination of national and regional decision-making structures in Ireland reveals

that despite women’s increased labour market activity and educational attainments,
the balance of power remains with men. Despite the commitment to achieving gender
equality, gender inequalities persist at many levels and in many arenas across society.
Women are seriously under-represented in decision-making structures at both national
and regional levels in Ireland. Only 13% of representatives (TDs) in the national parlia-
ment are women. Currently, there are only 23 women out of 266 TDs and Senators, and
two of these women have recently announced that they are retiring for family reasons,
bringing the percentage even lower.
The world average proportion of women members of single or lower chamber legisla-
tures is just 18% with major regional differences. Less than 10% of cabinet members
and just 20% of lower ranking government ministers are female, and only 39 nation
states have ever selected a woman as prime minister or president. Ireland currently lies
in 82nd position in a world classification table of women’s representation in parliament
compiled by the inter-parliamentary union. Furthermore, women account for 17 per
cent of the members of local authorities and just 12 per cent of the members of regional
authorities, despite a long standing government policy commitment to a 40% gender
equality representation on public boards. Disappointingly, and despite calls for change,
the percentage of women in Ireland’s national parliament has remained static at 13%
since 1995.In Ireland, with the present rate of change, it has been estimated that it will
take another 370 years for women to achieve equality in political representation!
97
What is more concerning as a trend is that although women’s participation and mem-
bership levels in party politics has increased over the last two decades this is not re-
flected in the number of women holding decision making positions in Irish political
parties. Only 82 women out of a total of 470 candidates contested the last General
Election in 2007 representing the lowest number since 1989. Many reasons have been
put forward for the low levels of women’s representation in Irish politics. The five Cs
of childcare, cash, confidence, culture and candidate selection have been identified as
key explanations for the exclusion of women from Irish politics.
Ireland’s commitment to gender equality in decision-making can be found in its adop-

tion of several UN agreements such as the Beijing Platform for Action and the UN Con-
vention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
among others. Membership of the European Union (EU) has also influenced Irish legis-
lation and policy aimed at achieving gender equality in all spheres, including women’s
access to power and decision-making structures. The CEDAW Committee has called
on the Irish government “to take sustained measures to increase the representation of
women, including temporary special measures; and to form a parliamentary committee
to research the root causes of delay in this area”.
A number of key pieces of domestic legislation and policy documents ground these
aims in reality. The National Women’s Strategy names the engagement of women as
‘equal and active citizens’ as a key theme to be addressed over the period 2007 – 2016.
It aims to increase the number of women in decision-making, women in politics and
women on State and private sector boards. The Irish government’s strategy to increase
the number of women in decision making positions in Ireland, places responsibility on
the political parties to develop action plans aimed at increasing the number of female
candidates in General Elections, so that in the future there will be a significant increase
in representation of women in all future elections for local authorities, Dáil, Seanad
and European Parliament.
Political parties in Ireland are key in bringing about change because they determine
who gets on the candidate list. Political parties have been pro-active in other countries
in creating a list system that ensures gender balance among lists of political candidates;
Irish political parties can do, and some have done, the same. However, the entry level
into political parties is often at local level; participation in decision making here also
reflects a low representation of women, even while women’s participation in commu-
nity and voluntary activities and in seeking to influence policies and voice their con-
cerns, is significantly at a high level. If Irish political parties wish to promote the role of
women in politics, they have to push female candidates through constituency election
conventions, or intervene to add their names to those selected at those meetings. This
would often have to be done in the face of strenuous local resistance.
Positive Action Measures: current debate around quotas
International evidence has shown that the only way to significantly increase the number
98
of women in parliament is to use positive action measures. These can take the form of
reserved seats, setting aside positions that men are not eligible to contest; party quotas,
adopted voluntarily by individual political parties; and legislative quotas, passed by
legislatures requiring that all parties nominate a certain proportion of women. Quotas
of one type or another now exist in more than 100 countries around the globe, the over-
whelming majority having appeared in just the last 15 years. The question is what kind
of positive action measures are most effective in different electoral systems?
Most of the countries that have achieved the critical mass have an electoral system
based on proportional representation and some form of quota system to proactively re-
duce the obstacles to women entering politics at national level. The Irish parliament is
directly elected under the system of proportional representation by means of the single
transferable vote (STV), and has proved a hostile environment for any form of quotas.
In many of the Nordic countries, which have among the highest political representa-
tion in the world, political parties have explicitly adopted quotas guaranteeing that 40
– 50% of a party’s candidates list is women. While the Nordic experience provides
evidence that legislative gender quotas can help to bring about real and rapid change,
though the use of quotas remains controversial. In Scandinavia, where there is no legis-
lative demand for high representation of women, progress is attributed to the sustained
pressure from women’s groups within political parties and the women’s movement in
general to increase the number of women candidates and those with a chance of actu-
ally winning. The Scandinavian experience demonstrates that the promotion of equal-
ity in general can lead to the emergence of a political culture that allows women, once
elected to operate effectively and promote further increases in the numbers of women
parliamentarians.80
In Ireland there is considerable controversy about the nature of quotas, the various
methods and strategies including quotas that might be introduced to increase the num-
ber of women in politics. Most objections are of the view that they are unfair to men
and undermine ‘merit’ as a criterion for candidate selection; while supporters argue
that they redress inequality and that the meritocracy argument can be discredited by the
evidence of how political dynasties, old boys networks, wealth and cultural capital all
contribute hugely to the acquisition of positions of power.Supporters suggest that such
measures will increase diversity among the types of women elected, raise attention to
women’s issues in policy-making, change the gendered nature of the public sphere,
and inspire female voters to become more politically involved. At the same time, op-
ponents express concerns that quotas will facilitate access for ‘unqualified’ women,
bring individuals to office with little interest in promoting women’s concerns, reinforce
stereotypes about women’s inferiority as political actors, and deter ordinary women’s
political participation. These contrasting expectations indicate that quotas may have a
host of positive and negative effects, above and beyond their impact on the numbers of
women elected. Despite the controversies, evidence from around the world indicates
80 As an example of the effectiveness in government in addressing inequality, the Swedish government has led the way in tackling trafficking for
sexual exploitation and the prostitution of women by introducing legislation that makes the buying of sexual services illegal. This has dramatically
reduced the levels of prostitution in Sweden, and been a decisive chill factor on trafficking of women and girls into the country.
99
that there is a need for gender quotas.
Women’s participation in government and public services matters. Currently we have a

democratic deficit in Ireland, where the serious under-representation of women in deci-
sion making perpetuates gender inequality and diminishes the human rights of women.
Feminists have long argued for a more balanced group of representatives, which would
lead to better decision making and political priorities that more closely reflect the con-
cerns of the full range of voters. On a broader level, there is evidence that
• More equal societies do better; societies characterized by income equality demon-

strate higher levels of life expectancy, educational attainment and social mobility
and lower levels of mental health issues, violence and rates of imprisonment 81.
• Gender equal labour markets would contribute an increase in GDP of between 15%
and 45% in EU Member States 82
• Organisations that invest in equality and diversity systems achieve higher
productivity, greater innovation and improved employee retention 83
Social Partnership
Having looked at women in political representation, I will briefly describe arenas of

national representation in governance, policy formation and implementation. The Irish
government has followed a Social Partnership model of governance that has been cred-
ited with enabling to a large extent the economic growth of the past 15 years. It has
involved the business, trade union, farming, and civil society ‘pillars’. The NWCI,
an independent and feminist nongovernmental organisation, recognised and funded
by the government, is the voice of women in Ireland representing over 160 women’s
organisations. Social partnership has produced a range of benefits for women’s organi-
sations by providing the opportunity to have the concerns of women put on the policy
agenda. However, little emancipation has taken place even though policy-making has
improved. Over the period of Social Partnership the NWCI produced a number of
research reports, with the purpose of informing evidence based policy, on a range of
areas, including childcare, social welfare, and violence against women. These were
substantive reports, all with a long-term vision of change, and all still relevant. Pre-
sentations were made to Social Partnership committees and working groups as well as
to parliamentary committees and Ministers with their advisors in relevant government
departments, but the current government have not adopted the recommendations. The
key factor in this process and outcome is political will.
81 Wilkinson and Pickett, The Spirit Level: Why more equal societies almost always do better, Allen Lane, 2009.
82 Lofstrom, Gender equality, economic growth and employment, Department of Economics Umea University Sweden, 2009
83 Flood et al, New Models of High Performance Work Systems, The business case for strategic resource management, partnership and equality and
diversity systems, Equality Authority and National Centre for Partnership and Performance, 2008.
100
The National Women’s Strategy Monitoring Committee
The Irish government’s statement of policy priorities in relation to the advancement of

women in Irish society for the period 2007-2016 is enshrined in the National Women’s
Strategy (NWS) whose vision is of ‘an Ireland where all women enjoy equality with
men and can achieve their full potential, while enjoying a safe and fulfilling life’.
The NWS contains excellent critical analysis of women’s position, along with up to
date statistics and indicators of inequality. However, it is not an action plan and should
be noted that the National Women’s Strategy does not identify specific timescales or
resources to implement its aspirations. A monitoring committee, chaired by a Min-
ister for Equality, includes representatives of government departments, the National
Women’s Council of Ireland, Trade Unions, the business and farming sectors. Without
specific targets and timescales, it is impossible to measure the implementation of the
Strategy, and it has remained largely an aspirational document.
National Steering Committee on Violence Against Women
Given the frustrations arising from implementation of the National Women’s Strategy,
and the conflicting policy goals of government and women’s organisations, one exam-
ple of good practice has been in the area of policy development on the issue of violence
against women. Feminists have spearheaded international campaigns to challenge this
social scourge, and in Ireland this had led to improvements in legislation and to an on-
going debate with government to improve legislation, and support services to victims.
Following a Government Task Group Report in 1998, the Department of Justice, Equal-
ity and Law Reform established a National Steering Committee on Violence Against
Women to take forward its action plan. This committee includes members of the po-
lice, the health service, the legal service, government departments with responsibili-
ties for vaw, as well as non-governmental representatives. The NWCI hosts the Irish
Observatory on Violence Against Women, bringing together organisations working on
the issue of all forms of violence against women, including rape, domestic violence,
prostitution, sex trafficking and pornography. As a result of interventions by members
of the Observatory, the NSC adopted the UN Human Rights definition of violence
against women, including pornography, trafficking and forced prostitution as forms of
violence against women.
Conclusions
My learning from my experience over the last 30 years of women’s empowerment has
been that there has to be political will to effect change; where there exists strong re-
sistance to change even where a country like Ireland possesses strong equality legisla-
tion and a National Women’s Strategy, leads to frustration and disillusionment among
women. For political will to change to reflect women’s interests more equally, and to
101
benefit society more generally, there needs to be a critical mass of women participating
at a national level in decision making. For this to happened to effect real improvement
in women’s representation at national level, we need quotas despite (but aware of) the
controversy surrounding them, as well as a public debate addressing the merits of hav-
ing more women participating at national level.
Annex 1. Systemic preconditions for mainstreaming gender equality in national de-

velopment policies. Case Finland
Preconditions to Examples of elements Examples of practices in Finland

be ensured /cre- (Links to pages in English)
ated
I. A CONDUCIVE POLICY CONTEXT
• Policies in Policy on gender equal- -Active participation in UN forums and EU processes
line with ity; Plan of Action or Gov.
international Programme including main- - Government Programme on gender equality mainstreaming
standards streaming (since 1997, current 2008-2011)
- Civil society involvement in dialogue with Government
-Expert inputs to Government Programmes

• Commitment Government decision; parlia- -First gender chapter in Gov. Programme in 1997 -99
and political ment endorsement; legisla-
will at high tion; a mission statement; -Since 1997 Government programmes include gender
level recommended practices; equality
Minister/Ministry for gender
equality - Respective legislation (1987, 2005)
-Whole- of- Government approach
-Minister with responsibility for equality
-Committees and working groups
- Subcommittee on men and gender equality

• A mandate Gov. mandate given to a fo- -Gender Equality Unit at the Ministry for Social Affairs and
cal point Health http://www.stm.fi/en/gender_equality
• Stakeholder -Mobilization of Women’s Umbrellla Organization NYTKIS, The Coalition of the
involvement groups/Men’s groups; Fo- Finnish Women’s Associations (1988-) http://www.nytkis.
rums for dialogue org/in-english
Miessakit Association ry ( Men’s organizations) http://

www.miessakit.fi/fi/in_english
Men and gender equality – seminar
http://www.stm.fi/c/document_library/get_file?folderId=2
8707&name=DLFE-4188.pdf&title=Men_and__Gender_
Equality__Conference_Report_en.pdf
-Civil society hearings in preparing Gov. Report on Equal-

ity (2010)
102
II. Adequate information and knowledge base
• Statistics -Sex disaggregated data -Development of gender disaggregated statistical base
bases; information on
gender roles, opportunities, -Gendered statistical reports (2009): Women and Men in
• Analytic
obstacles, participation, ad- Finland http://www.stat.fi/ajk/poimintoja/2010-02-19_wom-
information
ministration, gender specific en_men_en.html
outcomes;
• Research -Minna- Centre for Gender Equality Information in Finland
Gender Impact Assessments
http://www.minna.fi/web/guest/home
-Gender relevant and gender sensitive research e.g. at Uni-

versities
-Impact assessments of legislation

III. Functional and functioning operative machinery
• Institutional -Organization; -Ombudsman for Equality
structures
-Responsible units/persons http://www.tasa-arvo.fi/en
-A focal point -Gender Equality Unit at Min. for Social Affairs and Health
- Focal points in other min- http://www.stm.fi/en/gender_equality

istries;
-Council for Gender Equality
-Collaboration platforms;
-Focal points at other agencies
-Civil society involvement
platforms
-Link to all relevant authorities
http://www.tasa-arvo.fi/en/ombudsman/authorities
http://www.stm.fi/en/gender_equality/responsible_agencies
• Management -Inclusion of equality goals -Guidelines on gender sensitive management and perfor-
practices & in result matrixes; -Gender mance evaluation
results based balance in working parties
management and personnel policies -Bill Drafting Instructions (HELO) 2004
-Equality plan at work places
-Gender balance requirement at committees (40%)
-Gender inclusive Project Cycle Management guidelines &

templates
• Resources -Allocated time; -Finances, -Unit for Gender Equality (TASY) at the Ministry (10
reallocation of existing funds; persons)
-Human resources http://www.stm.fi/en/gender_equality
103
• Partnerships Policy dialogue across sector - Working group of Ministries
and lines:
stakeholder -Involving Management Boards
involvement -Joint working groups,
systems
-Joint plan of action
-Division of labor/responsi-
bilities
-Follow- up arrangements
-Communication strategies
IV. System for capacity development
• Awareness - Guidelines, - -Manuals. Gender glasses - project
raising
- Attractive, accessible train- http://www.stm.fi/en/gender_equality/gender_glasses
ing available frequently
• Skills training Gender equality at work places. Guide
- Awareness raising
• Toolkits http://www.stm.fi/c/document_library/get_file?folderId=395
- skills development 03&name=DLFE-6806.pdf
-Manuals
-Gender Impact Assessment -Assessment of Budget’s Gender Impact (2005) Min of Soc
tools Affairs and Health, Min of Education)
-Gender sensitive budgeting

tools
V. Feedback systems
• Follow up/ Joint monitoring of processes Working group of Ministries
monitoring,
• Reporting National reporting; Finland’s 5th and 6th report on CEDAW http://daccess-dds-
ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N08/416/03/PDF/N0841603.
International reporting, e.g. pdf?OpenElement
to regional bodies
• Evaluation -Regular self-assessment of Government report on gender equality (forth coming 2010)
achievement indicators;
-Independent external evalu-

ations; Gender Equality Report by the Ombudsman
-Studies of public perceptions http://www.tasa-arvo.fi/en
Gender Barometer 1998, 2001, 2008
http://www.stm.fi/en/publications/publication/_
julkaisu/1374374
104
Lilit Asatryan
Women’s participation at the national level: what has been achieved
and what could be done to overcome existing impediments?
Lack of women participation in different fields at the national level is existing in the
Republic of Armenia.
Since 1991, the independence of Armenia, the picture of women participation in differ-
ent fields has been changed. But along with some developments and changes the strong
“male” traditions, stereotypes, “conservatism” take place, too.
At present in the Republic of Armenia, the two top problems young women face are
unemployment problem, lack of participation (at different levels) problem. Thus, the
main problems are in political and economic fields. These are very much connected
with each other.
Women in Armenia are still unable to make a significant impact in most areas where
political and economic influence matters. They are still struggling to break traditional
barriers in the political, economic, and business life of the country.
Promotion of gender equality is one of the challenges that Armenia faces. Women
comprise 52 per cent of the population of the country and 58 per cent of those with the
higher education; however, the level of women’s representation and meaningful par-
ticipation in governance and decision-making continues to stay low. Women comprise
9.1 per cent of the parliament members (12 out of 131), 11 per cent of the ministers
(2 out of 18), 0 per cent of the governors of regional administration (0 out of 10), 2.5
per cent of the leaders of local self governance bodies, and 0 per cent of the mayors
(municipality heads).
The number of women in executive leadership positions is limited. A similar situation

is to be found in territorial administration and local self-government bodies.
Equal participation of women and men takes place at the middle level of administra-
tion, as well as in the international organizations that operate in Armenia.
Under the Millennium Development Goals, Armenia has committed to ensure that
women would make at least 25 per cent of the legislative body and 10 per cent of the
local authority leaders by 2015. At present, Armenia is ranking 75th among 157 coun-
tries by gender development index (DGI) (HDR 2007). Should the current develop-
ment pace persist, the MDG 3 would be hardly achievable. Equal rights are enshrined
in the Constitution of Armenia (Article 14.1), but equal opportunities are not reflected
in the legislation and there are no mechanisms to provide equal opportunities for wom-
en and men.
105
According to a UNDP report in 2009, development progress in the CIS has declined
as a direct result of the global economic and financial crisis. The Millennium Develop-
ment Goals Report states that in almost all areas, the two groups of countries that are
part of the CIS – one in Asia and the other in Europe – have experienced a very differ-
ent pace of progress. These facts are in the first hand refer to Armenian society.
The peculiarity of the social conditions of women in Armenia is in the fact that their
constitutional rights are in no way inferior to those of men; legislation now as before
recognizes equal rights for all regardless of gender, age or ethnic origin. This sets Ar-
menia and the other former socialist states aside from developing countries and even
some Western nations. Moreover, the Armenian Constitution in some instances grants
women certain advantages and privileges. This has led to women surpassing men in
several social indices. Among these are educational level, social benefits, medical cov-
erage, and preferential parenthood rights.
Presently, in many areas of Armenia women make up the largest percentage of the
workforce in a number of sectors, such as the services, education, culture, health and
social work, among others. Nevertheless, this does not mean they have greater access
to managerial positions. The number of women occupying senior-level positions in the
executive branch of government, for example, is still quite limited. On the other hand,
the number of female elected officials in the parliaments and assemblies has steadily
increased in recent years.
Women mostly exercise their decision-making rights in the non-governmental organi-

zations’ sector. The number of women involvement in NGO field is quite high. But in
this field still there is lack of partnership between state bodies and NGOs.
In social practice, women remain subordinate to men in a number of issues. The Arme-
nian woman traditionally had an accessory role in the family and in society. The way
of life, popular rites, social norms and common mentality have presumed a woman’s
subordinate role in the family and to her husband. These traditions have not lost their
substance even today. For example, the possibilities for promotion are not the same for
women as they are for men and women often remain economically dependent upon
men. The overall average salary for women is less than two thirds of that of men
because of the low involvement of women in high-paid activity. Social mobility for
women is lower than for men. Women’s representation in senior civil service positions
is as low as 3 to 5%. And, women bear the burden of the so-called informal sector of
the economy, which includes assuring the functioning of the family, educating and car-
ing for the children, and the household.
Gender situation is further aggravated by low public awareness, widespread gender

stereotypes and confusion of concept of gender equality with feminism.
Women’s movement and networking is weak, too.
In the field of women political participation the quotes for women increased up to 15%.
106
In the result of 2007 elections the number of women parliamentarians increased com-
paring with 2003 elections. Anyway, the figures are not satisfied.
The quotes for women should be increased as a tool of promotion of women’s politi-
cal participation. At present, a group of active women are on the stage to promote the
increasing the women’s quotes in the Parliament.
Several surveys mention different obstacles which create the real fact of gender ineq-
uity, even having legislation which defines equality between men and women. Some of
these obstacles are:
• there is no real National Program on Women progress promotion;
• there is different understanding of political culture, which defines ‘’The policy
should be led by men’’;
• criminalization of political and economic fields;
• lack of free competition.
During the surveys, the answers of “Why men and women would like to become a par-
liamentarian?” question were different from women and men.
Most men answered “To be “a roof” of their own business, to have an authority” while
most women answered “To be able to make the policy more transparent, to change the
political atmosphere, to solve social problems”.
The number of women involved in small and medium entrepreneurship is small as the
promoting mechanisms for its development are missing. Especially for women, there
are more difficulties. The major part of micro-credit programs for women do not create
encouraging conditions: they have high percentage.
In this field it is recommended to establish micro-credits program with acceptable con-

ditions for women. International donor society could be also involved in this strategy.
In order to define and strengthen state women policy and its directions in the country,
in 1998 the Government adopted the Program principles on improving women’s status.
Afterwards the Government adopted National Program on Improving the Status of
Women and Enhancing their Role in Society, for 1998-2000. As well, since 2000 the
Council of Women Affairs by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia exists
which is just an advisory body.
In 2004 the Government adopted National Action plan on Improving the Status of
Women and Enhancing their Role in Society, for 2004-2010.
The Action Plan defines the principles, priorities, and key targets of the public policy
that is pursued to address women’s issues in the Republic of Armenia. The Action
Plan is based on the relevant provisions of the Republic of Armenia Constitution and
is targeted at the fulfillment of the UN Convention on the Discrimination of All Forms
107
of Violence against Women, the recommendations of the Fourth Beijing Conference
(1995), the documents of the Council of Europe Committee for the Equality of Rights
of Women and Men, the UN Millennium Declaration requirements, and commitments
of the Republic of Armenia under other international instruments. The Action Plan
facilitates equality of rights and opportunities for women and men, as a prerequisite to
shape a democratic, social, and legal state and civil society.
The Action Plan comprises 8 sections: • Ensuring equal rights and opportunities for
women and men in decision-making and in the social and political spheres; • Improv-
ing the Social and Economic Condition of Women; • Education Sector; • Improving
the Health Condition of Women; • Eliminating Violence against Women; • Elimination
of trafficking of women and girls; • Role of the Mass Media and Cultural Institutions
in Reporting on Women’s Issues and Building a Female Role Model; • Institutional
Reforms.
It should be mentioned that a disadvantage for promoting gender equality in the coun-
try, even the Government had adopted the National Program and Action Plan for 2004-
2010, is the fact of not to foresee any financial resources for its implementation.
• Main challenges of Women Participation are:Inadequate involvement of women in
decision-making and politics;
• Unequal participation of women and men in various spheres of social and political
life;
• Lack of willingness and finding solutions from women’s side on how to be involved
in the political process;
• Existence of public opinion “women should not be in politics”.
In order to overcome such challenges and increase the level of women participation the
state and all stakeholders should:
• Empower and encourage women to participate in political, economic and other
fields of the country;
• To work with the whole society to break down the stereotypes and make gender
solidarity, to involve different partners and stakeholders (including Mass Media)
in this action (it is also recommended to have a TV/radio program/newspaper on
promoting women participation at different levels);
• To develop new documents and Action plans on improving women participation, as
well as involving financial resources for their implementation;
• To develop laws, concepts and legislation on promoting women participation in
political, economic and other fields of the country;
• To increase the quotes for women in the parliamentarian elections;
• To make quotes for women in executive branch.
Armenian Young Women’s Association as an NGO aims to strengthen the role of young
women in all aspects of Armenian society. The activity of “Armenian Young Women’s
Association” is particularly directed to young women, and concentrates on their prob-
lems both in Yerevan and in the regions of the Republic of Armenia. AYWA works with
young women between ages from 13 to 40. According to the 5-years strategy (2008-
108
2012) the approach for women (girls) from 13-18 and 18-40 ages is different. In some
projects, AYWA gathers both women and men, thus raising the public awareness on
Women issues and building healthy atmosphere between genders.
According to 5-years strategy (2008-2012) AYWA implements the following strategic

directions:
• Young Women’s Leadership Development (the programs within this direction pro-
vide young women leadership skills, empower them as leaders at local and national
levels)
• leadership programs - schools, courses, camps for young women,
• establishing women/youth councils,
• awards for young women etc.
• Entrepreneurial and Personal Skills Development (the programs within this direc-
tion make conditions for economic participation for women)
• Economic assessment of a community, finding out fields where women could be
actively involved;
• Entrepreneurial training courses (development of business ideas – how to start and
improve business). AYWA is looking for partners to establish micro-credit founda-
tion for women.
• Quilting courses: AYWA has established quilting studios where unemployed young
women work and make different products,
• English language trainings,
• Computer trainings,
• Discussions on different subjects for women and men,
• Women’s health issues etc.
• Democracy Education (the programs within this direction promote women and men
to be open-minded and to be a part of the society)
• Civic education – Civic awareness raising tours,
• Programs for the first time voters - Electoral seminars. Young women/people don’t
participate in elections because of three main reasons – they don’t maintain their
one vote, they don’t trust in the elections results, “they are not interested in politics”.
• Human rights awareness programs,
• Gender awareness programs,
• publishing informational materials and manuals,
• cultural performances – operation of the puppet theatre which make performances
on women/youth participation and women/human rights,
• voluntary services,
• ecological initiatives.
• Exchanges (on national, regional, international levels) (the programs within this
direction make opportunities for young women to share and be shared with their ex-
periences on women’s issues with international and local partners and colleagues).
The high participation of women at the national level, in politics and government is
essential to building and sustaining democracy. Comprising over 50 percent of the
world’s population, women continue to be under-represented as voters, political lead-
109
ers and elected officials. Democracy cannot truly deliver for all of its citizens if half of
the population remains underrepresented in the political arena.
Women around the world often face daunting social, economic and political challeng-
es. For democratic governments to deliver to their constituents, they must be truly rep-
resentative, and must be equal partners in the process of democratic development. As
activists, elected officials and constituents, their contributions are crucial to building a
strong and vibrant society. It is therefore essential to support women around the world
because:
Women are strongly committed to peace building, as they often disproportionately

suffer the consequences of armed conflict. Reconstruction and reconciliation efforts
take root more quickly and are more sustainable when women are involved. By help-
ing women become participating members of a democracy, one can look to mitigate
conflicts or stop conflicts before they begin.
Women are strongly linked to positive developments in education, infrastructure and

health standards at the local level. Where rates of gender development and empower-
ment are higher, human rates of development and standards of living are also higher.
Women are particularly effective in promoting honest government. Countries where

women are supported as leaders and at the ballot box have a correspondingly low level
of corruption.
Women are highly committed to promoting national and local policies that address the
socio-economic and political challenges facing women, as well children, disadvan-
taged groups and the society wholly.
110
Maria Amparo Cruz
Empowerment and Gender Rebalancing
Empowerment & gender equality

• Enables transformation of gender roles.
• Rebalancing of the gender power dynamics.
• Bargaining of interests @ home and the workplace.
• Prerequisite for gender equality.
• Gender equality is outcome of empowerment.
• Gender equality can be measured (for example, World Economic Forum, the
Gender equality index).
Gender Equality Global Index,

(World Economic Forum, 2007)
• Sub-indexes:
• economic participation and opportunity.
• educational attainment.
• political empowerment.
• health and survival.
• For each of them, gender ratios for a total of 14 variables (such as female la-
bor force participation over male value, wage equality between women and men for
similar work (converted to female over male ratio), or female net secondary level of
enrolment over male).
• Global index was calculated for 128 countries.
• Top ten countries showing the least gender gap are (in top down ranking order),
Sweden, Norway, Finland, Iceland, New Zealand, Philippines, Germany, Den-
mark, Ireland, and Spain.
• Bottom ten countries are Oman, Egypt, Turkey, Morocco, Benin, Saudi Arabia,
Nepal, Pakistan, Chad, and Yemen (see tables 3 to 5).
Impetus for global initiatives

• Feminist approaches:
• The Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995.
• Platform for Action that includes commitments to attain global gender equality
and the empowerment of women.
• The Beijing +15 review (2010) and new challenges: climate change, food cri-
sis, violence against old women, the 2008 financial crisis.
• Human-rights based development (types of capital, changes in norms @ policy

actions).
• Women empowerment through development of capabilities.
• The 2009 Stiglitz, Sen & Fitoussi report on economic progress and social de-
111
velopment.
• But, 2008-9 stimulus public expenditures and absence of gender sensitive
spending (credit and training programs, technical assistance, income policies, social
protection interventions ).
Steps toward empowerment
• Women’s human capital: education and health care.

• Women’s rights to social protection: from social insurance and social assistance to
ending violence against women.
• Women’s economic and financial capital: property rights – right to use, usufruct,
rent, sell, inherit, transfer; access to financial resources and being eligible for
credit.
• Women’s social capital: networking, integrating, community support mechanisms
for care giving and to work, self-confidence.
• Women’s political capital: voice, participation, right to vote, right to stand for
election, right to lobby for gender equity.
• Finding common ground among a diversity of women.
Demographic trends in Latin America and the Caribbean
• Fertility rates have fallen by approximately two thirds in sixty years, from 5.9 in
1955-60 to 4.47 in 1975-80, 2.7 in 1995-2000, and 2.09 in 2010-2015 (see table
• The gap between rural and urban women is still high.
• Drop in fertility rates, increase in life expectancy, outmigration are increasing ag-
ing.
• Increase in female participation rates in labor market.
• Increase reproductive rights’ awareness and greater push for women’s autonomy.
112
Fertility, 2005-2010,
selected countries, ECLAC 2008
Cuba, Barbados 1.5
Trinidad and Tobago 1.6
Brasil, Chile 1.9
Costa Rica, Bahamas 2.0
Uruguay 2.1
México 2.2
Argentina 2.3
El Salvador, Jamaica 2.4
Colombia 2.5
Venezuela, Ecuador 2.6
Honduras 3.3
Bolivia, Haiti 3.5
Guatemala 4.2
Latin America & the Caribbean 2.3
Evidence from microfinance field work
• FINCA: Honduras and Peru.

• Pro Mujer.
• Micro Entreprise Program in Nepal.
• Major findings:
• Greater living standards and lower vulnerability.
• Greater financial autonomy.
• Greater self-confidence.
• Greater opportunities for social networking.
• Development of entrepreneurship skills and leadership.
• Need for additional institutional wide programs to reinforce women empower
ment.
Basic components for empowerment
• Access to high quality education and health care.

• Renegotiating power and bargaining relationships at home/household/co-resi-
dence.
• Access to financial resources and technical assistance.
• Support in the house.
113
• Networking.
• Social protection.
• Running for office.
Role of government and civil society

Government:
• Affirmative action policies.

• Family support programs.
• Reform public education curricula.
• Universal health care, good quality education at all levels.
• Social protection with women’s empowerment lenses.
Civil society:
• Women’s associations.
• Women in civic leadership positions.
• Women running for office.
• Vision of gender equality as requirement for socio-economic development.
Role of the private sector

Private sector:
• Affirmative action: hiring and retention.

• Increases education and training of women.
• Opportunities for the upper mobility of women.
• Leadership in senior level positions.
• Family friendly practices.
• Microfinance and banking facilities for women.
• Greater pooling, greater insurance coverage.
• Women’s participation in larger business organizations.
• Newspapers and independent press coverage.
• Research and assessment.
Role of NGOs and families
NGOs:
• Technical advise.
• Advocating and activism for women’s issues.
• Microfinance.
• Education, health care, responsible parenting, youth, intergenerational program-
ming.
• Community work.
• Assessment, define/redefine agenda.
114
Families:
• Train men to take on care giving at home.
• Train men to promote gender equality to foster socio-economic development.
Conclusions
• Women empowerment is a necessary condition for removal of barriers to gender

equality.
• Through their economic autonomy, self confidence, and rebalancing of gender
power at home and in the work place, women can become a leading social force.
• Microfinance can enhance the standard of living of women and their families by
introducing more financial stability in their households and reducing vulnerabili-
ties such as sickness and social fragmentation.
• But fragmented initiatives alone will not bring about the transformations that are
needed.
• Empowerment should become a strategy with clearly defined components and
both top-down and bottom-up impetus.
115
Julie Newton
Gender mainstreaming as a pathway to empowerment:
the case of Namibia
This paper draws on research on gender responsive natural resource management in

the context of agricultural extension in Namibia to interrogate gender mainstreaming
(GM) as a pathway towards empowerment. It addresses several of the colloquium’s
key issues, namely institutional capacity building for empowerment and making policy
responses more effective.
1. INTRODUCTION
The Beijing Platform of Action (1995) was hailed a significant victory for feminists
globally, signalling universal recognition of the importance of bringing gender centre
stage within the development agenda. The term ‘gender mainstreaming’ was introduced
as the key strategy for achieving gender equality resulting in a proliferation of govern-
ments, national and international bilateral organisations and NGOs championing it as
an essential development objective (World Bank, 2003; UN, 2002; Goetz, 1997). Ten
years later, a review84 of progress on the commitments made in the Beijing Declara-
tion and Platform of Action reported an ambivalent record and a general atmosphere of
discontent and disillusionment (Molyneux & Razavi, 2005a: 983; Molyneux & Razavi,
2005b; Moser & Moser, 2005; Molyneux, 2004). In spite of progress for women on
a number of development indicators, there has been an overall persistence and some-
times aggravation of gendered inequalities (Molyneux & Razavi, 2005ab). This has put
the success of gender mainstreaming under question causing many to argue that gender
mainstreaming is in crisis and had failed to shift policy “in favour of women’s empow-
erment” (Eyben, 2010:54). With the recent establishment the UN-Women gender entity
and the start of Beijing Plus Fifteen, gender equality and women’s empowerment have
re-emerged as serious policy goals. This has put gender mainstreaming back under
the spotlight and raised important questions about the overall value of policy change
leading towards womens’ empowerment. In particular, the tensions between the trans-
formative and instrumentalist (integrationist) agenda of GM have been highlighted as
a key area of concern.
This paper argues there is a need to move beyond the debate of whether GM should be
transformative or instrumentalist/integrationist that implicitly assumes that the former
is ‘good’ and the latter is ‘bad’. Rather, the reality is far more complex and we need to
be open to the potential contradictions; particularly when progress is being achieved
through an instrumentalist approach. In response, I argue that there is a need to fo-
cus on revisiting existing examples of gender mainstreaming implementation in order
84 Gender Equality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal World, UNRISD, 2005
116
to identify practically what it means for women’s empowerment. Moser and Moser
(2005) note that there has been a lack of research on understanding the outcomes and
impact of implementation of gender mainstreaming on the ground. As a result, there
is a need to dismantle the various processes of change and understand these in context
(Subrahmanian, 2004). This paper explores these issues in the context of gender main-
streaming in Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Rural Development (MAWRD) in
Namibia. It argues that more attention should be given to the implementation of gender
mainstreaming with special attention towards the roles that institutions and organisa-
tions (i.e. their structures, practices, norms and cultures) have in enforcing this process
of social change). A key conclusion of the research was that policy makers should fo-
cus more on how development intervention is internalised at the development interface
to allow more local and relevant strategies against vulnerability to evolve that are more
inclusive to all members of communities.
The paper begins with a brief overview of the key debates on gender mainstream-
ing more generally and then focuses on gender mainstreaming within Namibia. The
discussion then turns to a detailed exploration of the difficulties of translating policy
into practice through the case study of the MAWRD with a focus on the Farming Sys-
tems and Research and Extension (FSRE) approach, gender training and monitoring
mechanisms in place. It concludes with a discussion of the implications of the latter
for gender mainstreaming and details some initial policy recommendations specific to
Namibia and gender mainstreaming more generally.
2. Gender mainstreaming at an impasse: what is the debate?
Gender mainstreaming is used to describe both the process of institutionalising gender

equality within the development context (Goetz, 1997) and the strategy of assessing the
effects of policies on women and men through gender planning (Saunders, 2002; Bell
et al, 2002; UNDP, 2000, 2003; Byrne et al, 1996; UN, 1997). Under the influence of
Gender and Development (GAD), gender mainstreaming is interpreted as seeking to
produce “transformatory processes and practices that will concern, engage and benefit
women and men equally by systematically integrating explicit attention to issues of sex
and gender into all aspects of an organisation’s work” (Woodford-Berger, 2004:66).
This redirected attention away from increasing women’s participation towards looking
for ways to transform the development agenda itself.
There is a general consensus that gender equality concerns can be mainstreamed in

two interdependent ways: integrationist and transformative or agenda setting (Ja-
han, 1995; Mukhopadhyay, 2004; Kanji, 2003). An ‘integrationist’ approach focus-
es on the supply side (or technical side) of GM by ensuring that “gender equality
concerns are integrated in the analysis of problems faced by the particular sector”
which is then used to inform policy and practice using targets that are measured us-
ing a range of sophisticated monitoring and evaluation tools, frameworks and check-
117
lists (Mukhopadhyay, 2004: 96). The latter stem from the rigorous academic and
theoretical background of GAD advocates who intended to strengthen technical85
capacity to enforce the incorporation of gender equality concerns into all aspects of
development policy and practice (Mukhopadhyay, 2004).
In contrast, the ‘transformative’ approach focuses on changing the development agen-

da itself by creating the demand for change with the introduction of women’s concerns
in relation to their position86. This involves a deeper understanding of the context in
which this change is to be enforced such as state-society relationships, political society
characteristics and the influence of international development and financial institutions
on policy making and practice (Mukhopadhyay, 2004). This moves GM beyond a tech-
nical exercise to include a political process whereby agendas, institutions and organisa-
tions are changed; analysis shifts towards relations of power and inequality rather than
gender roles; and intervention is broadened beyond projects to include programmes,
partnerships, policy processes and agencies themselves (Kanji, 2003).
To date, most attempts to mainstream gender have focused on using an integration-

ist approach as it has proved to be more readily acceptable by development institu-
tions because advocates have stressed the instrumental argument that gender main-
streaming can further other official development priorities (Mukhopadhyay, 2004).
As a result it is sometimes also called the ‘instrumentalist’ argument for gender
mainstreaming. Enforcing a ‘transformative’ approach has proved much more dif-
ficult because it challenges the very foundations of the institutions and organi-
sations delegated with this responsibility. In spite of the widespread recognition
of the importance of incorporating gender equity concerns, the task of translat-
ing the inherently political nature of GM (i.e. the project of social transformation)
into practice has not been easy and has proved to be the main source of discontent87
for feminists and gender and development advocates (Molyneux & Razavi, 2005ab;
Moser & Moser, 2005, Cornwall et al, 2004).
A key criticism is that the ‘political project’ (i.e. the transformative dimension) of gender
mainstreaming has been diluted because of the manner in which it has been approached
(Cornwall et al, 2004; Mukhopadhyay, 2004; Standing, 2004; Molyneux, 2004). Some
state that GM has been reduced to a ‘technical fix’ through the proliferation of tools,
approaches and frameworks and the ‘professionalisation of gender and development’88
which has simplified the complexity of gender and loosened its links to feminism
85 The technical often refers to the processes of planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies, programmes and projects. It further
refers to how to get things done in a specific timeframe and with set objectives. It relies on models, frameworks and tools for getting things done”
(Mukhopadhyay, 2004: 102).
86 These are often referred to as strategic gender interests that are identified through women’s unequal access to power relations (Molyneux, 1985;
Moser, 1993)
87 This discontent has been voiced in the recent review of the Beijing Platform of Action and Beijing Declaration at an intergovernmental meeting
(Beijing Plus Ten) held in New York organised by the UN’s Commission on the Status of Women (Molyneux & Razavi, 2005ab). The disillusion with
GM is also well documented in the recent IDS Bulletin titled “Repositioning feminisms in development” (2004).
88 Used by Win (2004) to describe how new people are given responsibility of gender mainstreaming when they have not been part of feminist analy-
sis, and therefore approach the work as technocrats, rather then engaging with the politics of the issue. It is also used to describe the growing trend of
young professionals making a career in providing consultancy advice on gender and development.
118
(Cornwall et al, 2004, Mukhopadhyay, 2004; Subrahmanian, 2004; Standing, 2004).
Although the tools stem from a rigorous academic background, Mukhopadhyay (2004)
argues that there are no institutional mechanisms for checking failures. Perhaps more
damming is the claim that in the absence of mechanisms of accountability, GM has
become a technical exercise without political outcomes (Mukhopadhyay, 2004: 1000).
Others claim there is a general fatigue with gender and women’s programmes, and crit-
icisms that institutions are just paying frequent lip service to GM with little attention
to what it means or how to do it (Molyneux, 2004). Some blame this on the top down
nature in how it has been approached, particularly when it is driven by external donors
and consultants (Subrahmanian, 2004) whilst others blame the reliance on sector bu-
reaucracies (Standing, 2004). The result is that GM has become perceived elusive and
nebulous (Woodford-Berger, 2004) lacking a clear agenda of transformative action,
thus producing diverse strategies to mainstreaming based on patchy understandings of
what these processes are meant to achieve (Subrahmanian, 2004). Today, the debate
has shifted to a focus on whether the success of GM should be determined by its abil-
ity to work within existing paradigms and structures or to change them (Eyben, 2010).
Eyben (2010:55) summaries this tension in two key questions below:
• “Is it possible to secure the desired policy action by ‘infusing’ gender into exist-
ing ways of doing and organising things-and by so doing to incrementally secure
real gains for women?
• “Or will transformative policies for women’s empowerment only be achieved
through discursive and organisational transformation?”
Eyben (2010) notes that the key GM strategy adopted to date is instrumentalist whereby
the focus has been upon offering incentives and new procedures rather than changing
power relations, discourses and values. This approach, which can be considered inte-
grationist, has caused concern amongst feminists because of the view that the political
vision at the heart of GM has been co-opted and neutralised. However, my research
illustrates that the situation is not so clear-cut and that important progress can be made
through an integrationist approach. Often, such an approach can be an important pre-
cursor for transformative change.
3. Institutionalisation of gender within the Ministry of Agriculture, Water and

Rural Development (MAWRD)
The rise of gender equality discourse within the MAWRD cannot be understood without
situating it within the broader policy environment following independence in Namibia
in 1990. Post independence` Namibia made concentrated efforts to overcome gender
inequalities of the past originating from an inherently pre-colonial patriarchal society
that were perpetuated during the period of colonial rule by the Germans and the South
politics of the issue. It is also used to describe the growing trend of young professionals making a career in providing consultancy advice on gender
and development.
119
Africans. Specific attention was given to overcoming inequality caused by the legacy
of racism and sexism enforced during South African rule resulting in the implementa-
tion of the Namibian Constitution (Cooper, 1997; Iipinge & LeBeau, 1997; Marcus &
Baden, 1992; Hubbard, 2001). Its emphasis on human rights, calls for equality of all
persons and prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of sex (Article 10) gained it
the label of “one of the most democratic in Africa and the World” (Bauer, 2001: 37)
and one of the few constitutions in the world couched in gender-neutral language with
an explicit prohibition of gender based discrimination (Hubbard, 2000; Cooper, 1997).
Gender equality came to the forefront of the Namibian development agenda af-
ter CEDAW (Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against
Women) in 1981, which was later reinforced by the Beijing Platform of Action in
1995 (UN, 2002). This legally bound Namibia to “promote an active and vis-
ible policy of mainstreaming a gender perspective in all policies and programmes
so that, before decisions are taken, an analysis is made of the effects on wom-
en and men, respectively” (Beijing Platform for Action, 1995, para 79). The lat-
ter together with the support of the State President and the ruling political party89
resulted in the creation of a national women’s machinery90 in the form of the Depart-
ment of Women Affairs (DWA) under the Office of the President in 1991 which was
later transformed into the Ministry of Women Affairs and Child Welfare in 2000 (Mar-
cus & Baden, 1992). These played a key role in enforcing the National Gender Policy
(1997) and National Gender Plan of Action (1998) which culminated in the allocation
of gender focal points91 within each line Ministry with the responsibility of overseeing
that all policies and programmes within their respective Ministries and governmental
institutions at national, regional and local levels are gender focused. This set the scene
for the implementation of numerous policies with the conviction that gender equality
achieved through a process of gender mainstreaming was a prerequisite for sustainable
development, as was recognised by the MAWRD.
Although the prevailing policy context was important, Figure 1 demonstrates that the
driving forces for the institutionalisation of gender within the MAWRD were: the Na-
tional Agricultural Policy (NAP), intervention from the FAO and creation of gender
mainstreaming structures mediated by key individuals.
89 SWAPO: South West African People’s Organisation

90 These are institutions allocated with the responsibility for supporting the mainstreaming of a gender equality perspective in all policy areas (UN,
1995)
91 Gender focal points are allocated for each Ministry to oversee that all policies and programmes developed in the Ministries and other governmental
institutions and bodies at national, regional and local levels are gender focused (National Gender Policy, 1997)
120
Figure 1: Institutionalisation of gender within Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Rural
Development
Source: Newton (2006)
This overall context resulted in extensive efforts to move towards gender responsive
agricultural extension through a Farming System and Research Extension (FSRE) ap-
proach promoting participation of all farmers within the communal lands of Namibia
in which the majority of the rural population, who are female and dependent on agri-
culture, reside.
121
The NAP (1995) was considered a ‘unique’ document at its time of publication be-
cause of its focus on the “plight of the poor and vulnerable in both the communal and
commercial set-up, obliging key stakeholders to adopt gender sensitive approaches”
(Awases, 1997: 88). Although it was formulated with the overall aim of increasing ag-
ricultural productivity, real farm incomes and national and household food security, it
gave specific emphasis to recognising women as “farmers in their own right” and the
need to reorientate agricultural extension to “take gender issues fully into account” to
develop “gender-specific strategies for increased household food security (NAP, 1995:
iii).This represented explicit recognition of the necessity of addressing the needs of the
majority of the Namibian rural population, who are female and dependent on agricul-
ture. While it was embedded within WID terminology that linked sustainable develop-
ment to the integration of women its potential implications for women were significant
considering the NAP was the “guiding document” for the whole Ministry.
At the national level, the NAP together with support from the Food and Agricultural
Organisation (FAO) resulted in numerous programmes to train agricultural extension
staff at multiple levels in the basics of gender responsive extension92. This was sup-
ported by the creation of gender mainstreaming structures (Gender Unit and Associa-
tion for Gender in Agricultural Development) at the national headquarters to facilitate
gender mainstreaming throughout the MAWRD. The latter was heavily influenced by
the Deputy Director of the Division of Rural Development Planning who was the des-
ignated ‘Gender Focal Point’ for the MAWRD and the coordinator for the FAO proj-
ects. She had a pivotal role in the incorporation of gender concerns within the NAP and
additional gender mainstreaming structures within the MAWRD. Often the agency of
key individuals within these bureaucratic structures is ignored. Yet, their manoeuvr-
ing of organisational structures highlight how important transformative goals can be
achieved through more subversive means (Eyben, 2010).
4. Translating gender mainstreaming policy into practice
In spite of the institutionalisation of gender within agricultural policy exemplified

through the creation of specific structures and programmes, the translation of its goals
into practice has been hampered by structural and conceptual issues. The research re-
vealed the following as the most problematic areas of implementation: incorporation
within the FSRE approach, gender training and the monitoring mechanisms in place.
These will now be discussed in turn and are summarised in Figure 1 in the Appendix.
4.1. Internalisation of gender responsive agricultural extension at the local level.
The transition towards a more gender responsive agricultural extension sig-

nalled the adoption of a Farming System and Research Extension (FSRE)93
92 “Training for the integration of women in agriculture and rural development” funded by the FAO and “Improving information on women’s contribu-
tion to agricultural production for gender sensitive planning” funded by the Norwegian government.
122
approach within Namibia. This advocated that agricultural research should be carried
out by extension workers with farmers (i.e. as a learning process), as opposed to limit-
ed interaction with farmers and on-station based research, to develop new technologies
that were directly in line with the needs of farmers identified by themselves (Vigne &
Oates, 1992; Cornwall et al, 1994). At the time of the research, the FSRE approach was
implemented through two interdependent channels in North Central Namibia: Farming
Systems and Research Extension (FSRE) Unit at divisional headquarters and Farm-
ing Systems and Extension (FSE) teams spread throughout the four regions94 of North
Central. The FSRE Unit combines the expertise of a small group of specialist research-
ers from Directorate of Agricultural Research and Training (DART) with the technical
training of the Directorate of Extension and Engineering Services (DEES) to develop
new technologies that is then disseminated through FSE teams.
FSE teams are the main form of extension that relies on a tripartite relationship be-
tween farmers, Agricultural Extension Technicians (AETS) and Farmer Extension De-
velopment (FED) groups. Over fifty AETs operate from Agricultural Rural Develop-
ment Centres (ARDCs) dispersed throughout North Central and are responsible for
assisting the identification of farmer’s objectives and needs, disseminating technical
options regarding cultivation and livestock issues and monitoring the adoption of new
technologies (Midgard 3, 2000). AETs also organise exposure trips, disperse trial seeds
and conduct demonstrations on new agricultural technologies such as drought tolerant
seeds or new ploughing technologies. Although information and new technologies are
passed through a variety of means ranging from individual visits to homesteads to open
meetings with communities, the main mechanism of information transfer is intended to
be through the FED groups.
FED groups consist of groups of farmers (both women and men) selected by the com-
munity to work closely with the AET through demos and trials and are responsible
for transmitting information to the rest of the community through open meetings. Ap-
proximately 300 FED groups were in existence within North Central at the time of
research (FSRE Task Force, 2001). Working with groups is perceived to be more par-
ticipatory and an effective way of fostering community based organisations to facilitate
the “delivery of extension and other supportive services, and ultimately contribute to
broader empowerment objectives” (Vigne, 1997: 14). FED groups also alleviate the
multiple tasks of the AETs by taking over some of the dissemination responsibilities.
FED group members are intended to become key sources of agricultural information
and advice for the rest of the community in order to take over the responsibilities of
AETs and increase the overall efficiency of extension by reaching more farmers (i.e.
increasing accessibility). Information on farmer’s needs is then fed back to the FSRE
93 The FSRE approach emerged within the development arena during the 1970s with the rise of populist approaches as a more ‘sustainable’ and ‘par-
ticipatory’ alternative to the ‘Transfer of Technology’ approach adopted during the Green Revolution (Whiteside, 1998; Scoones & Thompson, 1994).
It was valued because it recognised the “diversity and complexity of the small holder farming system” including appreciation of the agro-ecological
context in which agriculture takes place (Whiteside, 1998: 19).
94 Oshana, Ohangwena, Omusati, Oshikoto
123
unit to inform the development of new agricultural technologies which will eventu-
ally be disseminated back to farmers through the FSE teams. AETs and FED groups
are consequently key components of agricultural extension because they constitute the
‘development interface’ between agricultural policy at the national (macro) scale and
people at the grassroots (micro) level. It is through these channels that a more gender
responsive agricultural extension is intended to be delivered. In practice, the research
revealed that this did not take place due to difficulties with understanding the concept
of gender and the implementation of FSRE itself.
Key respondents involved in agricultural extension on the ground in North Central

confessed they had a general understanding of the gendered division of labour and its
effect on agricultural production, but lacked a ‘deep understanding’ of the power dy-
namics between men and women that ultimately influence who benefits from various
agricultural interventions introduced through agricultural extension. This analysis is
purportedly left to academics or foreign consultants that often leave the country with
limited feedback when their projects end. Rarely, is the information used to inform
future policy making and consequently hinders the appropriate conceptual understand-
ing of what is meant by gender and how it can facilitate more responsive agricultural
intervention.
The research revealed that although the new approach to agricultural extension was
meeting women’s practical gender needs in their roles as food producers (i.e. provid-
ing access to improved seeds), it was not addressing strategic gender interests through
a significant transformative impact that challenges women’s unequal access to pow-
er and resources (Newton, 2006). To some extent, this can be attributed to problems
with the internalisation of the FSRE approach at the local level (Newton, 2006). The
MAWRD’s interpretation of a ‘participatory’ FSRE approach involved AETs work-
ing closely with Farmer Extension Development (FED) groups95 who were supposed
to disseminate their knowledge to other farmers within the community. Contrary to
the intended channels of agricultural extension implementation, the research revealed
that this transfer of knowledge between these different actors was hampered by weak
linking and bridging social capital networks96 (Woolcock, 1998; Pelling, 2003; Pretty,
2003) which are summarised in Figure 2 overleaf.
In summary, a key constraint was the failure of AETs to recognise how gendered re-
sponsibilities in the field and household were key constraints to women’s abilities to
take advantage of agricultural extension services. Moreover, the FED groups were fail-
ing to disseminate information from the AETs as intended and interrupted the feed-
back mechanisms between AETs, farmers and the FED groups. In practice, information
95 Farmer Extension Development (FED) groups consist of groups of farmers (both women and men) selected by the community to work closely with
the AET through demonstrations and trials and they are responsible for transmitting information to the rest of the community through open meetings.
96 Bridging social capital consists of the weaker and more cross-cutting relationships between people within and outside a community (i.e. between
neighbours and friends in the same village or in other localities). Linking social capital refers to the hierarchical relationships between people of dif-
ferent status of power. Tends to be used to describe the patron-client relationship between community based organisations and NGOs or governmental
bodies (Woolcock, 1998; Pelling, 2003; Pretty, 2003).
124
was being shared through more informal and ad hoc mechanisms such as visits to the
church, local shops and homes). This finding supports Cleaver’s (2001a) observation
that there is a danger that imposed committees and groups can serve as ‘empty shells ‘
as the more meaningful participation takes place outside of these spaces. This suggests
that policymakers should pay more attention to how interventions are internalised and
supports the argument that it is the more partial and intermittent forms of daily interac-
tions that are arguably more effective mechanism for information exchange that could
focus on gender (Cleaver, 2001).
Figure 2: Agricultural Extension in Namibia
Of far greater significance is the fact that the MAWRD’s adaptation of the FSRE ap-
proach as outlined earlier is not as ‘participatory’ and ‘responsive’ to the diverse needs
of female and male farmers. This dilemma is not entirely new and has been explored
within broader criticisms of the integration of participatory approaches within main-
stream development (Cooke & Kothari, 2001). This exposes a fundamental paradox at
the heart of the FSRE approach: how can it be responsive to the needs of both women
and men if it does not understand these differences to start with? This highlights the
125
crucial importance of understanding the roles, responsibilities and mandates of the
organisations and institutions involved in the implementation of gender responsive ap-
proaches. It also suggests that there is a need to collect accurate gender disaggregated
data prior to intervention.
In this case, structural and organisational difficulties related to the way that the FSRE
approach is implemented at the local level are largely to blame. The involvement of
two directorates in the FSRE unit has created the problem of ‘double line of command’,
whereby the Agricultural Extension Officers under DEES and Agricultural Research
Officers (ARO) under DART are accountable to different directorates with different
guidelines and priorities. This has been exacerbated by poor communication between
the FSRE Unit and the AETs preventing valuable information gathered from regular in-
teraction with farmers from being ‘fed back’ to inform future technology development.
Poor collaboration between the two directorates has hindered new technology devel-
opment within the FSRE unit by creating internal struggles when deciding what areas
of research are performed. This has implications to what forms of technology are dis-
seminated to farmers. It comes as no surprise, that considering these dynamics, that the
implementation of gender responsive agricultural extension is problematic considering
‘gender’ is not a high priority of DART. This reinforces Mukhopadhyay’s (2004:100)
argument that it is a “near impossible task” to integrate gender equality concerns into
policy agendas when it is not their mandate to commence with. This highlights the im-
portance of understanding the context and the dynamic relationships and interactions
between existing structures and organisations tasked with gender mainstreaming and
how this fits with the overall mandate of the line Ministry. This is essential in order to
understand how a gender responsive approach can be implemented. It also alludes to
the value of an integrationist approach as an important precursor for a transformative
approach that will ultimately lead to the empowerment of women.
4.2. Gender training: quick fix or transformative process?
At the time of research, gender training was the main mechanism of raising gender
awareness within all aspects of the MAWRD’s work. However, with the exception of
a report commissioned by the Association for Gender in Agricultural Development
AGAD, there has been little assessment or monitoring of its overall effectiveness97.
A key finding was that many of the original ‘master’ trainers from the FAO projects
were not being utilised by their supervisors to train other agricultural extension tech-
nicians within their respective regions. Because they did not have ‘gender training’ in
their terms of reference and were not paid for any gender training they undertook, there
was little incentive to commit time and energy to training workshops. Even if they
wished to conduct training, they had limited time because of the responsibilities that
97 The Gender Training Impact Assessment Report’ (2002) was completed after the fieldwork period and had not yet been distributed to the main
stakeholders. Its preliminary findings provided valuable insights into the constraints of gender mainstreaming.
126
were included in their job description.
Although the AGAD report claims that there is a supportive “institutional context” for
gender mainstreaming from senior management (i.e. supervisors, deputy directors etc),
my research revealed the contrary in North Central. Those who had been trained to
become ‘gender trainers’ claimed that it was “uncomfortable” or “not good” for junior
staff to train senior staff on ‘sensitive’ issues such as gender. As a result, there have
been few gender sensitisation courses organised by existing master trainers for both
senior staff and AETs within North Central. When these do take place, most senior
staff send their female deputies because of the perception that ‘gender’ is a ‘women’s
issue’. This problem was also highlighted by the consultants involved in the FAO proj-
ects who reported that attendance to gender sensitisation workshops organised for se-
nior level policy makers and supervisors was poor. My research also revealed poor
collaboration between the Division of Training under DART and other divisions and
directorates within the MAWRD was resulting in an ad hoc approach to gender train-
ing. Although supervisors and directors across the Ministry are responsible for “spear-
heading” gender training, a key respondent revealed that there is little incentive to do
so unless the directive came from top level management, partly because it is perceived
as a “woman’s thing” and also because the Division itself has no specific mandate over
gender training. This suggests that internal power dynamics within the Ministry and
the personal attitudes of senior management can either act as a catalyst or obstacle
for gender mainstreaming within their respective divisions and directorates. Often the
politicised nature of these institutions is ignored by external stakeholders (i.e. donors
and consultants) seeking to enforce the transformative agenda of gender mainstream-
ing (Standing, 2004; Subrahmanian, 2004; Razavi, 1997).
These findings suggest that the structural and organisational problems outlined above
are not mutually exclusive from broader conceptual difficulties with the term gender
itself. Gender training does not necessarily guarantee that someone has either under-
stood that gender is not exclusively about ‘women’ or grasped its transformative agen-
da. Often this is down to the use of Eurocentric or technical terms with little relevance
to local realities; hence the importance of locally specific case study examples that re-
late to the reality of the implementers lives and work. This explains why the “support”
of supervisory staff is essential for legitimising and authorising gender mainstreaming
and “overseeing” the activities of “frontline extension” as this is where gender respon-
sive agricultural extension is “put into practice”. For example, this research revealed
that many AETs believe that it is not their responsibility to ‘preach’ about gender equal-
ity as it is considered a ‘woman’s issue’ and consequently the “job” of the Ministry of
Women Affairs and Child Welfare. Alternatively, those who have been trained may not
be “confident enough” because it can be likened to “attacking peoples’ cultural roots
and what people believe in”. This resonates with Porter and Smyth’s (1998) emphasis
on how gender training is often perceived as a ‘quick fix’ technical solution rather than
a ‘transformative’ process involving a fundamental change in attitudes amongst the
127
trainer and receiver that ultimately affects how gender is understood and implemented.
This supports the earlier work of Goetz (1995ab) who emphasised that the gendered
nature of institutions themselves (and also the beliefs of the actors within them) re-
quires fundamental change if gender equity is to be achieved.
Further analysis revealed that an additional factor explaining why the transformative
goals of gender training was not being fulfilled was because it has been approached
in a way that has perpetuated the view that gender is a necessary “add on” to secure
funding and meet the requirements of international forums and agreements as well as
national policies such as the National Agricultural Policy and National Gender Policy.
This reinforces the argument that it is the top down way in which external actors have
imposed change which is largely to blame (Subrahmanian, 2004). Indeed, the first FAO
supported project was a response to a more general request for assistance to reorientate
its extension services to be more responsive to needs of small-scale farmers. This has
also contributed to the view that gender equality is prerequisite for getting development
‘right’ for women, thus causing policy makers to equate gender with a woman’s issue.
The emphasis on visible outputs also fails to appreciate the length of time required to
tackle what is essentially a ‘taboo’ subject embedded in cultural attitudes and norms of
behaviour. Clearly, bilateral organisations have a significant role over the institution-
alisation of gender. However, their involvement can create potential problems for the
long-term sustainability of gender mainstreaming. This highlights the importance of
problematising the way in gender is used.
4.3 Monitoring mechanism: Gender mainstreaming structures operating inside a

vacuum
Gender mainstreaming structures within the MAWRD at the national level faced a
number of difficulties underpinned by the incompatibility of a gender responsive par-
ticipatory approach to agricultural extension with the conventional hierarchy of top
down planning of the MAWRD as whole.
The research revealed that the ability of the Gender Unit to fulfil its designated role
was constrained by a shortage of staff in relation to its responsibilities and the overall
size of the MAWRD. This has restricted its main activities to the national level and has
hindered efforts to operate at the meso and micro levels. This is further exacerbated
by poor cross-sectoral linkages and overall lack of coordination between the various
directorates within the Ministry
However, its greatest constraint is inherently related to its low status within the MAWRD
as a whole. Its legitimacy is compromised because of its position within the Division
of Rural Development that is considered an “anomaly” according to key informants
because of the crosscutting nature of its activities that overlap with those of other di-
rectorates within MAWRD and other line Ministries. These factors combined have
128
served to erode its status and authority, causing it to ‘operate in a vacuum’ with limited
ability to enforce change. Indeed, key respondents within the various directorates of
MAWRD at senior level were not even aware of the Gender Unit’s existence let alone
the Gender Focal Point. This is not an uncommon situation. Often, these positions are
allocated to personnel at low levels of the bureaucratic hierarchy, thus making it dif-
ficult to impose orders on more senior personnel (Phillips, 1999). Although the posi-
tion was given to someone with authority (i.e. Deputy Director) within the MAWRD,
she still experienced difficulties interacting with senior management and enforcing
the inclusion of gender sensitive approaches. These difficulties have their roots in the
‘newness’ of the concept of ‘gender’ where many remain unclear about its implications
and regard gender mainstreaming as an attempt to ‘include’ women or meet NGO and
bilateral organisation’s funding requirements as discussed earlier. However, it is im-
portant not to disregard the progress that these key individuals have made within their
own bureaucracies which can be environments hostile to social change (Subrahmanian,
2004; Eyben, 2010). Their roles as intermediaries are often a vital ingredient to gender
mainstreaming. Indeed, Eyben (2010) notes that insufficient attention has been given
to the actors and agency of individuals who have developed innovative strategies to
manoeuvre and negotiate the dynamic institutional landscape of gender mainstream-
ing. This is also supported by Subrahmanian (2004) who adds that there is a need to
stop criticising the women within gender machineries who serve as intermediaries and
fight battles within their own bureaucracies.
It has also been difficult for the relatively young Ministry of Women Affairs and Child
Welfare to enforce politically challenging legislation onto other Ministries that are
larger and older. These difficulties can also be traced to the sectoralisation and com-
partmentalisation of gender mainstreaming through various structures such as the Gen-
der Focal Points and the Ministry of Women Affairs and Child Welfare whose name
itself reinforces the myth that gender is a ‘woman’s issue’. Byrne et al (1996) and Bell
et al (2002) add that this is reinforced by the way in which these structures tend to be
“ghettoised” within social and welfare sectors. Paradoxically, the focus on ‘integrating’
women has detracted from the fact that gender is a “cross cutting analytical” concept
which can help various institutions or directorates within the MAWRD to “understand”
their “subject matter” or “sector”.
These observations support a growing literature highlighting the problematic way in

which ‘gender’ is used within gender training and mainstreaming initiatives (El Bush-
ra, 2000; Frischmuth, 1997; Cornwall 2003). Often, gender is ‘grafted’ onto existing
institutional structures (Moser, 1993: 137) without taking into account the “deeply
entrenched attitudes and stereotypes about gender differences held by both those who
are trained and the decision makers at policy implementation level” (Kabeer, 1994:
265). In this case, effective gender training is conditional on the support and attitudes
of individual senior supervisors and the individual motivations and opinions of the
receivers themselves (i.e. AETs). This highlights the fundamental paradox of gender
129
mainstreaming attempts in Namibia in the respect that the very structures, which were
created to introduce gender responsive approaches to development, are hindering its
progress. It also raises important questions about GM more generally where critics are
questioning whether it is unrealistic to rely on institutions with little ability to enforce
change (Standing, 2004). In other words, should we be relying on bureaucracies, or are
the pathways for transformation and therefore empowerment more successfully car-
ried out by institutions external to bureaucracy such as civil society?
Exploring the agency of actors beyond the state has been a key emphasis of the Path-
ways of Women’s Empowerment Research Programme Consortium (RPC)98. They ar-
gue for the need to focus on the lived realities of women’s lives (Cornwall & Edwards,
2010). RPC makes the case for exploring the ‘hidden pathways’ of women’s empower-
ment which it characterises as what “women are doing for and by themselves to bring
about changes in their own and other women’s lives” (ibid, 1). Key dimensions and
dilemmas concerning the empowerment of women raised by the programme are sum-
marised in Box 1 below. These could be used as entry points to think about additional
pathways for women’s empowerment.
Box 1: Hidden pathways to empowerment
Context: Empowerment is contingent and contextual. Context is crucial for making

sense of empowerment. This includes the historical shifts in societal and cultural norms
and practices, economic and political institutions, the role of state, and role of women’s
institutions.
Choice: Empowerment is not just about enlarging boundaries of action, it is about

extending the horizons of possibility of what people imagine themselves being able
to be and do. It is simplistic to assume a linear connection between choice, action and
outcome. Actions presumed to lead to empowerment can sustain women’s unequal
situation. What constitutes a potentially empowering ‘choice’ is context specific.
Narratives: How women are portrayed in literature, religion and the media deeply
affects how they are perceived and treated. Notions of what a ‘good girl’ or ‘good
women’ are powerful narratives.
Relationships matter: Mainstream empowerment narratives tend to neglect relation-

ships, focusing on individual women’s trajectories of self-improvement or on the bigger
picture of society-wide economic change. But women’s lived experiences of empower-
ment cannot be understood adequately by approaches that atomise women, abstracting
them from the social and intimate relations that constrain and make possible their em-
powerment or disempowerment. Need to look at women in the context of the relational
webs that constitute their social and economic lives. Research has noted the ‘power
with’ that comes from being embedded in kin and community relationships (primarily
with women) often give the power to act. Strategic importance for feminist action of
130
a multilayered constituency of potential allies, located within, as well as outside gov-
ernment and other agencies for policymaking and implementation. It is relationships
rather than assets that bring about the kind of changes associated with ‘empowerment’-
such as growth in self-confidence, capabilities and consciousness and capacity to act
collectively to demand rights and recognition.
Voice: Need to explore in more detail which women are beneficiaries of empowerment
interventions, who they represent and what they voice. Need to look at the different
arenas in which women’s voices are elicited and listened to, and think critically about
the extent to which opportunities to participate and influence in one arena are translated
into broader willingness on the part of powerful institutions to listen to women. Need
to look at different spaces in which women’s voices are articulated.
Negotiation: Seeing empowerment as a process of negotiation- one that may consist of

subtle acts that increase women’s room for manoeuvre as well as the overt exercise of
agency- opens up the possibility of recognising the ‘empowering’ elements of acts that
might at first sight appear ‘disempowering’. Empowerment emerged as something that
is less about clear-cut choices that are transformed into actions and outcomes, but more
something that is at once more provisional and dynamic. Contestation may provide
women less scope for the exercise of agency than tactical accommodation and indeed
compromise; choices that transgress societal norms may be especially hard to make,
with risks that are particularly high for women who can least afford to take them. It is
often necessary to work within existing strictures to achieve some positive gains, with
the hope that these may eventually ripple out and bring about wider changes.
Source: Cornwall & Edwards (2010) Pathways of Women’s Empowerment Re-

search Programme Consortium
5. “Policy doesn’t drive actions”: A discussion
In spite of the policies and structures in place dedicated to gender mainstreaming, the
experience of the MAWRD has demonstrated that these are not enough to guarantee
a transformative gender sensitive approach to agricultural extension on the ground.
As one informant noted, “Policy doesn’t drive actions”. Rather, the research suggests
that the current approach has been one that is best described as integrationist with
mixed results. Efforts to mainstream gender at the time of research served to perpetu-
ate uncertainty and misunderstanding of what GM entails and who is responsible for
implementing it. As a result, many continue to equate it with making women visible
rather than challenging the power relations underpinning gendered inequalities, thus
undermining the transformative agenda of gender mainstreaming. This raises broader
concerns about gender mainstreaming itself and whether it can be considered a path-
way towards empowerment.
131
Yet, by taking a deeper look at what is happening in context, the research revealed
that we should not be quick to dismiss what has been achieved, even if the approach
has largely been integrationist. Indeed, the case study of gender mainstreaming within
the Namibian MAWRD has revealed that the dualism between transformative and in-
tegrationist is not so clear-cut. By exploring the reality and context in which GM has
been implemented within the MAWRD, the paper has demonstrated the value of un-
derstanding the roles and responsibilities of the structures and organisations in place
(and their practices) and the spaces in which they operate. In doing so, it has responded
to Razavi’s (1997) call to look at the context in which organizational politics impose
political imperatives and institutional constraints that impede gender mainstreaming.
By focusing on implementation and how policy is internalised at different levels, this
paper has revealed the importance of acknowledging how the integrationist and trans-
formative dimensions of GM are fundamentally linked. Indeed, Eyben (2010: 60) ar-
gues that the “…contradictions between the instrumentalist and transformative agen-
das can be managed by using the instrumentalist agenda to make the status quo case
for mainstreaming, while hoping and working towards more transformational goals,
concerning which the activist stays silent except with co-conspirators”. This is also
emphasised by Cornwall and Edwards (2010) who recognise the need to work within
existing structures in order to gain some positive results that may ‘ripple out’ to secure
more transformative change.
There is much we can still learn from revisiting past attempts to mainstream gender.
By focusing on the interface of gender mainstreaming, we will be better equipped to
understand areas of opportunity and constraint; learn from where we have gone wrong
which in turn can feed into suggestions for more effective GM which is context specif-
ic. In some circumstances, this may mean that we have to think about policy and social
change in a way that “embraces rather than ignores the contradictions” and celebrates
the “outflanking manoeuvres” and improvisation of actors within the gender machinery
(Eyben, 2010: 60). This supports the work of a small group of gender and development
advocates who acknowledge the importance of situating the process of GM within
the realities or contexts in which implementers have to work (Razavi, 1997; Stand-
ing, 2004; Beall & Todes, 2004; Kanji, 2003; Moser & Moser, 2005). This involves
an exploration of the policy domain and how gender and development advocates en-
gage with it (Standing, 2004). With the exception of the work of Razavi (1997), Levy
(1996), Menon-Sen (1999), Beall & Todes (2004), and Buchy & Basaznew (2005)
there have been relatively few studies that have done this. This paper has begun to ad-
dress this gap by focusing on the experience of GM within the MAWRD in Namibia. A
number of provisional policy recommendations have been drawn from this case study
and are detailed below. This is followed by more detailed recommendations made for
Namibia at the time of research.
132
Provisional policy recommendations:
1. Secure a detailed understanding of gender relations at micro level

• Collected gender disaggregated data.
• Conduct gender situation analysis prior to intervention.
• Generate locally specific case studies that relate to the reality of implementers lives
and work.
2. Understand the context in which GM structures operate: explore the roles,

responsibilities and mandates of organisations and institutions tasked with imple-
menting gender responsible approaches
• Explore the relationships between different line ministries in order to understand
where best to incorporate an integrationist approach to GM within existing mandate
of ministry.
3. Invest in more accountability and monitoring mechanisms to explore how GM

is being implemented and internalised at different levels of governance
• Looking at how policy is internalised will provide important guidance for entry
points for more transformative intervention.
4. Explore the interface between integrationist and transformative approaches to

gender mainstreaming
• Recognise the value of integrationist approach as an entry point for more transfor-
mative change.
• Acknowledge the agency of key actors who devise tactics to manoeuvre institu-
tional landscape. Document these stories and share with other gender advocates and
activists.
5. Explore the role of actors beyond the state in securing pathways to empower-
ment.
• Engage grassroots gender organisations to promote conscientization.
• Explore hidden pathways of empowerment that are more relevant to lived realities
of women’s lives.
133
ENTRY POINTS FOR SUCCESSFUL GENDER MAINSTREAMING FOR NA-
MIBIA IN RELATION TO AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION
Constraint Entry point Justification

MACRO
Conceptual Gender training. Information and sensitisation will overcome attitudinal resistance from
clarity implementers at all levels. This is particularly important for top manage-
Gender disaggregated data.
ment staff with power & authority to legitimise and institutionalise
Top level management support & more gender mainstreaming attempts. Avoids stereotype that gender =
commitment. “women’s issue”.
More groundwork research to gener- Encourages more directors and supervisors to make use of staff trained
ate case studies which are relevant to in gender issues to train others
the Namibian situation
Information which is ‘culturally sensitive’ to the Namibian situation will
Avoid use of the term ‘women’ in facilitate a greater understanding of gender issues and its cross-cutting
projects, interventions and structures characteristics which is relevant to all divisions.
responsible for gender mainstream-
Facilitates more effective implementation and monitoring of gender
ing.
responsive approaches.
Engage support of male staff.
Necessary to confront resistance of both women and men in bureaucratic
structures.
Limited author- Allocate responsibility to more se- Legitimises gender mainstreaming to other staff members if top manage-
ity of gender nior management level personnel ment are taking these issues seriously.
mainstreaming
Introduce guidelines & checklists to Need units to act as catalyst and watch dogs, can monitor and give out
structures
monitor that gender mainstreaming sanctions and incentives.
(e.g. Gender Fo- initiatives are carried out.
Enforces the status of gender mainstreaming and facilitates their task of
cal Points, Min-
Impose structures of accountability carrying out their roles and responsibilities.
istry of Women
(e.g. sanctions, incentives) to ensure
Affairs and Avoids high staff turnover if they are being rewarded for carrying out
these are carried out.
Child Welfare) trainings. Legitimises importance of gender mainstreaming. Neces-
Insert gender training into job sary to have structures to act as watchdogs to avoid risk that it becomes
descriptions. “nobody’s job”.
Larger budget.
Limited coordi- Strengthen intra-organizational Facilitates greater awareness of the importance & relevance of gender as
nation and ca- networking between directorates and a concept that can be applied across numerous sectors.
pacity building divisions within MAWRD.
Avoid problems of duplication of interventions aimed at gender main-
Strengthen inter-ministerial network- streaming.
ing with the Ministry of Women
(fuzziness about Cuts cost of gender training if the expertise is readily available in other
Affairs and Child Welfare
who is respon- ministries.
sible for gender More gender training of staff at all
Facilitates the overall process of gender mainstreaming and legitimises
mainstreaming levels.
gender mainstreaming as an issue of serious concern.
within various
Establish links with women organi-
directorates)
sations and NGOs.
Encourage more information shar-
ing.
Strengthen the authority and
mandate of existing inter ministe-
rial coordinating committees by
imposing stronger sanctions for non
participation.
Putting institu- Introduce and explain gender Generates greater awareness of importance of gender issues but need
tional structures concepts in all Ministry and sectoral the effective functioning of gender mainstreaming structures in place to
into practice polices (e.g. National Development ensure that aims and objectives of these various policies are met.
Plan, National Agricultural Policy)
Special care needs to be taken to ensure conceptual clarity in order to
Avoid WID discourse. avoid myth that gender = “women’s issue”.
134
MESO
Top down FSRE Improve interaction between farm- Necessary to make the FSRE approach more bottom up, participatory
approach ers, FED groups, AETs, and the and gender responsive.
FSRE unit to ensure that research
They are the meeting point between policy and people at the ground,
and intervention is being designed
therefore this interaction is very important.
according to the needs of those who
are affected the most. Develop more technologies which help women to meet their practical
gender needs which are foundation for strategic gender interests.
Continue to meet practical gender
interests (e.g. agricultural inputs,
advice and exposure trips etc).
MICRO
Confrontational Non confrontational approach which Direct approach too threatening to traditional/cultural status quo and
approach targeting does not involve projects targeting both women and men.
women women.
Need to build up confidence and capability slowly. Involve men in order
Greater sensitivity to cultural to reduce resistance. Desire for change needs to come ‘from within’.
context through gender disaggre- One way of developing this process of ‘conscientization’ is by target-
gated research and analysis which is ing practical gender interests which are the foundation for the gradual
context specific. realisation of more strategic gender interests.
Involve men as well as women.
Encourage intervention which meets
practical gender needs.
Lack of infor- Expose younger generations to con- Facilitates greater awareness of the importance of gender equality within
mation cepts of gender equality. the younger generations.
Involve men as well as women in Cooperation of men essential to change indicators Ovambo masculinity.
information sharing forums and
workshops.
Over depen- Encourage AETs to introduce new Agricultural practices underpin the unequal gendered division of labour.
dence on agri- forms of income generating activi- By changing the role of agriculture to livelihoods, it may be possible to
culture ties to facilitate greater livelihood change gender roles and subsequently gender relations.
diversification.
135
APPENDIX Source: Newton (2004)
Figure 1: Translation of gender sensitive policy through agricultural extension
136
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138
Faith Innerarity
Making Policy Responses More Effective
1. Introduction
In the field of human rights and social development examples abound of significant
gaps between the formal adoption and the actual attainment of policy objectives
contained in various treaties, declarations, commitments, plans and programmes of
action and other policy instruments crafted at the international and regional levels and
reflected in policy responses of national governments. This divide in relation to official
policy pronouncements versus effective implementation is probably most discernible
in respect of policies aimed at promoting gender equality within the context of the
rights-based approach to development.
The full attainment of gender equality remains one of the most elusive goals of social
development. However, there is significant variation among countries and regions
in respect of the level of success attained in the adoption of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Beijing
Platform for Action, the Millennium Development Goals (MDG’s) and other related
policies and plans.
Arab countries and the wider Muslim world are generally regarded as achieving only
limited success in the promotion of gender equality principally as a result of religious
and a range of other historical and cultural factors which pose a considerable chal-
lenge to the empowerment of women. It is therefore particularly important for these
countries that policy responses intended to empower women are effective. However,
the issues highlighted and the approaches and measures proposed for increased policy
effectiveness which are outlined in this paper, while focused on the Arab region are
broadly applicable within the developing as well as the developed world.
Factors identified as being critical for translating policies into effective action include
the primacy of the demonstration of political will and the importance of public educa-
tion and re-socialization to overcome negative societal attitudes and other systemic
barriers to gender equality. It is further argued that advocacy, agenda setting and leg-
islative measures must be coupled with the institutional level adoption of practical
measures such as gender impact assessment and gender-sensitive budgeting processes
to operationalize and truly realize gender mainstreaming and avoid policy evaporation.
2. Translating Policies into Action
Increasing the effectiveness of policy responses hinges mainly on translating policy

intent into concrete actions with measurable outcomes. This requires moving from
139
rhetorical statements to devising optimal strategies to successfully drive the process
of implementing policy decisions. These strategies must take into account a range of
political, social, economic and institutional factors which are preconditions for realizing
policy goals and objectives. Some of these factors are discussed below.
2.1 Political Will
The usage of the term “political will” has been described as both ubiquitous and am-
biguous and therefore often serving as a rhetorical tool. Post et al. (2008) observes
that Hammergrens (1998) characterises political will as the “slipperiest of concepts in
policy lexicon” while calling it “the sine qua non of policy success which is never de-
fined except by its absence”. It is therefore useful to indicate at the outset that the sense
in which the term is being used in this paper reflects the ideal-type construct posited by
Post et al. (2008) in which political will is defined as a contextual condition where a
“sufficient set of political actors with a common understanding of a particular problem
on the public agenda genuinely intends to support a commonly perceived, potentially
effective policy solution.” 99
Within the context of the Arab region where there are strong cultural traditions and so-
cial norms which pose a challenge to the enactment of the principles of gender equality
political will is indispensable to effective policy responses. This political will must be
demonstrated, among other things, through the passage of legislation, where required,
coupled with support structures for enforcement through the justice system; and also
the allocation of necessary resources for the implementation of related social interven-
tion programmes and other initiatives. Political will must also encompass building
broad public support for the required changes and reforms, even more so in circum-
stances where there is opposition from some sectors of the society.
As indicated in The Arab Human Development Report 2005 the spread of the concept
of “women’s empowerment” has resulted in a backlash from some socio-political forc-
es which regard it as a western imposition and have therefore sought to resist the efforts
of governments and women’s organizations to implement development plans which
adopt a gender perspective.100 Within this scenario, state actors and other duty-bearers
from a human rights standpoint must have a very strong commitment and resolve to
counteract opposing forces and relentlessly pursue the realization of the provisions of
CEDAW to which all Arab countries are signatories. Although, in some cases reserva-
tions have been entered in respect of central elements such as Article 2 – Principle of
equality between men and women. Governments in the region should work toward
retracting such reservations by making the required legislative changes at the national
level, the need for which was cited by some countries as the cause for entering the res-
99 Lori Post, Amber Raile and Eric Raile, Defining Political Will, Paper submitted to the 2008 Annual Meeting of the National Communication As-
sociation.
100 The Arab Human Development Report 2005: Toward the Rise of Women in the Arab World, United Nations Development Programme, Regional
Bureau for Arab States (RBAS), p. 6.
140
ervations.
Political engagement with religious institutions and other influential bodies which
oppose gender equality should be pursued drawing on growing favourable public
opinion on issues such as women’s education and political participation. Research
has shown, for example, that the majority of persons in Arab countries believe that
women and men have an equal right to education and that public opinion also en-
dorse women’s right to participate in political activity and hold executive positions.101
Charney (2009) argues that in practice, political will combines the existence of opinion,
its intensity (often marked by a polarization of views) and salience.102 In this regard,
the issue of Islam’s cultural and political reassertion marked by the rise of Islamist
movements and the related contending views concerning the position of women in the
Muslim world as highlighted by Moghadam (2004)103 present not only a challenge but
an opportunity for decisive political action.
The tension that now exists in the Arab region and elsewhere in the Mid-
dle East between “concepts of cultural heritage” and “concepts of cultur-
al freedoms” has been widely observed and documented. It has also been
generally acknowledged that in spite of a shared religion and culture there is con-
siderable variability in gender norms and laws in the Arab World/Middle East and
that significant changes have occurred in the position of women over time.104
A careful assessment of the forces at play which account for the notable differences
between states in respect of the progress that has been made, suggest that the political
will to improve the status of women coalesced around state action propelled by the ac-
tivism of non-state actors, the latter including various types of women’s organizations.
Moghadam (2004) identifies Tunisian feminists and women’s NGO’s as being among
the most successful women’s activists in working with Government agencies to de-
velop and implement a national plan of action in accordance with the Beijing Platform
for Action.105 Tunisia, it is stated, “seems to have crafted a national identity and legal
framework that reflects its own Arab-Islamic heritage as well as social and gender
rights as understood internationally”.106
Notwithstanding difficulties such as the ambivalence displayed by some states towards

NGO’s, this type of action can be intensified to ensure that the gender equality agenda
is realized, even in those countries where the resistance to legislative and other reform
101 Arab Human Development Report 2005, pp. 8-.9.

102 Craig Charney, Political Will: What is it? How is it Measured?, Presentation to: Advocacy Evaluation Advances Convening the California Endow-
ment Los Angeles, CA, January 2009.
103 Valentine M. Moshadam, Toward Gender Equality in the Arab/Middle East Region: Islamic Culture and Feminist Activism, Human Development
Report Office, Occasional Paper, Prepared for the HDR 2004.
104 This is argued, for example by Moshadam (2004).
105 Op.cit p.48
106 Moshadam 2004, pp. 66-67
141
measures is most pronounced.
2.2 Public Education and Re-Socialization
In the context of the social construction of gender relations, particularly the deeply
engrained notions of what are the appropriate roles of women and men in society, the
transformation of socio-cultural attitudes inimical to gender equality is essential for
the effective implementation of gender policies. Strategies directed at achieving such
attitudinal changes must involve all the agents of socialization including the family,
educational and religious institutions, and the media which all perpetuate gender-role
stereotypes and discriminatory practices. In this vein, the 2005 AHDR calls for chang-
es in patterns of upbringing, education and media presentations to revise social norms,
erase harmful stereotypes and vitally transform relations between the sexes in a culture
of equal treatment.107 It states poignantly that:
“Correction of outmoded assumptions and attitudes is a leading priority, one that de-
mands...cultural and societal measures to instil in coming generations, a balanced vi-
sion of women and their role”108
This correction must of necessity begin in the family as the most important agent of
primary socialization. Patriarchy is established and reinforced in family relationships
and it is there that patterns of gender discrimination are first practised and promoted.
Principles of equality between males and females must be taught in the family begin-
ning with children at the earliest ages. This should be demonstrated in actions such as
encouraging the participation of children of both sexes in age-appropriate domestic
chores and placing the same emphasis on daughters and sons attending school. This
would naturally need to be aligned to state provision of equal opportunities for the edu-
cation of boys and girls through legislation or other regulations to enforce universality.
The school curriculum is often a source for the reinforcement of gender-stereotypes.

Major efforts are therefore required to ensure that values of equality are reflected in
pedagogy and integrated in the curricula at all levels of the educational system from
early childhood to tertiary education. According to the AHDR 2005 there is an enor-
mous gap between the advances made by Arab women in political, social and eco-
nomic fields and the stereotypical images presented in school curricula which confine
them to domestic roles. The Report further indicates that as a consequence there have
been demands by pedagogy specialists for the modification of some curricula and the
formulation of new guidelines and concepts in respect of content “that rescues girls
from the superficial setting to which they are still confined”. It is further stated that
these specialists have issued a call for Arab women to participate in the drafting of
education policies “a task from which they have been almost completely excluded”.
107 The Arab Human Development Report 2005: Toward the Rise of Women in the Arab World, UNDP, Regional Bureau for Arab States (RBAS), p.
108 AHDR 2005 ,Forward, President of the Gulf Programme for United Nations Development Organizations (AGFUND) p.VII.
142
This was supported by a random sampling of Arab curricula which estimated that
there was less than 8 per cent female participation in the setting of school subjects.109
Implementation of the demands of the pedagogy specialist would definitely promote
and support freedom of choice of educational pursuit and eventually eliminate not only
explicit but subtle limitations on the career options available to women.
Increasingly, the media plays a significant role in shaping social attitudes and social
behaviours. It is an integral part of our lives and generates popular interest and debate
about social problems. The manner in which women are presented in the media has far
reaching implications for society.
In the 2005 AHDR the observation is made that current media forms such as the Inter-
net and television channels with specialised programmes have benefitted the women’s
movement in ways that would not be possible by the print media alone. They have, it
is argued, “facilitated new discourse of liberation by enabling women to occupy public
spaces”, thereby promoting gender awareness oriented towards social cohesion, equal-
ity and the principle of equity instead of sex-based discrimination. The Report, how-
ever, raises doubt as to whether the increased number of Arab women in the media has
had a positive influence on “the general orientation of programming and the image of
women” and points to the ongoing debate surrounding countervailing views: 110
“The Arab living room has become a veritable battleground in the war of information.
Like the wars over the interpretation of Islamic jurisprudence, the clash of popular
proverbs and the struggles of Arab civil society to promote the values of freedom and
equality, it is a conflict that confronts citizens with different and confusing choices.”
Within the context of the foregoing, governments and development partners in the
NGO community need to adopt innovative communication strategies and public edu-
cation tools in a culturally sensitive manner to effectively raise awareness of gender
issues in a positive direction and garner critical public support for the reform agenda
bearing in mind the constant potential for conflict with Islamic orthodoxy.
As stated by the office of the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights
(UNCHR), “...human rights are universally recognized regardless of cultural dif-
ferences but their practical implementation does demand sensitivity to culture”. 111
An example referred to by the UNCHR is that of a manual for women’s human rights
education in Muslim societies – written by female activists from various Islamic back-
grounds – covering issues such as rights within the family, autonomy in family plan-
ning decisions, rights to educational employment and rights to political participation.
109 AHDR 2005, p. 17

110 AHDR 2005, p. 15
111 Frequently Asked Questions on a Human-Rights Based Approach to Development Cooperation, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights, 2006, p.5.
143
This manual uses “interactive and interpretative exercises” which “interweaves ex-
cerpts from the international human rights with verses from the Koran, Sharia-rules,
stories, and personal experiences”.112
2.3 Effective Gender Mainstreaming
Effective gender mainstreaming is central to the successful outcome of policies promot-

ing gender equality. As reaffirmed by Murison (2004), gender mainstreaming involves
all the stages between analysis and its incorporation into the policy and programme
decisions that will contribute to equality of outcome for men and women in all devel-
opment initiatives. It also includes advocacy, networking and knowledge management
and is concerned with policy influence as well the design of projects and programmes.
A clearly defined strategic plan is necessary to ensure that the various elements pro-
duce coherent results.113
Adopting a model of three interrelated “spheres” of gender mainstreaming put forward

by the Swedish Development Agency (SIDA), Murison (2004) elaborates fourteen ele-
ments of a complete gender mainstreaming strategy:114
Level One - Organization’s structure, policies and culture
1. A clear policy on its commitment to gender equality

2. Time-bound strategies to implement the policy
3. Human resource practices that are gender sensitive
4. Internal tracking and monitoring capability to ensure that strategic milestones are
being reached.
5. Central gender mainstreaming unit
6. Recognized network of staff responsible for gender equality
Level Two - The organization’s programmes
7. Systematic on-going consultations with women, as well as men, to identify their own
priorities, success stories, lessons learned, tools and mechanisms.
8. Project management that is technically proficient and aware of implications of
gender differences for project outcome.
9. Effective monitoring and reporting mechanisms
10. Gender Analysis as a subset of socio-economic analysis
Level Three – The Outcomes and impact
112 This illustration by the UNCHR (2006 p. 5) is in reference to a document by M. Afkhami and H. Vaziri entitled Claiming our Rights: A Manual
for Women’s Human Rights Education in Muslim Societies (Bethesda, Sisterhood is Global Institute 1996). The UNCHR cites as its source for this
information C. Nyamu-Musembi, “Towards an actor-oriented perspective on human rights”, IDS Working Paper 169 (Brighton Institute of Develop-
ment Studies October 2002), p. 9.
113 Sarah Murison (2004), Elements of a Gender Mainstreaming Strategy: A fourteen-point framework, p.2
114. Op.cit pp. 2-9
144
11. Relevant baseline information, and appropriate milestones and indicators so that
progress towards gender equality can be identified and described.
12. Consultation with the community concerned to check and compare their perspectives
with the information revealed by formal indicators.
13. Clear reporting mechanisms that can get the word out efficiently.
14. Good relationship with the media, opinion leaders and decision makers both in
the community served and wider society, so that lessons learned can be effectively
disseminated, and absorbed into social practice.
This approach to gender mainstreaming proposed by Murison within an organizational

context is relevant to government institutions and can serve as a useful guide in ensur-
ing that concrete steps are taken to translate gender policies into action both within
state organizations and the constituencies which they serve through various program-
matic interventions.
2.4 Gender Impact Assessment
The gender implications of some policies are clear but there are others where the rele-
vance of gender is not as readily apparent and these policies may consequently be con-
sidered gender-neutral; although in reality they have a differential impact on women
and men leading to unintended effects and outcomes.
Gender Impact Assessment (GIA) is regarded as one of the tools of ‘gender roofing’115
and has been adopted by a number of EU member states for implementing mainstream-
ing. It involves an assessment of policies and practices to determine whether they will
affect women and men differently, with the objective of adapting these policies/prac-
tices to ensure that any discriminatory effects are eliminated.116
Gender Impact Assessment enhances the process of gender mainstreaming and could
assist policy makers in the Arab region to incorporate a gender perspective in the de-
velopment of policies, plans and programmes. Ideally, GIA should be done at an early
stage of the decision-making process so that changes can be made where required or
action redirected. Sex-disaggregated data and expertise in the dynamics of gender rela-
tions are critical for conducting this type of analysis.
The GIA process addresses two principal questions. Firstly, is there inequality or a
potential inequality between women and men in the area under consideration? Secondly,
if there is, what can be done about it?117 When it is established that a proposed policy
is discriminatory or has the potential to foster inequality, the GIA is applied in the
investigation of the situation so that the root cause of the inequality can be identified
115 Marie Crawley and Louise O’Meara (2004) define ‘gender proofing’ as “The Means by which it is ensured that policies and practices within
organizations have equally beneficial effects on men and women”.
116 Marie Crawley and Louise O’Meara (2004), Gender Impact Assessment Handbook, p. 8
117 See Crawley and O’Meara
145
and remedial action instituted. The aim of the GIA is not seek to apportion blame for
inequalities which exist or past discrimination, but searches for an understanding of
the cause and takes action to ensure that there is no reoccurrence. The realization of
equality of opportunity may require affirmative action.118
Attention to ‘indirect’ or ‘unintentional’ discrimination not easily detectable is considered

as one of the strong features of the GIA. As stated by Crawley and O’Meara(2004) :119
One of the strengths of the gender impact assessment process is that it focuses on
indirect or unintentional discrimination. In-direct discrimination can be very subtle and
based on given beliefs, assumptions and practices which go largely unchallenged and,
as such, are considered ‘normal’.
The following have been identified as the main steps in the multi-dimensional GIA
process:120
• Step 1: Analysis of the present situation – Determining the initial position of

individuals in a certain context - at cultural, social, political and economical level
- by gender with respect to the dimensions of participation, resources, norms and
values, and rights. This initial assessment is intended to determine the intensity
of the gender equality deficit and thereby feed into determining the priority to be
attached to gender equality in the formulation, the monitoring and development of
the policy measures. It also provides a benchmark against which to assess policy
outcomes.
• Step 2: Analysis of future trends – Future risks and past trends are taken into
account as well as any contradictory direction trends in gender deficits that may be
operating.
• Step 3: Determining Priority – The main goal of this step is to determine priority
based on the range of policies that actively promote gender equality thorough an
assessment of the current degree of inequality and its potential impact on women
and men.
• Step 4: Assessing general impact of the programme – Assessing the potential impact
of the programme with reference to participation, resources, norms and values and
rights.
118 Crawley and O’Meara, p. 16

119 Op. cit p. 16
120 Evaluating Socio Economic Development, SOURCEBOOK 2: Methods & Techniques Gender Impact Assessment, pp 3-10, [http://ec.europa.eu/
regional_policy/sources/docgener/evaluation/evalsed/sourcebooks/method_techniques/conducting_impact_assessments/gender/index_en.htm]
146
• Step 5: Assessing specific and direct impact of the programme – Assessing the
impact of the policy on a particular group of women and men.
• Step 6: Assessing specific in-direct impact of the programme – Assessing the

indirect impacts of the current state of gender inequalities and proposed policies.
• Step 7: Defining further development – Identifying ways in which a policy might

be redesigned to promote gender equality, to determine where the policy is assessed
to have a negative impact on gender equality and/or to be broadly gender neutral.
• Step 8: Defining a set of gender sensitive evaluation indicators – The definition

of a gender sensitive evaluation indicators is necessary to identify essential data
that will be useful for the comparison between potential and effective impacts of a
programme.
Documentation on the use of GIA methodologies indicate that clear political

commitment and recognised institutional procedures are required for the process to
be effectively implemented. Also needed are instruments and methodological toolkits
linked to method-based difficulties that may be encountered in GIA exercises. 121
2.5 Gender Responsive Budgeting
For the Arab/Muslim region as in other parts of the world, the allocation of public
resources within the broader scope of a government’s macroeconomic policy framework
is of fundamental importance to making policy responses more effective and realizing
gender equality goals. In this regard, a very useful practical tool is the introduction of
gender-sensitive approaches in budgeting processes.
The emergence of the concept of gender responsive budgets is based on the increasing
recognition of the gap between the stated gender equality commitments of governments
and how budgetary resources are allocated. Gender budgeting, pioneered by Australia,
gained momentum internationally in 1995 influenced by the recommendation in the
Platform for Action that:122
Governments should make efforts to systematically review how women benefit from
public sector expenditures; adjust budgets to ensure equality of access to public sector
expenditures, both for enhancing productive capacity and for meeting social needs.
As outlined by Budlender et. al (2003), gender-responsive budget initiatives constitute

a method of assessment of the impact of government revenue and expenditure on
121 Op. cit p. 10

122 Rhonda Sharp, Budgeting for Equity: Gender budget initiatives within a framework of performance oriented budgeting.
147
women and men girls and boys and are known by several names, ‘women’s budgets’,
‘gender-sensitive budgets’, ‘gender budgets’, and ‘applied gender-responsive
budgets’. These initiatives help to ‘improve economic governance and financial
management’, provide feedback to government on whether it is meeting the needs of
different group of women and men and girls and boys’. From the standpoint of those
outside of government they can be used to ‘encourage transparency, accountability
and participation’ and also ‘provide data that can be used for advocacy’.123
Budlender concludes that:
For those both inside and outside government, gender budget work provides information
that allows for better decision-making on how policies and priorities should be revised
and the accompanying resources needed to achieve the goal of gender equality.
It is also observed that the application of gender responsive budget initiatives vary
across countries based on a range of factors such as the social and economic context,
whether they are coordinated by government or civil society organizations, the capacity
of the institutions to implement them and whether they focus on national or sub-national
levels.124 The quest by practitioners ‘to adopt the methodology to their specific situation,
needs and interests’ is regarded as one of the strong features of gender budget work.125
The gender responsive budget methodology has been endorsed in the five-year review
of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (Beijing +5),
the Monterrey Consensus, and the communiqué of the 2002 Commonwealth Finance
Minister’s Meeting. 126
123 Debbie Budlender and Guy Hewitt, Engendering Budgets: A Practitioners’ Guide to Understanding and Implementing Gender Responsive Budg-
ets, Commonwealth Secretariat 2003
124 Budlender and Hewitt, Engendering Budgets: A Practitioners’ Guide to Understanding and Implementing Gender Responsive Budgets, Com-
monwealth Secretariat 2003
125 Budlender and Hewitt (2003)
126 Budlender and Hewitt (2003)
148
Text Box 1
Beijing + 5 called upon governments to:
Incorporate a gender perspective into the design, development,

adoption and execution of all budgetary processes...in order to
promote equitable effective and appropriate resource allocations
to support gender equality and development programmes which
enhance women’s empowerment and develop the necessary
analytical and methodological tools and mechanisms for monitoring
and evaluation.
Commonwealth Finance Ministers 2002:
Agreed to make substantial progress on implementing gender-

responsive budgets within their respective budget setting processes.
Proponents of the concept of gender budgets have correctly emphasised that they are
not separate budgets for women and girls but rather the analysis of public resources
through ‘gender lens’. In essence, they represent attempts to break-down national
or local budgets on the basis of gender impact. Diane Elson (1997), development
economist and a leading expert in the field, identifies the key questions in the gender
responsive budget process as:127
- What impact does a fiscal measure have on gender equality?

- Does it reduce gender inequality; increase it?
- Or leave it unchanged?
According to Sharp (2003), the three (interrelated) core goals of gender responsive
budgets are to:128
- raise awareness and understanding of gender issues and impacts of budgets and
policies;
- make governments accountable for their gender budgetary and policy
commitments;
- change and refine government budgets and policies to promote gender equality.
It is further argued by Sharp (2003) that:
Gender responsive budgets have emerged as an important and widespread strategy for
shining a brighter light on what government budgets have and have not done towards
127 Cited by Isabella Bakker, Gender Budget Initiatives: Why They Matter in Canada, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA), 2006.
128 Rhonda Sharp, Budgeting for Equity: Gender budget initiatives within a framework of performance oriented budgeting, 2003
149
the promotion of economic and social equality between men and women.
The increase in the adoption of gender responsive budgets has been described by
Budlender (2003) as ‘phenomenal’. This is evidenced by the fact that in 1995 there
were only a few countries and agencies involved in the practice and by 2003 there
were over sixty executing some form of gender budget process and many development
agencies either having a gender responsive budget programme or providing support at
the country level. 129
The considerable support provided by donor and multilateral agencies in the form of
assistance, research and information dissemination, has been a major contributor to the
rapid growth of gender responsive budget initiatives.130
There is significant variation in approach to gender responsive budgets with the efforts
of some countries being characterised as ‘one-off exercises’. In some instances the
process has also been found to be largely ‘dependent on external assistance’ provided.
It is therefore emphasised that gender responsive budgets have the greatest potential
impact as a continuous process instead of a ‘one-off exercise’, and also where there is
local ownership rather than it being donor driven.131
It has been observed that while a number of tools and processes have contributed to
a better understanding of the gender impact of budgets, success has been limited in
terms of ‘achieving accountability and changes to policies and resource allocation’.
This, it is argued, has weakened gender responsive budget initiatives ‘as a strategy for
embedding gender into mainstream policy and budgetary processes and outcomes’. As
stated by Sharp: 132
It is now widely appreciated that gender budgets haven’t yet fulfilled their potential
and need to extend their strategies. In particular various commentators are advocating
that the next step for gender budgets is to bridge the gap between undertaking gender
sensitive analyses and for instituting a gender sensitive budget.
In light of this need to make further advances in the field of gender responsive budgets,
UNIFEM supported research has explored the implications of public sector performance
oriented reforms in government budgeting for such initiatives. The principal task of
the research was to determine whether ‘performance oriented budgeting could serve
as framework for making budgets more gender responsive’. The main aim was to
develop strategies for gender responsive budget initiatives to more effectively realize
their goals within a performance oriented budget framework.133 This was approached
130 Rhonda Sharp, Budgeting for equity: Gender Budget Initiatives within a framework of performance oriented budgeting.
132 Rhonda Sharp, Budgeting for equity: Gender Budget Initiatives within a framework of performance oriented budgeting, p. 18
150
with particular reference to “output and outcomes” budgeting, which was identified
as ‘the most recent manifestation of performance oriented budgeting’.134 The research
results have indicated that with appropriate changes, output and outcome budgeting
can contribute toward the achievement of genuine progress towards gender equality.
The potential for the development of synergies between performance oriented budgeting
and gender responsive budgets is very useful for developing as well as developed
countries. This is especially important because within the framework of improved
governance structures for increased accountability and transparency, many countries
have undertaken public sector reform programmes - or are in the process of doing
so – in which performing oriented budgeting is among the major features. Linking
gender responsive budgets to the overall process of public sector reform can play a
very positive role in the mainstreaming of gender equality goals in state institutions.
In the Arab region Morocco and Egypt are among those countries that have implemented
gender responsive budgeting processes and the outcomes of those initiatives can be
analysed in terms of lessons of experience which could benefit the region as a whole.
The evaluation of their experience should take into account reflections on the manner
in which a link with performance oriented budgeting would increase effectiveness.
A gender inclusive macro-economic framework is crucial to the attainment of gender

equality goals at sector and project level. As a consequence, attention must be given
to gender considerations in all macro-economic activities through which policies are
translated into programmes. This is relevant not only at the national but also at the
regional level. The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action calls upon Regional
Financial Institutions to:
• increase resources allocated to eliminating absolute poverty;
• support financial institutions that serve low income, small scale and micro-scale
women entrepreneurs and producers
• increase funding for the education and training needs of girls and women;
• revise policies, procedures and staffing in order to ensure that investments and
programmes benefit women; and
• allocate loans and programmes for implementing the Platform for Action.
133 Rhonda Sharp (2003), Budgeting for equity

134 As elaborated by Sharp: “Output and outcomes budgeting involves measuring the outputs (products and services delivered by agencies) and out-
comes (the impacts of government policies) of the government budget and incorporating this performance information into budgetary decision making
processes”. The performance of government is thus “assessed in terms of its capacity to achieve ‘value for money’ by applying the performance criteria
of economy, efficiency and effectiveness”.
151
Sharpening the tools of gender responsive budgeting practices will contribute to fur-
thering the achievement these objectives.
3. Conclusion and Recommendations
The governments and people of the Arab region must be relentless in their efforts to
promote actions aimed at achieving gender equality as an integral component of the
rights based approach to development in spite of the many challenges which are present.
As the 2004 Arab Human Development Report and other assessments show, women of
the region have made outstanding contributions in a wide range of areas including in the
arts, sciences, political life and other fields of endeavor which impact on national and
regional development. Notwithstanding these achievements, major setbacks remain in
respect of the status of women in the Arab and wider Muslim world in relation to their
counterparts in western societies.
The issues outlined in this paper in addressing the matter of making policy responses
more effective, are not intended to be exhaustive but merely to highlight what are
considered to be some of the critical elements in translating gender equality policies
into effective action by governments in collaboration with development partners at all
levels.
The battle for gender equality must be fought and won in the public as well as the
domestic sphere hence the emphasis that is placed on political will, and public education
and re-socialization as core elements supportive of translating policies into action.
Government efforts through the passage of legislation are necessary as they send a
powerful signal of intent in terms of gender equality. Such vital measures are however
most successful when supported by skilful advocacy on the part of state operatives
in collaboration with activists in civil society in establishing the reform agenda and
gaining broad-based public support. Modern media technology notably, television, the
internet and other technologically-driven medium should be harnessed to give a fillip
to the campaign for equality. The portrayal of positive and non-stereotypical images
of women, especially on television, should be promoted. At the same time, traditional
agencies of socialization such as the family and school must also be fully engaged
in the process of bringing about attitudinal changes to cultural predispositions which
regard women as inferior to men and foster gender-based discrimination.
The constant danger of the articulation of the goal of gender equality becoming
a mere platitude or being perceived as such, can only be overcome by ensuring the
impact of policies enunciated. One of the first steps in ensuring impact is to fully
institutionalize, from an operational standpoint, the concept of gender mainstreaming
in the formulation of policies and the planning and implementation of programmes.
The significant body of knowledge that has been built-up on the subject as evidenced
152
by the available literature needs to be more effectively utilized in specific country and
regional contexts. In this regard, the examples outlined in this paper are offered as
practical illustrations of measures which can make gender mainstreaming efforts more
effective, resulting in the desired policy outcomes and impact. These measures include:
• Murison’s adoption of the SIDA model of three interrelated ‘spheres’ of gender

mainstreaming into an overall strategy comprised of several elements.
• Gender Impact Assessment methodology as is currently practised by some member

states of the European Union.
• Gender responsive budgeting techniques being implemented by several countries

including some in the Arab region. Special note is taken of the broad context of
public sector reform programmes and performance oriented (output and outcome)
budgeting and its potential to enhance gender responsive budgeting.
As in most cases of successful implementation of development strategies, an approach

that is tailored to country specific and in some instances regional conditions yields the
best results. The “one-size-fit-all” approach is not being recommended in respect of the
measures identified but the application of relevant principles and practices. Procedures
should be modified as warranted based on particular contexts.
Recommendations
On the basis of the foregoing analysis and conclusions, the following recommendations
are put forward to increase the effectiveness of policy responses:
1. Greater political commitment and policy coherence is necessary to advance the

gender and development agenda. This has to be a collaborative effort between
governments, civil society organizations and regional and international institutions.
This political commitment and policy coherence is especially important in areas
such as legislation, and engendering macro-economic policies and frameworks. In
addition, reforms in favour of gender equality are enhanced within a framework
where other governance issues such as accountability, transparency and deepening
democracy are being addressed.
2. Increasing focus on public education and re-socialization must be integral

components of policies, programmes and plans to advance the reform agenda
for gender equality against the background of the social construction of gender
relations. Gender equality cannot be truly realized without the involvement of the
social institutions which influence and shape attitudes and behaviour in respect of
gender roles. Both traditional and contemporary agencies of socialization must be
fully incorporated in the public education and re-socialization process.
153
3. Strengthening of the institutional capacities at the national level to effectively
operatinalize gender mainstreaming must be made a priority. This should incorporate
relevant training (taking into account the cultural ramifications) at all levels including
senior and middle management and other key personnel. Political representatives
and civil society leaders should also be targeted for training.
4. Adoption of analytical tools such as Gender Impact Assessment (GIA) and gender
responsive budgeting to enhance mainstreaming. This should be preceded by a
careful review of the experiences of countries within and outside the region that
have implemented such initiatives. This ought to be done with a view to identifying
strengths, possible limitations, and complexity of the methodologies involved and
the requirements for successful adoption, including refinements of the associated
instruments and procedures taking into account country specific conditions.
References
• Bakker, Isabella. Gender Budget Initiatives: Why They Matter in Canada, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives
(CCPA), 2006.
• Budlender, Debbie, and Guy Hewitt. Engendering Budgets: A Practitioners’ Guide to Understanding and Implement-
ing Gender Responsive Budgets, Commonwealth Secretariat 2003.
• Charney, Craig. Political Will: What is it? How is it Measured?, Presentation to: Advocacy Evaluation Advances
Convening the California Endowment Los Angeles, CA, January 2009.
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Activism, Human Development Report Office, Occasional Paper, Prepared for the HDR, 2004.
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ment Group, 2004.
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Based Approach to Development Cooperation, 2006
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tional Communication Association, 2008
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Arab World, Regional Bureau for Arab States (RBAS), 2005.
154
Tracey McDonald
A view from the west: Religious, Cultural and Political consideration
on Empowerment of Arabic Women
Introduction
As a non-Muslim woman who has worked with a range of cultures and groups striving
to attain health, social acknowledgement and personal empowerment, I am aware of
many of the circumstances that strip away independence and self-efficacy as well as the
processes that promote personal freedom and dignity. It is apparent that various social
development imperatives currently faced by some Arabic women are being influenced
by similar circumstances in other countries and therefore this discussion is offered as
a sharing of insights on factors that affect women’s opportunities for human develop-
ment.
Internationally and individually the notion of ‘freedom’ is intertwined with ‘choice’

and also with ‘identity’. Political reform that results in good governance will lead to a
society that is free in the comprehensive sense and this equates with human develop-
ment1. A perennial challenge for any nation is to find acceptable ways to reconcile re-
ligious faith with people’s freedom of opinion, association and expression so that they
may participate fully in families, communities and society. If this can be achieved,
reconciliation such as this would embody the principles of universal human rights.
Ultimately, the challenge before the Islamists is how to develop an alternative Islamic
vision of women that can co-exist with differing or opposing trends and advance wom-
en’s position in discourse and practice, not as a result of, but as one of the conditions
for building the Islamic society they desireii.
Empowerment is about self-actualization as well as exerting a positive influence on

those around you. Self-determination and self-sufficiency are fundamental character-
istics of an empowered person and in reaching such an evolved state, women and
men increase their opportunities to stabilise healthy families and communities as well
as contributing to social and national development. In family contexts, empowered
women are able to build a relationship of mutual respect with their husbands and other
family members and this leads to joint decision-making and shared responsibility for
financial management.
Empowerment is not able to be bestowed by one person or group onto another. If

power can be given it can also be removed thereby undermining the nature of libera-
tion and enablement which typify genuine empowerment. Shifts of power rarely oc-
cur without some resistance or reluctance from those in powerful positions and rarely
without strong determination to succeed by those who want to take power. Struggles
155
such as these have occurred between social, political, ethnic and gender groups in all
countries and the resilience that people seem to develop as a result equips them to face
obstacles and to strategise more effectively against opposition and hurdles to progress.
Before any shifts in power can occur, certain developmental steps need to be taken by
those who seek to improve their situations:
• Discussion and analysis of the social, economic, cultural and political circumstanc-
es that enhance or inhibit their capacity to take action
• Growth of self-awareness and confidence in their abilities and potential to bring
about desired change
• Understanding that a range of options for action exist that could inform planning
and effective action
• Motivation to gather support from others to take action that will lead to desired
change.
WHY IS GENDER EMPOWERMENT CRUCIAL FOR SOCIO-ECONOMIC

DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIETY?
A wealth of research is available to support the claim that well-educated and self-
directing women are able to contribute to social development and national productiv-
ity. The benefits to women and their societies of being productive contributors to their
national development have been enshrined in the Millennium Development Goals as
Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women. In so doing countries could
benefit from a decline in human poverty and an increase in social capital and national
productivity. It becomes a vexed question therefore as to why Arabic women in some
countries remain in isolation living a life deprived of basic freedoms that many other
Arabic and Western women enjoy and regard as their right.
The health issue
International support for women in the Arab world is strong among Arabic and other
women activists. While it is true that western women still have some way to go in terms
of empowerment in certain areas, the struggle in which they are engaged and continue
to pursue establishes a bond between all women working to empower themselves and
others, regardless of where they may be. In Arabic lands it is the women from lower
to middle socio-economic groups who seem to be most discriminated against as they
strive to access education, training, employment and to regain control over their own
fertility and health.
Arabic women’s access to health services is determined by their social circumstanc-

es. Social deprivation includes restrictions on social participation, limits on education
causing illiteracy that further limit access to information, and a lack of resources for or
156
priority given to women’s health including reproductive health. Women who have been
confined by culture and tradition and limited to their biological, reproductive function
can be faced with multiple pregnancies from an early age, dependence on family for
food and shelter and not ever earning income because of illiteracy and cultural restric-
tions on social contacts.
The total fertility rate for the Arab world in 2000 was 3.4 children per women while the
world average was 2.7 but by 2008 it had fallen to 1.953. Previous generations of Arab
women had an average of 6-8 children per woman. Internationally fertility decline
usually occurs as a result of changing roles of women and children in the family and
society as well as shifts in economic priorities and improved access to education. Inter-
estingly, while there has been a decline in Arabic women’s fertility, there has been little
in the way of concurrent empowerment such as that seen in Asian and Latin Ameri-
can countries at similar levels of economic development4. Gynaecological morbidity
is under-reported in Arabic population data and the political reasons for hiding this
information are not easily determined. Neglect and dismissal of women’s health as an
issue within Arabic society conceals issues such as anaemia, genital prolapse, maternal
soft-tissue damage and reproductive tract infections as well as discouraging discussion,
scrutiny and effective efforts to reverse the situation.
Women’s education level is a key indicator of empowerment and status however wom-
en’s exercise of autonomy over such issues as fertility control does not seem to be asso-
ciated with education alone. While acknowledging regional and national differences, a
study in 2004 in Oman found that contraceptive use is more likely to be a choice made
by women who are both educated and employed. The issue of autonomy in contracep-
tive use is strongly influenced by traditional factors where husbands decide on the
number and timing of pregnancies and the type and use of contraception5. Women who
are educated are more able to assert their views within the family and have the capacity
to access information about family planning and health issues as well as being better
able to access the health system.
In some Arabic cultures and geographic regions women continue to be denied access
to basic health services and are constrained to a lifestyle that undermines their physical
and mental health. Characteristics of communities where cultural practices and tradi-
tions limit women to home service, child-bearing and tending to elders’ and husband’s
needs usually depict men as rational, strong and decisive whereas women are depicted
as weak, emotional and compulsive. Consequently reactionary strategies, which are
in direct conflict with Qur’anic values, include having women wear traditional cloth-
ing that restricts their movement, vision, hearing and human contact. Unsurprisingly
women treated in this way for long periods eventually suffer health breakdown through
lack of physical exercise, poor nutrition, accidents from being swaddled in restrictive
clothes, random violence from family members and lack of environmental stimula-
tion. Coupled with cultural traditions and interpretations of Islamic texts that devalue
157
women, the ill-health and disabilities caused by these and other physical and social
restrictions are not fully reported and therefore women and girls may not receive the
attention needed from health professionals. This inevitable human poverty is passed
from generation to generation of women.
Women’s autonomy and the rise of community development organisations which

are the main vehicles of demographic change have been restricted in Arabic nations
through political authority rather than Islamic leaders, although sometimes it appears
convenient for political leaders to attribute the cause of such limitations to religious
fundamentalism. As Arab women increasingly recognise their rights, expand and en-
rich social and personal constructions of gender, and work to separate religion from
culture and tradition, opportunities increase for them to advocate for and exercise the
individual and collective rights that reflect the egalitarian principles of Islam6 con-
tained in the Qur’an and principles set down by the Prophet.
From a western perspective, the right to practise one’s religion is a matter of choice
and no one has an equal right to interfere unless said practice infringes on the rights or
others or causes disturbances in public order. However where evidence is found that
women are being forced to display symbols of a religion or behave in ways that are
counter to their health and well-being, then concern increases for such women who
seem not to be able to exercise legitimate choices because of pressure from traditional
family or cultural communities that present themselves as religious when in fact their
choices are not endorsed by Islam.
Social support for cultural change is a pre-requisite to women’s education, personal de-
velopment and active participation in society. Where social support is lacking, cultural
and traditional practices such as genital mutilation and physical violence on women are
likely to continue and women will not be able to speak against it to any significant ef-
fect. If women can build on the strengths of community and social networks it becomes
possible to garner social support against culturally embedded impediments to health
and wellbeing and to provide outreach services that can make a difference in the qual-
ity of their lives.
Health and wellbeing goals:
1. Help women to take responsibility for their own health through greater understand-
ing of health, women’s health, reproductive health and their right to access appro-
priate and safe health advice and treatment
2. Policy in this area would need to focus on participation by women in health edu-
cation and access to health treatment services. Women who are informed of their
rights to access appropriate services are better placed to be self-sufficient and to
make choices about treatment, contraception and family health promotion.
3. Policy to address human poverty which has elements of restrictions on health,
158
knowledge and income would also have to address normalised violence towards
women in society.
Criminalising violence against women and girls:
1. Violence in this context refers to intimidation and neglect as well as including the
actions of families and communities who hold women responsible for social is-
sues and problems. Violence justified by references to religion, culture and tradition
needs to be perceived by society as unacceptable if change is to occur.
2. Policy in this area would involve criminalising all violence and abuse against women
and setting in place legal orders protecting women who anticipate violent attacks or
other abuses. Along with these legal instruments there needs to be a well-resourced
system of supports such as refuges for women and children fleeing from violent and
abusive husbands and other family members.
Portrayals of Muslim women
If one were to believe the media it would be easy to conclude that all Muslim women
are oppressed and in need of rescuing. The media must bear some responsibility for
shaping public opinion about these matters when they extrapolate reports of discrimi-
natory practices in some countries on the assumption that all Muslims are affected. As
a result overt symbols worn by Muslim women are often perceived by non-Muslims
as symbols of oppression and a lack of gender equality, when in fact, many Muslim
women choose to wear the veil or hijab as a sign that they have committed themselves
to a life of modesty and religious observance under Islam.
Despite the many highly-educated, dynamic and politically savvy women who are
Muslims, and even though Muslim women in countries like Indonesia, Pakistan, Ban-
gladesh and Turkey have held high office, the impression persists among western ob-
servers that all Muslim women are constrained by men in the name of Islam.
The most visible symbol of Islam worn by women is the hijab or headscarf and naqib or
face veil. Veil wearing has been described in the western media as a symbol of oppres-
sion, a political statement, a cultural provocation and a symbol of modesty7. In 2004
the French government banned the wearing of the hijab at schools on the basis that
some girls were being forced to wear it to send a political message and cause public
unrest. In September 2010 France banned the wearing of the burqa in public. An argu-
ment justifying this decision was made by the French government that Muslim women
displaying these symbols were interfering with public order and imposing a cultural
change on French society that does not align with their national identity or culture8. It is
interesting that a similar argument was put to me by Muslim women who claimed to be
resisting western cultural imperialism by choosing to wear the hijab. Similarly in Aus-
tralia the wearing of the full body veil by one schoolgirl was deemed to be iconic defi-
159
ance of school rules rather than a religious decision9. Veil wearing by Islamic women
in western societies has become a potent symbol of cultural threat to democratic and
secular societies 10 and in many countries there has been a surge of reactionary nation-
alism from the non-Muslim community.
Expressions of nationalism can be regarded as counter-religious where symbols of na-

tional pride are used to intimidate religious and cultural groups identified through their
own symbolism. Similarly expressions of faith which involve evening and pre-dawn
prayers or liturgical services can stimulate community action and government restric-
tions on building temples and mosques in close proximity to residential areas. The
ringing of church bells also attracts resistance from nearby residents although some of
the complaints could be attributed to religious competition. At the heart of this secular
and multi-faith tension is religious freedom and the right to associate with like-minded
people and to express one’s beliefs through symbols, ceremonies and events.
While the Islamic texts are shared across the world, interpretations of meaning vary
and decisions on implementation are embedded in local culture and tradition. Tradi-
tionalists cling to the version that restricts women’s roles in society and in the family to
being wives and mothers. Conservative adherence requires strict dress and behaviour
codes to segregate women from men and women wear full body veils, including face
coverings. For many liberal Muslims the conservative position is based on tradition
and culture rather than religion. The liberal view argues that women are equal to men in
all areas of life and that any interpretations that promote discrimination against women
are outdated and irrelevant in contemporary society. Dress and symbols such as hijab
are a matter of personal choice made by a woman at maturity, generally deemed to
have occurred at around age 14. Increased visibility of veiled women in both Arabic
and western countries could be seen as an indication of growing religious commitment,
or it could indicate that more women are allowed by their culture to circulate in public
because they are veiled.
Adhering to tradition can increase a woman’s leverage in family negotiations where

permission for girls to attend school is sought from men. If girls and women are permit-
ted some freedoms, the expectation remains that their first priority will be to fulfil their
traditional roles and behave according to culture. The misuse of culture and tradition
to deny women and girls opportunities to lead a healthy and active lifestyle and restrict
access to health services and education, invariably weakens them physically, mentally
and socially. While ever women are regarded as having less value than men, the ben-
efits of democracy can be denied to them.
Muslim women from various groups in Australia have experienced living in a democ-
racy for generations and they are comfortable in the fact that they are all different just
as women in other parts of society are different from each other. They have different
roles and they see women’s roles in terms of their responsibilities to family and com-
160
munity as well as to society and their employers. They regard their religion and its
practice as a matter between them and their God although all say that they have studied
and are inspired by the Islamic texts and the words of the Prophet which endorse equal-
ity of the sexes despite the differences in roles they may undertake.
Culture, tradition, religion and politics
Systematic discrimination against women does occur in some countries and societies
however on closer scrutiny these discriminatory practices generally relate more to lo-
cal cultures, traditions and norms than to religion. Frequently in these countries more
pressing social and civil issues are dominant. For instance, a war-torn environment
with no infrastructure or means of food production, causing poverty, malnutrition and
infectious diseases threatens the very survival of all. As well, with no schools or teach-
ers, levels of education are low to non-existent leaving the people ignorant of basic
survival strategies and feeling completely powerless. Under these circumstances the
strong will endure only if they successfully compete for food, resources, influence and
power.
Women, who have been isolated and prevented from accessing education, health ser-
vices and income and whose self-image contributes to their own oppression, can ben-
efit from accessing structured groups with a defined purpose such as learning domestic
skills or basic literacy. The experiences and learning extends beyond defined group
goals to strengthen their self-esteem and feelings of competence that transfer to other
facets of their lives and build towards empowerment. The benefits of such groups are
that they learn skills that are practical and readily applicable to their circumstances; and
that they experience personal development and increased awareness of how their world
works and can identify opportunities within it. Armed with these accomplishments,
women can provide guidance to other women and girls and encourage them to become
involved in their own development.
There is increasing disagreement among Muslims with interpretations of Islamic texts

to justify gender inequity which they claim contain no such endorsement. Their strug-
gle for justice includes challenging oppressive practices and ideas and finding inspira-
tion in the Qur’an and Principles which clearly states that men and women are equal
before God. Islam itself is not misogynistic however certain biased interpretations of
Islamic texts over many centuries have been used to justify the consolidation of male
domination of women. Women scholars are reinterpreting the texts and are making
some headway in getting their interpretations accepted within the Islamic scholarly
community. Their goals in eradicating discriminatory interpretations of Islam include
working to free women from the constraints of poverty, ignorance and discrimination
so that they may take control of their lives.
161
Riffat Hassan on women in Islam
What I will say may surprise both Muslims who ‘know’ women’s place and non-Mus-
lims who ‘know’ what Islam means for women. It is this: I am a Muslim, a theologian,
and a women’s rights activist, and while I am critical in a number of ways of the life
that most Muslim societies offer to women, twenty years of theological study, as well
as my own deepest faith, convince me that in real Islam, the Islam of the Qur’an,
women and men are equals. Liberating ideas lie at the heart of most enduring faiths,
and Islam shares in these.
The dominant, patriarchal interpretations of Islam have fostered the myth of women’s
inferiority in several ways. They have used sayings attributed to the Prophet Muham-
mad (including disputed sayings) to undermine the intent and teachings of the Qur’an,
which Muslims regard as the Word of God. They have taken Qur’anic verses out of
context and read them literally, ignoring the fact that the Qur’an often uses symbolic
language to portray deep truths. And they have failed to account for the overriding ethi-
cal values of the Qur’an, which stresses that human beings – women as well as men
– have been designated to be God’s ‘khalifah’ (viceregent) on earth and to establish a
social order characterized by justice and compassion
Ref: http://www.religiousconsultation.org/hassan.htm
Scholars like Riffat Hassan have identified and disseminated new truths in the Qur’an
and made significant contributions to contemporary understandings of Islam. In par-
ticular it has been found that the rights given to women by the Qur’an in the 7th Century
were ignored by male scholars in subsequent generations and only recently have these
been made generally available to Muslims because of the work of female intellectuals.
Muslim women across the world are engaging in scholarship and teaching that further
defines Islamic texts and brings new Islamic knowledge into both Muslim and non-
Muslim societies. This wave of scholarship is not biased by medieval jurists’ interpre-
tations of women’s issues and the role of women in serving men’s lives. Rather Islamic
feminist discourse claims that they are responding to both traditionalism and western
norms and, in the process, recapturing the faith as revealed by the Prophet11.
Pressure from women scholars on existing authoritarian attitudes by incumbent male
scholars may only be small, but it is possible that the work of these women is hav-
ing an inhibiting effect on the oppressive diatribe of some male scholars or clerics.
Through their efforts revelations of new truths are gradually eroding the legitimacy of
misogynistic interpretations of Islam and Shari’ah law in the eyes of both Muslim and
non-Muslims.
Goals for endorsement of women’s views and rights:

1. Women’s rights need to be enshrined in law as well as social life (CEDAW)
2. Girls and women need to be supported in learning about their human right to learn
162
and develop
3. Support women’s access to local groups providing a forum for social networking
and skill enhancement
Recognising oppression
Emancipation begins with an acknowledgement that one exists and has a value. Disem-
powerment therefore reverses these key elements by ensuring that voice is silenced and
their contribution is not visible in the greater scheme of things. Supremacy is gained
if the contribution made by the subordinated person is either ignored or given a very
low value. Oppressive processes such as these have occurred in many countries and
over many decades resulting in whole countries being oppressed under dictatorships
or groups within countries being oppressed and disempowered by the dominant power
putsch.
Mechanisms of systematic oppression include the use of tradition and culture to ensure
that particular groups within a society are prevented from accessing the means of self-
development such as education. Only 14 years ago it was reported that in most Arab
countries the majority of women were illiterate12 and in some countries such as Mo-
rocco and Yemen only around one in ten women were literate while other areas such as
Jordan illiteracy among young women was around 3.5%. Illiteracy makes women less
able to negotiate life determining decisions such as marriage, child-bearing and family
and social role responsibilities.
In general terms, it is possible that issues associated with the establishment of dif-
ferences in power and status between men and women could relate more closely to
education, ability and culture than to any desire by one gender to oppress another, al-
though the effect of this difference may be that one group leads and the other follows.
Work undertaken by Friere in the 1970s in Brazil13 provides considerable insights into
the processes and manifestation of oppression. Horizontal violence is a term devised
by Friere to describe how oppressed groups eventually begin to oppress each other
and themselves. Originally the term referred to populations enduring torture and mis-
ery under despotic dictatorships resulting in the oppressed people becoming more and
more self-deprecating as they internalise the opinion their oppressors hold of them.
Oppression is said to be achieved at the point where oppressed people begin to refer to
themselves as ignorant and believe that the oppressor is all powerful and is therefore
invulnerable. Horizontal violence is said to occur when oppressed people begin to copy
the torture and cruelty of the oppressor to whom they defer, and feel justified in perpe-
trating it on other oppressed people.
Social difference between people and groups is generally established through conver-
sations and text, or discourse, around particular topics or concepts. Frequently the goal
of this process is to create a cultural identity that services a political outcome. Success
163
in such a venture relies on being able to establish cultural and other defining character-
istics for one’s own group as being the implicit ‘norm’ against which other groups are
compared 14. Power relationships, in particular any inequalities in status or structures
that nourish social inequalities, are derived from the relationship between knowledge
and power, specifically the use of knowledge by one group to define other groups and
to control them and their options15.
Divergent perspectives in discourse about differences in status and power become es-
pecially problematic when claims of objectivity, religious edict or scientific rigor are
made by any of the competing groups wishing to justify the oppression; or if the un-
derlying agenda or cultural background of those involved in the discourse is covert and
even predatory simply because exploitation is an easy option. Conversations by Arabic
men around women’s roles and the value of educating girls, for example, need to be
considered alongside a long history of male reliance on women to maintain the social
integrity of Arabic culture and tradition. At the same time Arabic men claim to be
protecting women from exposure to information, social contacts and experiences that
could cause them to be less fearful of the world and more discontent with their current
situation. Ostensibly control over women is enshrined so as to benefit Arabic society,
but it also curtails the development of women’s potential and the allocation of family
and social resources in ways that prioritise male dominance.
Arab society is not alone in undervaluing women’s participation in social and econom-
ic activities or their contribution to social capital. However attempts to challenge male
supremacy in a society that sanctions harsher punishments for women than for men can
effectively deter an oppositional groundswell.
Incumbent authorities are able to repress and coerce others to achieve their goals nev-
ertheless revolutionary efforts have access to strategies that highlight despotic and
self-serving leaders. In this way authoritarian control and influence can be loosened,
making way for new ideas and social change that can moderate or remove power dif-
ferentials between men and women. Strategies can include withholding participation or
services; exposing violations of core Islamic rules; and scholarly critique of civic rules
and laws. Eventually these strategies can reduce leader or government credibility and
expand oppositional pressure thus allowing greater voice on emancipatory issues and
agenda setting.
Changing the rules
Struggles over rules that favour dominant powers can be handicapped by lack of re-
sources, poor access to data and restrictions on freedoms as well as fear of retribution
and reprisals. Consequently revolutionary efforts are often self-limiting and caution
usually produces goals that fall within a safe threshold allowed by the dominant group.
Where larger groups form the threshold can be increased. Coalitions of people sympa-
164
thetic to feminist causes face difficulties in uniting behind most programs and strate-
gies. Small groups of traditionalists may not want to support liberal interpretations of
Qur’an texts. Tribal groups may lack the education or sophistication to appreciate the
agendas being put forward by educated people or those from elite groups.
In any oppositional situation, it is crucial that the desire for change across all ideolo-
gies and cultures be consolidated before moving to pressure authoritative figures. Not
to do so could fragment and further divide women’s groups in terms of fervour, control,
tribal allegiances and geographic locations. Fragmentation poses obstacles to winning
support for reform of rules, laws, cultural practices and power sharing.
An obvious strategy used by dominant groups to fragment opposition is to control

freedom of association with others thus rendering large group formation problematic.
If groups do form, the strategy is to take control of the group so that its activities are
controlled and its scope of influence is restricted. On a personal level an effective de-
terrent to group formation can be seen in traditional Arabic dress. Women who are fully
veiled cannot easily or safely recognise each other and therefore cannot locate those
who may be for or against discussions around struggles for social change. By not hav-
ing opportunities to freely communicate with people during conversations, the danger
for veiled women of being discovered as a revolutionary and being severely punished
is all too real in such communities.
Because Arab countries have a range of unique national characteristics it is necessary

for any coalition for reform to be clear about what types of systems, frameworks or
outcomes would be effective in shifting credibility away from incumbent authorities
who are counter-revolutionary and able to undermine reform by compartmentalising
activists or ridiculing their efforts.
Oppositional activists, even if rebuffed by incumbent authorities, can achieve some

outcomes just by calling for reform. The main result is that incumbent leaders can be
taught about the benefits to them of embracing change and at the same time, observers
can be educated about the limitations of the current regime in terms of meeting their
obligations under Islam to women, girls and others. Exposure of hypocrisy and corrup-
tion at this level can erode legitimacy of entrenched inequality and gain the support of
social change leaders, donor nations and sponsoring partners at the international level.
Social policy goals:
1. Provide opportunities for women to access new ideas, information on health, legal
rights and social resources.
2. Legal rights include human rights and rights under Shar’ia law as well as state laws
therefore the judiciary needs to be convinced to adopt contemporary versions of
Islamic texts
165
3. Support scholarship by women and assist in dissemination of new interpretations of
Islamic texts to all Muslims
4. Campaigns to promote social support for women and girls’ education, personal de-
velopment and participation in public life
5. Enhance the social and financial status of women through loans and credit schemes
available only to women for economically viable projects that support their busi-
ness participation at the national level
6. Involve women of all ages and social levels in identifying and establishing projects
within their communities and nationally.
7. Develop and project realistic portrayals of women as role-models across a range
of social development levels – and campaign against sentimental, derogatory and
demoralizing gender stereotypes
WHAT IMPEDIMENTS ARE FACED BY ARAB STATES?
Globalisation
Arab countries are heavily dependent on oil revenues for their economic survival and
are involved either directly or indirectly in oil exports to other countries. The substan-
tial revenues from oil provide these nations with opportunities to establish health, edu-
cation and welfare systems that have the potential to move their economies forward.
It is interesting therefore that social conservatism has continued to feature strongly in
Arabic societies as evidenced by the continuing low labour force participation by mar-
ried women. Generous subsidies to families during the oil boom period of the 1970-
mid 1980s had the effect of reducing financial costs associated with having larger
families and this in turn prevented many married women from being able to enter the
paid workforce. However as oil revenues from global trade declined economic reform
disadvantaged families and fertility rates fell but married women have not returned to
paid work en masse.
In global terms the issue of identity or nation-hood has become increasingly diffused
through the impact of international trade agreements and political alliances which have
shifted economic priorities between nations to achieve some organisational or policy
outcome. Opportunities for social and economic development can accompany these
global processes. As well as generating social and cultural change, these processes also
influence the role of the nation state16. Choices made by nations to be involved in eco-
nomic development through international linkages inevitably lead to a re-examination
of internal policies and relationships between state and faiths, between social stratifi-
cation, culture and tradition, and between political philosophies that may or may not
include theocratic positions.
Cultural, religious and political influences on national identity can strengthen or un-
dermine national competitiveness and even economic viability in the global economic
166
and political arenas of the 21st century. The concept of ‘world citizenship’ is part of
how a nation presents itself to others. Within a community of nations, particular states
can be defined in terms of their global reputation which in turn can be altered through
international endorsement or criticism of their national policies and actions. Access
to political support, donor contributions, military alliances and trade can pivot on the
reputation built up by each nation. Vulnerable authoritarian leaders are sensitive to in-
ternational and internal critiques and changing politico-economic circumstances. Inter-
national critique can come from foreign observers, political allies and donor countries,
and internally groups can monitor and report on good and bad performance by national
leaders and those in authority in religious and social roles. In strategic terms, political
demands that are unified are more likely to sway political will towards change than the
efforts of separate groups promoting single issues. However to achieve unification and
internal cohesion, unified groups or coalitions are faced with overcoming ideological,
political, cultural and sometimes tribal differences.
Movements towards the empowerment of women in Arabic cultures have challenged

the notion of women’s roles being restricted to the family and also that the family is
the only social building block in Arabic society. The external pressures of globalisation
have triggered an internal re-evaluation of Arabic culture, values and behaviours that
contribute to or detract from social capital and national development. It is important
that these external pressures are not imposed as a type of cultural imperialism from
western nations, but rather, that Arab culture and national identity is preserved in ways
that truly enshrine human rights and freedoms. If this transformation is achieved the
opportunity for Arabic nations to build robust international partnerships that can fur-
ther stimulate their national capacity will be enhanced through the support of men and
women in their human development and social participation.
All economically driven governments focus on national accounts and international rat-
ings to measure their performance in the global economy however a more inclusive
evaluation would have human welfare at the core of human development which drives
national development. Under such an approach the contribution and participation of
women would be acknowledged within national productivity measures.
Political and socio-economic development goals:
1. Accelerate economic growth that creates equal employment opportunities for men
and women.
2. Support Arab countries to develop the social, health and education infrastructure
needed to enable people to reach their full potential.
Failure to maximise the contribution of women
Arabic society has always been patriarchal with younger brothers subordinate to the
eldest son and all women and girls subordinate to males in the family or through mar-
167
riage. The subordination of women has been enforced through Shari’ah law however
as families choose to have fewer children and higher standards of education become
available for girls, adherence to these laws is becoming less strict17. Participation by
girls in basic education has steadily increased over time but it is not clear whether gen-
der equality in schools has been achieved in all Arabic countries18. Girls need access
to 12 years of basic education, uncluttered by culture and tradition, so that they can
overcome illiteracy and learn about the world beyond their family or community.
Many women in the Arab world continue to experience the full range of human de-
velopment deficits as well as inequality within national laws. It is not unexpected that
some Shari’ah judiciary who interpret the Qu’oran through the lens of culture and
tradition regard democracy as antithetical to their way of life which depends on main-
taining gender inequality. In some Arab states women are highly educated and some
occupy positions of authority in local, provincial and national governments. It is es-
sential that women in these positions continue the struggle to promote women’s rights
and remove gender discrimination inherent in Shari’ah law where it relates to personal
and social status and access by women to basic services such as health, education and
financial security.
Women are almost as well educated as men in Arabic countries and while their labour-
force participation is still low, it is increasing19. Employed women are often in contact
with men who are not related to them and with whom they compete for work and
this places the traditional patriarchal order under challenge as demographic and social
change accelerates. Women’s participation rates in paid employment remain low across
all Arabic countries. Possible causes include provisions in Shari’ah law that does not
oblige women to contribute to family finances from their incomes and some husbands
may be reluctant to allow them to seek employment if they cannot claim some of
the income. Part-time employment could be seen as an alternative for women to gain
some income while having children and meeting motherhood duties. By earning some
money a married woman is able to supplement the husband’s wages however this com-
promise option dilutes the potential for empowerment that full employment can bring.
Partly in response to political criticism from international sources, efforts have been
made to achieve mainstream developments in Arabic lands in terms of the visibility of
women in leadership positions. Increasing women’s political participation equates with
the concept of political culture in which political ideology, language and frameworks
become established and tend to set the expectations of the people. If women are full
participants in political roles it becomes possible to reinforce their status quo by deter-
mining meaning and using political symbolism to cement political culture20. Overall
where this has occurred society has benefited from the influence of younger groups and
leaders who have embraced political and social change which in turn allows for greater
appreciation of democracy and what it can contribute to human and national develop-
ment21.
168
The advancement of women in these countries equates with the principles of human
development, that is that:
1. women and men have equal opportunity in terms of employment and self-develop-
ment
2. citizenship for both men and women bestows the same guaranteed rights
3. differences between the sexes are acknowledged without implying that one is val-
ued over the other which leads to gender discrimination.
National instruments that guarantee women’s political rights and equality with men
in political and civil processes need to be monitored and reported against in terms of
what actually occurs. Quota systems can promote women to representative positions
however if their scope of activities is restricted locally there is a danger of tokenism
and a waste of opportunity for women’s development. Cultural and social pressure can
also deter women from choosing to exercise their rights even when appointed via a
quota system or affirmative action. Those appointed may also face criticism that they
are tokens rather than achieving their position through merit. Women in these positions
are easily marginalised in a male-dominated environment or they may be allocated to
women-only matters rather than able to fully participate in government.
Tokenism in the form of appointing only women from certain social classes or families
to leadership and high profile positions may further disempowerment other Arab wom-
en who are beset by every component of human poverty. Alternatively, while there may
be some tokenism attached to appointments of Arabic women to high profile positions,
the fact is that women become more visible and this increases the general empower-
ment of women.
Goals for culture change regarding the value of women:
1. Ensure that girls participate in at least 12 years of general schooling

2. Clearly delineate religion, culture and tradition in relation to women and symbol-
ism.
3. Support strategies that identify and respond to political exploitation of women in
terms of symbols and dominance
4. Provide an environment in which all can develop to a full sense of belonging and
participation in society
5. National laws that implement equal opportunity in employment and prevent sys-
tematic discrimination against women in employment.
6. Employment environments regulated to ensure woman are able to participate with
dignity and not be subjected to harassment and abuse.
7. Labour laws established that provide equal status to men and women as well as an
efficient and transparent set of employment processes
169
Distorted views of Islam
Widespread perceptions of Islam as encouraging violent terrorists to destroy non-Mus-

lim targets have their origins in shocking attacks on innocents over the past decades
caused by people who have used Islam as their reason for violence and criminal activi-
ties. Terrorist attacks in the name of Islam have been so devastating that international
attitudes towards Muslims are now tainted with fear and distrust. Non-Muslims do not
understand why these attacks occurred, and why they were perpetrated in the name of
Islam. Concerns are intensified when they see evidence of Muslims in some countries
celebrating civilian deaths caused by terrorist bombings. It is possible that a better un-
derstanding of what Islam really stands for could allay some of these fears and bring
such situations into clearer perspective.
All religions have fanatical followers but the majority of the congregation do not be-
have in similar fashion. So it is for Muslims who follow Islam as a religion of peace
and tolerance. Self-defence is condoned in Islam and in other religions, and when the
community has to defend itself, it is the role of the state to call upon individuals to de-
fend their homeland or place of citizenship in times of war. The killing of innocents is
prohibited and Islamic law imposes the death penalty on anyone who deliberately kills
another person.
Suicide bombing and the killing of innocents is prohibited in Islam and this includes
the killing of oneself. The spreading of injustice, exploitation of the weak and breaking
of the law is regarded as corrupt and Muslim law is compelled put a stop to such activi-
ties. Therefore Islam encourages the use of force by the law to stop such activities and
bring them to justice.
Jihad is a self-defence doctrine and can only be used by a Muslim state against im-
minent and certain aggression by an enemy. Jihad cannot be declared against another
Muslim state; against another country at peace with the Muslim country; against other
religions or a person or community on the basis of being different. Offensive jihad is
not in line with the Qur’an despite statements made by captured terrorists that this is so.
Secularist views are often expounded through various forms of media, making reli-
gious leaders feel as if their congregations and faiths are being misrepresented or their
issues and views ignored in the public space. As a result the worthwhile elements of
religion and philosophy of altruistic values that run through all faiths can receive less
media attention.
Among many religious leaders there is a view that the media promotes an anti-religious
view rather than the unbiased commentary on civil matters that is expected of media
presenters. As well, there is a perception that media staff are poorly informed about
religion and therefore tend to focus on negative stories that can be sensationalised. In-
170
temperate reporting of stories as though they have been triggered by religious symbol-
ism can misinform the general public and vilify certain religious groups. Superficial,
sensationalist reporting can also trigger violence and hatred especially in circumstances
where the causal issues may be poverty, inequity, or discrimination.
Information policy goals:
1. Information on Qur’anic texts and Islamic Principles needs to be available to media

representatives along with briefings and explanations
2. Radical behaviour in the name of Islam needs to be criticised by Muslim leaders as
political and not representative of Islam
3. Internationally, media needs to be held accountable for the results of misinforma-
tion and biased reporting that inflames violence and bigotry.
4. Constructive media efforts should be acknowledged and efforts made to provide
students of media studies with a greater understanding of religions and their contri-
bution to social capital.
General world decline in religious literacy
General religious illiteracy within a society has an effect similar to a society domi-
nated by one religion. That is, a general lack of understanding of and tolerance for
different faiths which is essential for a nation with diplomatic, trade, professional and
sporting relationships with other countries. Religious illiteracy in schools also restricts
the growth of social capital gained through exposure to different belief systems and
how these are manifested through good works and generosity to others, for example,
through volunteering.
Religious and civic freedoms are acknowledged under the United Nations Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (1948, the Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms
of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) and other
international conventions and agreements. The intent of the latter declaration was to
curtail state interference in religious matters.
As global involvement and national development occur within states, evolving rela-
tionships between religion and state are often reassessed along with the continuing
relevance and influence of culture and tradition to national political identity. A major
player in this reassessment is secularism, which while not a religion, does promote en-
gagement in debates on the allocation of resources and the effects of religious symbols
and activities on public life.
The issue of single faith schools needs to be examined in terms of their symbolic value.
The teaching of practices focused on reinforcing traditional and cultural understand-
ings that devalue women could be seen to be making use of children to send a message
171
to other groups about the size and vigour of their particular religion or ethnic culture.
Children in these situations have no freedom of choice and because they are in a trust
relationship with their parents and teachers, they believe what they are taught and can
be shaped to cultural conformity rather than being liberated through education. For re-
ligious choice to have validity other equally worthwhile options must be available for
consideration before choosing to commit to a religion or way of life.
POSSIBLE ROLE OF SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN ADAPTION OF APPRO-

PRIATE AND FORWARD-LOOKING RESPONSES
Donor policy opportunity
Where Arab states are in receipt of donor aid, there is an opportunity to direct fund-
ing and to monitor implementation. In some Arab countries service industries are not
well-funded and community programs have uncertain support. These service areas are
a preferred employment option for women and when curtailed it is women and their
families who suffer the effects of unemployment.
Policy goals:
1. Social justice criteria attached to donor aid could facilitate a reversal of human pov-
erty which in Arabic nations has a dire effect on restricting women’s participation
and opportunities to develop skills and knowledge
2. Mechanisms included in donor agreements could emphasise women’s participation
as well as the establishment of health, education and welfare safety nets
Social institutions -Religion and state
Internally, societies tend to reposition in terms of national development priorities which

often hinge on achieving planned social change. Important among these considerations
is the contribution to cultural, social and spiritual capital that can be made by religious
faiths. Societies need to be able to define the social and political space that enables
communities to practise their religious activities while also adhering to their civic re-
sponsibilities.
The nexus between civic and religious commitment enables a society to engage in free
and open debate and criticism of all aspects of social, cultural, political and religious
life. It is in this context that people of faith are free to criticise civil society in terms
of moral and cultural events or trends and likewise, members of a civil society can
criticise religious activities that interfere with civic order and social integration, for
example.
172
In most societies religious groups share with the state responsibility for creating social
capital which supports social and economic development as well as providing opportu-
nities for faiths to grow and maintain their cultural, linguistic and spiritual traditions as
well as their religious communities. For faith-based communities to be able to credibly
criticise social trends such as gambling, an inclusive and cross-cultural involvement
that maintains an awareness of other religious and social values is needed.
The right to religious freedom ensures that religion and state have a dynamic relation-
ship which can adjust to changing realities. While the religious beliefs of a faith-based
community is not a matter for the state, governments need to be vigilant to ensure no
corrupted or perverted religion emerges, for example, a sect advocating terrorism or
treason, sexual abuse, mutilation, gender inequality or oppression. The line between
transcendent and perverted religion is sometimes not clear however there is gener-
al agreement that the emergence of terrorism claiming to be acting for Islam despite
the Qur’an clearly decrying violence constitutes a perversion of religion for political
gain22. Further examples of such perversion can be seen in western groups wrongly
claiming to be religions in order to access tax relief, or cults that capture the energy and
livelihoods of members who must surrender their independence to remain part of the
cult. Clearly there is a need to differentiate between religion, culture or tradition and
fraudulent or criminal activities that undermine the rights of other people.
State policy goals:
1. To achieve fairer and more accessible state services and programs that promote fair-
ness and responsiveness to all members of society
2. State services need to be designed, delivered and evaluated in terms of equity, ac-
cess and appropriateness of service types and distribution
3. State role in validating claims associated with religious status
4. State role in addressing cultural, racial and religious intolerance
5. State role in bringing crimes perpetrated in the name of Islam to justice
6. State clarification of political, cultural, traditional and religious practices where
women and girls are concerned
7. State role in establishing equal participation in schooling and accessing health ser-
vices by girls and women of all ages
Social change within the Arabic states in relation to gender equity will depend on a
groundswell of support for the emancipation of women and a realisation that in so do-
ing, men also gain an opportunity for human and social development.
Women’s participation in activities outside the family promotes personal development

and mental health derived from self-confidence and the acquisition of skills. Within
the family the value of women’s participation in terms of family and social cohesion is
also fundamental to national development.
173
There is evidence that Arabic women are engaged in a struggle for equality and free-
dom of choice that will apply to all women and not just the chosen few. Assistance and
support needs to be given to these efforts to ensure that all women have access to basic
development opportunities as well as adequate health and education services.
Policy:
1. National systems of health, education and service structures need to be monitored

to ensure that they facilitate equal access to health and learning, and follow Islamic
teachings that prohibit any religious or cultural observances that undermine health
or personal development
CONCLUSION
If gender equality is to be adopted by Arabic nations many reforms are needed, includ-
ing greater transparency around social priorities and the eradication of human poverty.
For this to occur extraordinary powers held by incumbent leaders in religion, law, poli-
tics and culture have to be curtailed so that legitimate opportunities become available
for women to take up their responsibilities regarding personal and national develop-
ment.
Token efforts to promote women and allow women’s associations to perform a limited
range of activities around family and community are only designed to forestall change
and empowerment. Leaders’ legitimacy may need to be contested in such circum-
stances as well as challenges made to the constraints placed on women who oppose
entrenched power positions. Gender equity can only be achieved by Arabic women
through a gradual erosion of male control and a concomitant increase in the empower-
ment of women.
Exemplar- Religion and state in Australia
Under Judeo-Christian frameworks there is an effort to maintain a distance between

religion and state although they are closely linked on many levels. In Australia
government funding for religious schools has led to increased accountability for
curriculum and teaching standards as well as a requirement to meet national performance
standards in student participation and learning outcomes.
Australian religious schools are often regarded as being part of the private sector with
contributions to costs being made by parents. Government grants also extend to ethno-
religious schools and confessional universities on the basis of promoting cultural
diversity. The government also funds religious as well as public hospitals and health
agencies providing services and charity to disadvantaged groups.
Faith-based schools for children also tend to be ethnocentric to some extent and debates
174
have arisen regarding compatibility between multi-cultural policies and religious beliefs
that centralise religious observances and ethnicity and promote social isolation23.
Ethno-religious schools have been challenged in relation to access to government
funding particularly where some doubts exist as to whether the curriculum adheres to
national standards and whether the content focus of history and social subjects is on
narrow versions of the past in the home country or on preparing pupils for the future24.
The argument is linked to whether teaching a politically and culturally shaped version
of the past will be detrimental to pupils’ opportunities in life in Australia.
In 1981 an Australian High Court action25 occurred in relation to funding of religious

schools and, after hearing arguments from national state and religious leaders, it was
clarified that no state of Australia is able to establish any faith as the established religion
of Australia and that government funding of faith-based schools does not constitute
establishing a national religion.
In other aspects of Australian society, religion has been incorporated into military
service as well as in the performance of commemorative ceremonies and marriages;
and discrimination on the basis of religion has been included in the racial discrimination
acts. Australia has had a long-term commitment to multiculturalism emphasising
community harmony, responsibility, respect, fairness and benefits for all26 and in 2010
the policy is moving to centralise citizenship rather than cultural diversity to ensure the
ongoing certainty of public order.
References
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in the Arab world. UNDP Regional Bureau for Arab States.
in the Arab world. UNDP Regional Bureau for Arab States. p.21.
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sion, World Population Prospects: The 2008 Revision, New York, 2009 (advanced Excel tables).
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7. Dreher, T. & Ho, C.(eds) 2009 Beyond the hijab Debates: New Conversations on Gender, Race and Religion, Cam-
bridge Scholars publishing, UK. p.19.
8. Vaisse, J. 2004 Veiled meaning: The French law Banning Religious Symbols in Public Schools The Brookings
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9. Aly, W. 2008 Women as battlefield, Kindred Community website accessed on 21/08/2010 at www.kindredcommu-
nity.com/articles
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10. Dreher, T. & Ho, C.(eds) 2009 Beyond the hijab Debates: New Conversations on Gender, Race and Religion, Cam-
bridge Scholars publishing, UK. p.20.
11. Haddad, Y. 2005 The study of women in Islam and the west: a select bibliography, Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden
12. Zurayk, R. 1994. The Role of the Local Community in the Prevention and Mitigation of Forest Fires: Case Studies
From Lebanon. International Civil Defence Journal. VII, 31-34.
13. riere, P. (1970) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York: Herder & Herder
14. Allen, D. (1996) Knowledge, Politics, Culture and Gender: A discourse perspective, Canadian Journal of Nursing
Research, 28(1): 95-102.
15. Petersen, A. R. (1994) In a Critical Condition: Health and power relations in Australia, Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
16. Appadurai, A. 1996, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalisation, University of Minnesota Press,
Minneapolis.
19. Doumato, EA. & Posusney, MP. (eds) Women and Globalizaton in the Arab Middle ease: Gender, Economy and
society. Lynne rumer Publishers, UK.
20. Dittmer, L. 1977 “Political Culture and Political symbolism: towards a Theoretical Synthesis” in World Politics,
Princeton University Press.
in the Arab world. UNDP Regional Bureau for Arab States.
22. Cahill, D., Bouma, G. Dellal, H. & leahy, M. 2004 Religion, cultural diversity and safeguarding Australia, Depart-
ment of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs and Australian Multicultural Foundation. p.105
23. Begum, Z. 1985, Islam and multiculturalism with particular reference to Muslims in Victoria, PhD Thesis, Monash
University, Melbourne.
24. Bullivant, B. 1982, Are ethnic schools the solution to ethnic children’s accommodation to Australian Society? Jour-
nal of Intercultural Studies, 3(2):17-35.
25. Ex rel Black v. Commonwealth (1981 146 CLR 559 at 612 Mason J. at 653 Wilson J.
26. Commonwealth Department of Education and Training 2000 Racism: No way! Fact sheet accessed on 14/09/2010
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176
Patricia Cortes
Voice and means: two essential tools for making gender policy re-
sponses more effective
While there has been some relative progress in terms of creating normative and insti-
tutional frameworks for the advancement of women, we have fallen short in furthering
the goal of gender equality.
The 2009 Arab Human Development report recognizes that there have been some
achievements but they haven’t been even across the region…
• One third of Arab countries have achieved gender parity in primary and secondary
education enrolment in 2005, many have not.
• For example, only 60% of women in Egypt and 35% in Yemen have acquire basic
literacy skills.
• In 2008 women constituted only 33% of the labour force, this being the lowest rate
in the world.
• There are high unemployment rates among the youth.
• Efforts to promoting sexual and reproductive health continue to be considered
against traditional values.
• There is a persistent high incidence of violence against women.
How do we address these gaps?

Two fundamentals…
 Voice
• Promoting women’s representation at all levels of decision making.

• Supporting women’s organizations.
• Enhancing women’s greater involvement in holding governments accountable.
 Means
• Adequate financial resources.
Institutional capacity
 Voice
 Women continue to be underrepresented in all areas of decision making.
• In the Parliament while the world average of women’s representation in the Parlia-
ment is 19%, in the region women’s share of seats in the Parliament is only 11%.
• In 2005 women in the judiciary did not exceed 15% .
• Promoting women’s full and equal participation and representation in all areas of
decision making
177
Promoting women’s organizations
While evidence from the region may be limited, elsewhere women’s organizations
have demonstrated to be effective in …
• lobbying and advocating for Women’s rights.
• Disseminating information to help women overcome the gender challenges and
succeed in their various demands.
• Networking aiming at harmonizing and strengthening agendas and activities and
ensuring synergies.
Enhancing a greater involvement of women in holding governments accountable

 Support and elect a candidate.
 When knowing their rights and understanding how institutional mecanisms oper-
ate, women can:
• Demand from their governments.
• Assess accomplishment .
• Use the power of vote.
Why voice matters?
• Women’s representation in the Parliament has demonstrated effectiveness in pass-

ing and reinforcing laws in gender issues, for example in equal pay for equal work,
parental leave, etc.
• Women in the judiciary are critical for example in terms of ending impunity for
violence against women.
• Women’s organizations have played a critical role in influencing policy formulation
to advance the gender equality agenda.
• Raise Public Awareness – at local, national and global levels.
• Speak with a common voice fostering dialogues and build partnerships.
Means
The gender equality work is often hampered by a lack of human and financial resources.
How to address this gap?
Adequate financial resources

Domestic resource mobilization:
• Sound gender sensitive economic policies.
• Align policy commitments on gender equality with resource allocations.
• Investments in basic gender-sensitive social and economic infrastructure.
• Promote women friendly credit schemes beyond microfinance.
• Promote business frameworks that are sensitive to the gender implications of their
undertakings .
178
Mobilization of international resources for development:
• A holistic gender-sensitive approach to financing for development.
Institutional capacity: an important aspect of this means is the development of human
resources capacity….
A twin-track approach:
 Gender mainstreaming.
 Targeted elimination of gender-based discrimination and women’s empowerment.
Through developing human resources capacities.

 Generating gender expertise for critical technical support on women’s rights, em-
powerment and security.
Some available tools:
• Gender analysis.
• Gender data disaggregated by sex and age.
• Sector-specific gender surveys.
• Gender sensitive studies, guidelines and checklists for programming.
• Mechanisms for monitoring and evaluation.
• Gender sensitive budgets.
Why does means matter? Because with these resources…
• Systematic and predictable allocations of resources.

• Systematic assessment of resource allocations for promoting gender equality.
Monitoring actual delivery of results in the area of gender equality and the advance-
ment of women.
179
Sergei Zelenev
Rights of older women
Despite advances in promoting gender sensitive legal frameworks and women’s human
rights, women’s de jure and de facto equality has not been achieved in any country in
the world. At the national level, gender-based discrimination continues in law and in
practice, with many women suffering multiple forms of discrimination amid limited
access to rights, resources and opportunities.135 In the case of older women who have
to face double discrimination on age and sex grounds, marginalization is a real, day-to-
day condition in many countries. Bringing older women into the mainstream of social
and economic development requires big and small steps based on intergenerational
solidarity, such as adopting legal provisions and enforcing policy measures that go be-
yond welfare considerations but emphasize a full range of their human rights.137
Demographic trends and social factors
The world is ageing: the proportion of people aged 60 and over is growing in the total
share of the population worldwide, largely due to declines in fertility and rising longev-
ity. Gender dimensions of ageing are profound as older women continue to outnumber
older men, comprising a majority of older persons and their share of the older popula-
tion increases with age. At the global level, the sex ratio of the population aged 60 or
over is 83 males per 100 females, and while sex ratios at older ages vary greatly among
major areas and countries, globally in 2009 women aged 60 or over outnumbered men
of the same age by 66 million138.
In the Arab region, the process of ageing is not as advanced as in some other regions
of the world, such as in Europe or in some countries in Asia. Nevertheless, in the wake
of the rapidly changing demographic situation in the region, the need to meet the chal-
lenges of an ageing society cannot be overlooked, given that the absolute number of
people aged 65 and above has already doubled from 5.7 million in 1980 to 10.4 million
in 2000 and to 14 million in 2010, projecting to increase to 21.3 million by 2020.139
Across the world, there is vast evidence that older women belong to the most vulner-
able and marginalized category of the population, and often, the poorest. First of all,
many older women are widows and are likely to live alone, unable to receive even a
minimal assistance from the family.140 They tend to remarry less often compared to
135 United Nations. Review of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for action, the outcomes of the twenty-third special ses-
sion of the General Assembly and its contribution to shaping a gender perspective towards the full realization of the Millennium Development Goals.
Commission on the Status of women, Fifty-fourth session, E/2010/4-E/CN.6/2010/2, 7 December 2009
136 The purpose of this paper is not to provide a comprehensive overview of the legal status on women’s rights in the Arab region. Rather, it is an
attempt to highlight some salient features of socio-economic and cultural nature specific to the discussion concerning rights of older women, in the
context of the region.
137 United Nations. World Population Ageing 2009, ESA/P/WP/212, December 2009, p.26
138 ESCWA. Population Ageing in Arab Countries. United Nations, 2007, p.1
139 United Nations. Living Arrangements of Older Persons Around the World, Sales No.E.05,XIII.9, New York, 2005
180
older men, and experience longer years of widowhood. Because they are widows they
may also experience prejudice and ostracism— in some countries there are cultural
traditions which ascribe ill omen to widowhood, providing grounds for discrimination
against widows.
Many older women are particularly vulnerable because they are illiterate. According
to some estimates nearly 60 per cent of women in developing countries of age 65 and
over cannot read or write, compared to 34 per cent of men. Illiteracy not only deprives
women of better earning opportunities, undermining their status in family and society
at large, but also does not allow them to realize their full potential. Moreover, the at-
tainment of higher levels of education is, as a rule, associated with better health. (Both
issues are discussed in more detail in the context of the Arab region in the next section
of the paper).
Because labor force participation at older ages has dropped among men and is rising
among women, the share of women in the older labour force has been on the increase.
At the global level, women’s share of the old world force rose from 28 per cent in 1980
to 40 per cent in 2009141. In practical terms it often means that many older women are
forced to work longer, carrying out low-earning manual work to obtain minimal means
of existence.
Age is often considered a visible sign for several distinctive processes within older
person’s lives. First of all, chronological age establishes a plank in identifying a dis-
tinct demographic (birth) cohort. In today’s world, a group of persons aged 60 and
over represent a span of over 30 years characterized by great diversity of individuals
who belong to that group, by status or class. Secondly, age reflects the physiological
ageing process. “Over time, --writes Deepak Chopra,-- these various “age changes”,
as gerontologists call them, exert massive influence. They are the thousand tiny waves
that bring in the tide of old age”142. On average, the advancing age correlates with
increasing age-related health risks, even though the situation varies across countries
regarding opportunities for “active ageing”. Finally, ageing is associated with a range
of social and economic changes in the lives of individuals, often stemming from other
changes in social roles and relationships, but not necessarily linked to poor health or
ageing per se.143
Gender is one dimension that is cuts across the above meanings of ageing. In terms of
physiological ageing, older women have greater reported levels of disability compared
to older men, and may experience more constraints in their day-to-day activities due
140 United Nations. World Population Ageing 2009, ESA/P/WP/212, December 2009, p.39
141 Deepak Chopra, “Ageless Body, Timeless Mind. The Quantum Alternative to Growing Old”, Harmony Books, New York, 1993, p.10 The authors
argues, however, against seeing mandatory retirement age at a given age (say 65) as “an arbitrary cut-off date for social usefulness”, when “the day
before a worker turns 65, he contributes labor and value to society; the day after, he becomes one of society’s dependants (ibid, p.12). While the author
uses only gender-insensitive “he” the statement above is probably applicable to both women and men.
142 Sara Arber, Kate Davidson and Jay Ginn (eds.) Gender and Ageing. Changing Roles and Relationships. Open University Press, McGraw-Hill.
Maidenhead and Philadelphia, 2003, p.3
143 Ibid.
181
to mobility difficulties. Because current financial circumstances of older women are
closely linked to their previous role and position in the labour market, older women
are also more likely than older men to experience economic disadvantages in their later
life144.
Existing disadvantages: regional dimensions
Disadvantage is usually associated with structural causes and occurs when obstacles
created by society inhibit access to resources, benefits and opportunities. The disad-
vantages and gender inequality that women are experiencing in the region have been
corroborated by many studies, including by scholars from the Western Asia region. For
example, Dr. Madiha El Safty, highlighting older women “marginalization in an ageing
society”, in her study on ageing in the Arab region, emphasizes that existing vulner-
abilities are amplified by gender, while “ageing issues are not addressed as matters of
concern. An old woman is therefore doubly disadvantaged in a male–dominated cul-
ture where gender inequality still exists”145.
Female literacy is a pressing issue for the Arab region— on average only 51 of adult
women are literate compared to 73 percent of adult men.146 It is far below 95 per cent
literacy prevalent in the developed countries. Despite great strides made in some cases
at the national level,147 high rates of illiteracy among women persist in the majority
of the Arab countries. A range of factors seem to account for such a situation, includ-
ing poverty, tradition of early marriages, illiteracy of parents, a low national starting
base in primary education, a slowdown in the rate of increase in enrollment during
the 1990s compared with 1980s, the decline in public expenditure on education since
1995, as well as low political commitment.148 According to some estimates, about 8
million children of primary-school age remain out of school and 5 million of them are
girls; one girl in four is out of school149. Quite often families do not see much sense in
educating girls because after marriage many women move away from their parents.
In some cases pertinent to countries in the region (e.g. Morocco), the gender gap in
literacy among the present younger generation is even larger compared to that of the
parents and grandparents generation. On the other hand, when countries demonstrate a
strong political commitment to eradicating illiteracy at the national level, accompanied
by sustained support and necessary funding, significant success in this area has been
achieved (Jordan, Gulf States)150
144 Madiha El Safty. “Ageing in Western Asia” in UN/DESA Study “Regional Dimensions of the Ageing Situation”, United Nations, New York,
2008, Sales No.E.08.IV.1
145 Ibid, p.145
146 Female literacy rates for persons aged 15 and over range from 24 (Iraq) to 85.9 percent (Jordan). Between 1990 and 2000-2004 six Arab countries
ranked above the world average of 76.5%.Bahrain raised it female rate from 74.6% to 84.2%, Jordan from 72.1% to 85.9 %, Kuwait from 72.6% to
81%, Lebanon from 73.1% to 82%, Qatar from 76% to 82.3% and the United Arab Emirates from 70% to 80.7% (Hassan R.Hammoud. Illiteracy in the
Arab world. UNESCO, 2005 (2006/ED/EFA/MRT/PI/38)
147 Ibid, p.4
148 Ibid, p.13
149 Ibid, p.9
150 A.Abyad. Geriatrics in the Middle East. Middle Eastern Journal of Age and Ageing, July 2004, vol.1, issue 1
182
Low levels of school enrolment for girls are often at the root of the many disadvan-
tages and socio-economic problems women are facing down the life-course, primarily
inability to compete with men on the labour market for better paid-jobs. Low levels of
education and training closely correlate with low-status of work that women may be
able to find and perform, quite often in the informal sector of the economy, having no
opportunity to get a job elsewhere. In this sense, disadvantages formed at the very be-
ginning of their lives are haunting women along the road, preventing them from having
a choice and making them extremely vulnerable. Illiterate women may be not aware
of their legal rights (even when they exist), are deprived on employment opportunities
and often cannot earn sufficient income.
There is also an obvious and well documented health dimension— gender gaps in edu-
cation have been linked to negative female health outcomes, while promoting access
to education has been identified by UN international Conferences as a vital element for
both health and development. Quite often, health problems that women experience in
old age are the result of inferior or lacking health care services at some earlier stages
along the life-course.
Economic difficulties and low access to health services in many countries of the region
have been identified as key obstacles in addressing the challenges of ageing. By and
large, there are no satisfactory geriatric care services available for the elderly at the
national level while the programs that do exist tend to be “rudimentary and fragment-
ed”.151 Most often the older persons, both men and women, are dependent on the sup-
port provided through family and extended kin networks, and particularly their chil-
dren. However, changes in family structures amid changing values affect traditional
patterns of family responsibility for the aged people, leading to situations when they
cannot depend upon family-based care. Situation is somewhat paradoxical as govern-
ments in the region are still assuming that families will take care of their own elderly.152
Another major challenge is lack of health care professionals dealing with ageing mat-
ters, including the need for special education of doctors and nurses.
According to the World Health Organization, access to, and utilization of, health care
services is determined by “physical access or availability to services, economic access
or affordability of services and social access or acceptability of these services”. In this
context, ”the freedom of movement, financial power and social status are all important
determination in accessing health care.”153 One could notice that older women in the
region are disadvantaged on all three counts. According to ESCWA, the existing socio-
economic conditions predicate that they suffer additional problems compared to men,
namely lack of access to paid employment, lack of equal access to adequate health and
151 Ibid. Just a few Governments in the region consider population ageing as “ a major concern” (see World Population Prospects 2009, Sales E.09.
XIII.14, United Nations, 2010)
152 World Health Organization. Cross-cutting gender issues in women’s health in the Eastern Mediterranean Region, WHO, 2007, Document WHO-
EM/WHD/011/E, p.10
153 ESCWA. Population ageing in Arab countries, E/ESCWA/SDD/2007/Technical Material.2.United Nations, New York, 2007,p.8
183
social services, and social and financial dependency.154 Another aspect specific to the
region is that the proportion of women among the widowed elderly is higher than for
men. This is expected to raise the dependency ratio among elderly women and trigger a
high proportion of households headed by elderly women who are poor and widowed.154
Poverty is the main concern for older persons in the region, and women are more likely
than men to be living in poverty. Older women, along with some other groups like
women with disabilities or women working in the informal sector, belong to a high
risk group and are particularly vulnerable to poverty. This is directly connected to in-
come generation activities as older women tend to be less involved in the labour force
compared to older men. Apart from the above, poverty among older women is exacer-
bated “by the cramped living conditions in urban centers and by a social security law
essentially focused on the male breadwinner in the formal sector, whose right to social
security determines a woman’s right to maintenance”.155
The lack of pension systems and schemes or their limited capacity to provide means
of subsistence to older women, is bound to increase women’s dependence and lack of
individual autonomy. Across the region, women’s decision-making power has been
limited in many areas and male members (or the entire family) often have the primary
say in matters related but not limited to finances, freedom of movement, children’s
education, or health-care seeking behavior.156 In the face of deeply- seated cultural bi-
ases and attitudes, the capacity of women, including older women, to make choices of
their own often is confined within pre-determined boundaries while their voices in so-
ciety are subdued. Across the region, access to employment, decent work and to social
protection, access to financial resources, housing, land and other productive resources
which constitute the basis of ensuring women’s economic empowerment, remains lim-
ited. Despite some progress achieved in the health and education of girls and young
women, much more needs to be done regarding the situation of older women. In cer-
tain cases, low status, negative stereotypes and absence of access to financial resources
were factors leading to violence against older women.157
In light of the above, the vulnerability of older women in the region, particularly in
some countries with deeply traditional and patriarchal societies, is wide-spread and
may be considered as the cumulative result of numerous factors, including gender bias
“materialized in the form of poverty, poor health and even marginalization”.158
International Platform.
The United Nations has been a vital platform for addressing the issue of human rights
154 Ibid.
155 Women’s Rights in the Arab world, GTZ, commissioned by Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, Berlin, 2009, p.25
156 WHO, Cross-cutting gender issues in women’s health in the Eastern Mediterranean Region, op.cit. p.14
157 Implementing CEDAW and ending violence against women. Report on the workshop organized by the Inter-Parliamentary Union 27-29 July
2010, CL/187/11(g)-R.1
158 Madiha El Sufty, op.cit, p.146
184
of all people, women and men, young and old. Dignity of the individuals represents a
value, a principle and a right and is at the core of all human rights instruments of the
United Nations.
The Universal Declaration on Human Rights, 1948, together with the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 and the two Optional protocols thereto,
and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966, form
the so-called International Bill of Human Rights. None of these documents explicitly
refer to age as one of the prohibited grounds. It is assumed, however, that provisions
of the above Covenants apply fully to all members of society, and older persons—both
women and men—are entitled to enjoy the full range of rights recognized in the Cov-
enants.
Among the international human rights treaties, the Convention on the Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1979, spelled out the meaning of equal-
ity between women and men, as well as the ways and means in achieving it, reaffirm-
ing faith in fundamental human rights and worth of every person. Age, however, was
mentioned in the Convention only in passing, in connection with respect to the right to
social security.159
Analysis of all principal human rights documents reveals, however, that failure to iden-
tify age as a prohibitive ground for discrimination in these documents has lead to a situ-
ation where the discriminatory experiences of older persons become obscured. In addi-
tion, the standards which offer older women and men protection are dispersed through
various human rights documents. As a result, the numerous obligations on States vis-
à-vis older persons which are implicitly present in the United Nations human rights
instruments, remain largely invisible for both Governments and the general public,
while the obligations on private sector actors and individuals are not well developed.
There is evidence that existing human rights instruments, notwithstanding their politi-
cal significance, are lacking capacity to effectively protect the rights of older persons
in general and older women in particular. 160
Two possible breaches regarding the implementation of the human rights provisions
contained in the legal instruments should be noted: “the implementation gap” and “nor-
mative gap”. The first occurs when the State parties fail to abide by the commitments
that they have signed onto through human rights conventions. In this case international
standards have been elaborated and are in existence but are not incorporated into do-
mestic legislation and procedures for various reasons, including lacking institutions
and other actors competent to implement measures that would result in the fulfillment
159 In recent years, there has been a growing pressure on the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
to address the rights of older persons in more detail; as a result the work started on the preparation of general recommendation on that matter, to require
State Parties to provide information about the status of older women in their countries. This issue will be considered at the upcoming October meeting
of CEDAW in Geneva
160 For more details, see: United Nations. Follow-up to the Second World Assembly on Ageing. Report of the Secretary-General, A/64/127, 6July
2009
185
of the relevant rights. The second, ”normative gap” occurs where the current provi-
sions fail to provide specific guidance on how to give content and effects to existing
norms, convincingly addressing existing practices which deny rights. There is an open
question whether the implementation gap “is a result of the normative gap, given that
existing instruments or provisions have not been successful at providing either the in-
centive or safeguard to protect the rights of older persons”.161
As a result of the above-mentioned gaps, the existence of various instruments and

undertakings, older persons, not to mention older women, continue to be “invisible”,
facing barriers in their participation as equal members of society as well as violations
of their human rights.
Apart from the human rights approach, another track taken by the international com-
munity in approaching the issue of ageing and gender has been exemplified by inter-
governmental policy documents on ageing such as two major Plans on Ageing-- by the
Vienna International Plan of Action on Ageing adopted by the first World Assembly on
Ageing in Vienna, Austria, in 1982 and by the Madrid International Plan of Action on
Ageing, adopted by the Second World Assembly on Ageing in Madrid, Spain, in 2002.
These vital international policy documents recommended a variety of initiatives aimed
at strengthening the capacity of Governments and civil society to deal effectively with
the population ageing. The adoption by the General Assembly in 1991, in between
the World Assemblies of the United Nations principles for Older Persons162, consti-
tuted another essential element in building an international policy framework on age-
ing geared at promoting ageing consideration into national development programmes.
Underscoring the contribution that older persons make to their society, and recognizing
the people’s faith in fundamental human rights, the 18 principles were grouped under
five quality-of life characteristics: independence; participation; care; self-fulfillment
and dignity. The policy guidance provided under these five Principles correlates well
with the rights encoded in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cul-
tural Rights.
The adoption of the Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing signified a shift from
the previous policy frameworks, linking ageing and development, and promoting the
view of ageing from the perspective of both developing and developed countries. The
gender dimension was firmly underscored throughout the text of the Plan. The Madrid
Plan was informed by a policy discourse on gender that took place in the context of the
Fourth World Conference on Women, 1995 and the adoption of the Beijing Declaration
and Platform for Action, as well by the outcomes of other high level events and Sum-
mits. Article 6 of the Madrid Political Declaration recognized “the need to mainstream
a gender perspective into all policies and programmes to take account of the needs and
experiences of older women and men”. The Plan stresses that “the situation of older
161 Ibid
162 UN General Assembly Resolution 46/91
186
women everywhere must be a priority for policy action. Recognizing the differen-
tial impact of ageing on women and men is integral to ensuring full equality between
women and men and to the development of effective and efficient measures to address
the issue. It is therefore critical to ensure the integration of a gender perspective into all
policies, programmes and legislation” (para.8). In recommendations for action a goal is
identified “to take measures to enable the full and equal participation of older persons,
in particular older women, in decision-making at all levels” (para.22). Employment
issues such as participation of older women in the labour market is mentioned in the
context of deserving special attention (para.25). The empowerment dimension is not
forgotten either: policy makers are urged to ensure that “the rights of older women in
rural and remote areas are taken into account with regard to their equal access to and
control of economic resources” (para32). On the other hand, special social protection
measures are required to address feminization of poverty, in particular among older
women” (para.46). The call is made to raise awareness and protect older persons from
physical, psychological, sexual and financial abuse, inter alia, in emergency situations,
paying particular attention to the special risks faced by women (para 55). The plan also
mentions some harmful traditional and customary practices that result “in abuse and
violence directed at older women, often exacerbated by poverty and lack of access to
legal protection” (para 108).
In the context of health promotion and well-being throughout life, a special mention
is made regarding the need to ensure that “gender-specific primary prevention and
screening programmes are available and affordable to older persons” (para. 67). The
caregiving role of older women is also highlighted; an objective is seen in identifying
measures to assist older caregivers, addressing at the same time their specific social,
economic and psychological needs (para. 106)
A comprehensive and multifaceted document, the Madrid plan is in many ways a mani-
festation and example of a gender-mainstreaming effort undertaken in a key interna-
tional policy document. An intergovernmental policy approach that pays attention to
all age groups with the objective of creating a society for all ages and a shift from de-
velopment policies for older persons towards inclusion of older persons in the policy
making process were major outcomes of the Second World Assembly on Ageing in
Madrid.163 This shift provides the foundation for participatory approaches which con-
sist of taking the views and opinions of older persons into account when developing
and implementing policies that affect them; through the Madrid Plan Governments
committed themselves to furthering the active participation of older persons in society.
As exemplified by the first review and appraisal of the Plan done in the context of the
intergovernmental policy process at the United Nations, the results of the implemen-
163 For more details see Sergei Zelenev “Towards a “society for all ages”: meeting the challenge or missing the boat” International Social Science
Journal,Wiley-Blackwell &UNESCO, December 2006, 190; Sergei Zelenev “The Madrid Plan: a comprehensive agenda for an ageing world” in UN/
DESA study Regional Dimensions of the Ageing Situation, 2008, op.cit
187
tation of the Madrid Plan on the national level have been mixed.164 There have been
some important achievements at the national level, particularly regarding introduction
of new laws and creation of institutional and legal infrastructure, in the service delivery
for older persons, and in income support activities. However, they pale in comparison
with the scale of challenges that still exist on both the ageing and gender fronts. Age-
based discrimination is a reality existing in many societies and older women often face
double discrimination; there is a wide-spread global inequality in availability and ac-
cess to social protection; priority setting on ageing matters at the national level leaves
much to be desired.165 The Madrid Plan is not legally binding on Member States and no
mandatory procedure exists to monitor it is implementation, including monitoring of
existing infringements on human rights or older persons and failure to fulfill many ob-
ligations and commitments undertaken previously. At the international level, the plight
of older people has not been addressed directly on the MDG agenda. On the other
hand, while linkages between implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform
for Action and the achievement of the Millennium Development goals have been es-
tablished, the lack of progress for women in relation to the Millennium Development
Goals suggests that the global policy framework on gender equality and empowerment
of women is still insufficiently used as a basis for policymaking and programming
aimed at the achievement of the MDG agenda.166
In the Arab region, achievements regarding the situation of older persons have been
primarily welfare-based.167 But even welfare-based policies regarding older persons
in general and older women in particular, remain very fragmented, while the rights
agenda has not yet generated sufficient support and momentum to become a deciding
force in shaping policy agenda. According to ESCWA, more work is still required in
terms of the following: advocacy from a human rights perspective, collection of data,
survey analysis, programme management, policy formulation and monitoring.168 The
gaps discussed above matter in the implementation context, but what also matters is
the situation on the ground. For example, a range of cultural, social, political, and
legal factors contribute to women’s lack of property and inheritance rights, and pursuit
of gender equality in this area has been one of the most difficult challenges in many
countries owing to the complexity as well as entrenched patriarchal characteristics
of social-economic, cultural and religious practices.169 Lack of effective enforcement
mechanisms makes implementation of even existing legal provisions contained in the
Conventions and other UN policy instruments problematic at the national level.
United Nations policy instruments involving human rights are documents written on
the principle of universality. When some countries are lodging reservations to the
164 For detailed analysis and results of the first review and appraisal see the Reports of the Secretary-General E/CN.5/2008/2, E/CN.5?2008/7 and
A/63/95
165 Ibid.
166 Economic and Social Council, Report of the Secretary-General E/2010/4-E/CN.6/2010/2
167 ESCWA, Population ageing in Arab countries, op.cit,, p.7
168 Ibid.
169 UN-HABITAT. Progress report on removing Discrimination against Women in Respect of Property & Inheritance Rights, Nairobi, August 2006
188
existing provisions of the CEDAW or any other legally-binding instruments negotiated
through the United Nations, using religious or other grounds, they weaken the essential
substance and implementation mechanism of such conventions, making prevention
of possible abuses based on local customs and practices much more difficult. In this
context, steps should be taken to ensure that provisions of multiple legal systems
comply with international human rights standards, including the principle of non-
discrimination. Discriminatory laws/provisions should be repealed and legal and policy
reforms continued to ensure full compliance with international obligations undertaken
by the State Parties.170
There are numerous steps, big and small, that could be taken in the region to improve
the situation of older women. Quite often, many steps are interconnected. First of
all, greater efforts are required to ensure the effective implementation as well as the
enforcement of the existing gender sensitive non-discriminatory legal frameworks,
including access to justice and recourse procedures, strengthening women’s knowledge
of their rights, involving men and boys in legal literacy programmes. Institutional
mechanisms for the advancement of women, including establishment of pertinent
national machinery -- from the focal points in line ministries to national committees
for gender equality-- is also essential. Ability of different stakeholders to coordinate
their actions and collaborate with each other in the most effective manner is another
important dimension.
The importance of small steps should not be underestimated, particularly when these
steps increase the sensitivity of policymakers and society at large to nexus of gender
and ageing, address institutional ageism or change the prevailing negative stereotypes.
170 Report of the Secretary- General E/2010/4-E/CN.6/2010/2, op.cit
189
Richard G. Wilkins
“Project WORLD: Women and the International Landscape of Wom-
en with Disabilities”
The Doha International Institute for Family Studies and Development (DIIFSD) re-
cently completed a worldwide study on the status and needs of children with disabili-
ties and their families entitled Children and the International Landscape of Disabilities
(Project CHILD, 2010). While documenting the status and needs of children with dis-
abilities, two critical areas warranting further research emerged: (1) the disproportion-
ately adverse effects of disabilities on women and girls and (2) the pervasive social,
economic, and health impacts on women in their universal roles as caregivers of chil-
dren and family members with disabilities. Through the voices of the disability experts
interviewed for Project CHILD, the particular impact of disability on women and girls
became apparent.
Women with disabilities are much more likely to be impoverished and denied basic
human rights than are men with disabilities. Specifically, women with disabilities ex-
perience:
• greater incidence of physical and sexual abuse;

• fewer opportunities for marriage;
• greater likelihood of living in absolute poverty;
• higher rates of illiteracy; and
• less access to education,
employment, rehabilitation services, and health care.
Additionally, as daughters, sisters, aunts, wives and mothers; women are dispropor-
tionately more likely to be the sole care giver for family members with disabilities,
impacting every facet of their lives. Research documents that women, in the absence of
adequate support, who serve as caregivers for family members with disabilities are at
greater risk for experiencing:
• emotional and psychological stress;

• health and medical problems;
• negative stigma;
• loss of employment and income;
• abandonment by their husbands; and
• social isolation.
Mothers often describe feelings of guilt or self-blame regarding both heredity and envi-
ronmental factors contributing to their child’s disability, even when unwarranted. With
the majority of children with disabilities being cared for by their mothers, more effort
190
is needed to understand their unique personal and family circumstances and design
successful interventions, supports and empowerment programs for these women and
their families.
DIIFSD is building upon the knowledge acquired during Project CHILD by applying
a similar research model to the interplay of women, family, and disability around the
world. This project, entitled Women’s Roles in the Landscape of Disabilities (Project
WORLD), will provide a wealth of information about women and girls impacted by
disability. Project WORLD will identify the fundamental issues through personal inter-
views and group discussions, as well as highlight programs of promise and best prac-
tices that serve to empower women and girls with disabilities, while contributing to the
ongoing development of an international resource guide on disabilities. Like Project
CHILD, Project WORLD will increase awareness and foster change by providing a
global voice concerning the impact of disabilities on women. Whereas, Project CHILD
focused on voices about children with disabilities who cannot always speak for them-
selves, Project WORLD’s emphasis will be global conversations with women who can.
191
FINDINGS
&
RECOMMENDATIONS
193
Findings
• The problems facing Arab women are not unique and are common to other societ-
ies. Therefore the solution requires a constructive intercultural dialogue, an inter-
national cooperation and a culturally sensitive approach to promote empowerment.
• The current political turmoil and economic crisis in the Arab world has a negative
impact on the status of women.
• Islam as a religion guaranties equal rights and duties to women; it is the misinterpre-
tation of the religion and some cultural beliefs that lead to discriminatory practices.
• The last decade witnessed irreversible improvement in the status of Arab women;
however a lot of efforts are needed to ensure social, economic participation and
political rights of women.
• Legal reforms are necessary in many countries in order to ensure the implementa-
tion of laws that secure women rights.
• There is a need to rectify the image of Arab women in the media through a construc-
tive partnership that will promote a positive image and role models of women.
• Women have a primary responsibility to empower themselves by building their own

self confidence through participation in all spheres of life.
• To empower Arab women, there is a need to enhance their education, encourage

their political participation, their economic involvement, and institutionalize their
rights.
• Issues affecting specific groups of women including disabled persons and older
women should be addressed.
• There is a need to Support and encourage civil society and other stakeholders in-
cluding religious leaders and the family to actively cooperate at all levels to secure
women’s rights and to prevent all forms of violence against women.
• The role of Arab women organizations is essential for the empowerment of women;
they constitute a forum for discussion and exchange of views and a tool for imple-
menting various programs in the region.
• Empowerment is a complex and relative notion, its promotion needs to take into
account a holistic approach.
195
Recommendations
1. Women’s participation at the national level: what could be done to overcome

existing impediments?
1.1 Ensure access to education: Education is a key priority and an effective instru-
ment in the empowerment of women in Arab countries.
States should design and implement policies to guarantee at least 12 years of manda-
tory quality education to girls. It is essential to target resources at increasing girls’
enrolment, decreasing their dropout rates, and to design curricula that are meaningful
and encouraging for girls. Women themselves should be involved in curriculum de-
velopment. The rights and opportunities of vulnerable groups (e.g. ethnic minorities,
migrants, girls with disabilities) should be given specific attention.
1.2 Promote women’s employment: Governments have a central role in improving

equal opportunities for women in the labour market through legislation. Legislation
relevant to labour market participation of women should be reviewed and Governments
themselves should adopt and implement an equal opportunity “open doors” policy in
regard to employment and career development of women. It is important to exchange
good practices in the region
1.3 Enhance political participation and leadership: The current low proportion of
women in political institutions and in leadership positions in various sectors calls for
special measures such as quotas. In the longer run, measures such as creating opportu-
nities for career development, providing encouragement, role models, and leadership
training should be used to open pathways for women to enter leadership positions.
1.4 Innovative approaches to partnerships should be used: partnerships with me-

dia, civil society organizations and other agents in the region should be developed to
promote the exchange of best practices in the empowerment of women. There is a need
to promote positive images of women and to ensure that good role models for women
exist.
1.5 Establishing forums or platforms for sharing through partnerships that fa-
cilitate dialogue and that involve all stakeholders, civil society, academic institu-
tions, state agencies, private sector, cultural and religious leaders, and men and women
should work together to create better awareness, joint understanding, and cooperation
to promote the empowerment of women.
1.6 Involving women’s organizations to support the building of self-confidence in

women and to promote self-development of girls in e.g. schools.
1.7 Use a twin –track approach to address the gender gap effectively: (1) gender
equality, non-discrimination and women’s empowerment need to be included holisti-
196
cally in all policies, plans and practices, (2) targeted measures to advance the status
of women are also needed to promote their empowerment and to produce immediate
effects.
Institutional capacity building for empowerment
2.1. Support civil society to build institutional capacity for gender

empowerment:
Civil society, including NGOs, private sector, academia, religious communities/
leaders, and community based organizations, women’s groups and families should be
seen as resources to be mobilized for facilitating women’s empowerment at local and
national levels. More interaction, discussion and collaboration is needed to sensitize
all stakeholders.
2.2. Create umbrella organizations or networks of women’s organizations or

“community centers” to enable women to share experiences and to strengthen their
voice in local and national decision making forums.
2.3. Organize gender sensitivity training for managers and employees as well as
government staff as part of gender mainstreaming efforts.
2.4. Increase the collection and use of gender and age sensitive data and
research: involve the academia in order to generate the relevant data and to develop
evidence – based policy design and decision-making.
2.5. Establish or strengthen institutional structures aimed at gender policy and

programme implementation and monitoring: Design ways to increase coordination
and collaboration e.g. between government agencies to mainstream gender issues.
2.6. Improve institutional structures that are responsible for ensuring women’s
equal access to justice, property rights, decent work and independent resources.
2.7. Promote the use of modern information technology (IT) including internet for
sharing information good practices on empowerment of women.
2.8. Strengthen the production and sharing of information on women’s empow-

erment in Arabic and between Arabic countries. The UN and other organizations
should improve and enhance the access to the documentation in Arabic.
2.9. Strengthen laws and institutions that are responsible for preventing and han-
dling cases of violence against women. States and religious leaders should endorse
and enforce zero tolerance policies against all forms of violence against women, in-
cluding cases of domestic violence. .
197
2.10. Involve men as allies: to change the mind- sets of men and reverse the
discriminating and disempowering aspects in the traditional male dominant culture.
There is a need for an open dialogue that combines men’s and women’s interest
groups with the view to establish alternative interpretations of men’s roles and their
involvement in the process of empowering women.
3. Making policy responses more effective.
3.1. Foster the development of political will to support empowerment of women and
ensure that policy goals are gender sensitive with concrete goals, targets, time lines and
budget allocations.
3.2. Adapt existing and introduce new practical tools, such as Gender Impact As-
sessment (GIA) and Gender Budgeting as well as appropriate evaluation strategies and
techniques to assess policy outcomes.
3.3. Involve academia in the production of gender relevant research to provide

evidence for policy design and follow-up including analysis of public information on
gender sensitive issues such as violence against women.
3.4. Encourage Arab countries, to develop Arab index (Arab gender matrix) to
monitor empowerment of women. Support research institutes in the Arab region to
undertake research on this.
3.5. Involve responsible media to inform and engage the public in policy dialogue
and follow-up.
4. Issues affecting specific groups (girls and young women; older women, women
with disabilities, families with disabled children) need to be addressed:
4.1. Promote intergenerational solidarity and dialogue by ensuring age and gender
representation in public policy forums
4.2. Promote universal, affordable health care at the community and local level,
among others, as an instrument to foster the health and well-being of girls and the
health and dignity of older women.
4.3. Adopt a life course approach that provides targeted programs for groups
with special needs e.g. prevention of violence against women, impact of disability on
children and older women, and other vulnerable groups.
4.4. Address the specific situation of most vulnerable women and girls. Low
income women groups in rural and urban marginal areas should access grass roots
skills education and training, coops, internships, and overall good quality education.
198
4.5. Increase the minimum age of the marriage to 18 in line with the Convention
on the Rights of the Child.
5. The concept of empowerment from a gender perspective – political, socio-

economic and cultural dimensions.
5.1. Collaboration between all societal sectors is needed to promote the conditions
that allow women to empower themselves.
5.2. Gender equality and empowerment needs to be included in policies and prac-
tices of all sectors and at levels (“mainstreaming”) in addition to actions targeted to
women and girls. These should be seen as essential components of the same strategy.
5.3. Actions targeted directly to empower women and girls remain necessary as
they are the effective strategy to get immediate results.
5.4. Empowerment and other related concepts such as gender equality and main-
streaming should be defined and used in ways that can be operational in various con-
texts.
199
ANNEXES
201
Agenda
Tuesday, 5 October 2010
9:00-9:30 Registration
9:30-10:30 Opening session
Welcome Address:
-Dr. Richard Wilkins, Managing Director,
Doha International Institute for Family Studies and
Development
Opening Remarks:
- H.E. Noor Al Malki, Board Member, Doha International
Institute for Family studies and Development; Secretary General,
Supreme Council for Family Affairs, Qatar
-Dr. Patience Stephens, Special Assistant to the United Nations

Special Adviser on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women
10:30-11:00 Break
11:00-12:45 Session I: The concept of empowerment from a gender per
spective – political, socio-economic and cultural
dimensions Moderator – Prof. Tracey McDonald
Introductory remarks – Ms. Yakin Erturk

Prof. Layachi Anser
Dr. Astrid Stuckelberger
Mr. Ronald Wiman
Dr. Ranjana Kumari
Questions for discussion
• Why is empowerment a prerequisite for gender equality?
• What are the connections between empowerment and hu
man rights?
• Why is the life-course approach to empowerment impor
tant?
• How is empowerment linked to the MDGs (poverty reduc
tion, maternal health, etc)?
• Mainstreaming a gender perspective into social develop
ment
Discussion
12:45-14:15 Lunch Break
203
14:15-15:45 Session II: Women’s participation at the national level: what
has been achieved and what could be done to overcome exist
ing impediments Moderator – Mrs. Faith Innerarity
Introductory remarks – Dr. Joanna McMinn

Dr. Kaltham Al Ghanim
Mrs. Lilit Asatryan
Dr. Asma Al Attiyah

Presence of women in the work force, politics, business and edu-
cation: what are the current trends?
What are the impediments specific to the region which need to be
addressed?
• What are the economic, social and cultural impediments?
• What are the institutional impediments?
• What could be done in the short term and in the long-term?
• How to improve access to resources?
* Why women’s social exclusion is so detrimental to society?
Discussion
15:45-16:15 Break
16:15-17:45 Session III: Institutional capacity building for empowerment

Moderator – Prof- Layachi Anser
Introductory remarks – Prof. Maria Amparo Cruz-Saco

Dr. Fatma Elkubeissy
Dr. Julie Newton

• How can gender education be enhanced?
• What political steps can be taken to support empowerment?
• What is the role of the stakeholders:
• the State
• civil society
• private sector
• family
Discussion
17:45-18:00 Wrap-up by the Rapporteurs of day one
204
Dr. Julie Newton
Prof. Maria Amparo Cruz Saco
19:00 Dinner
Wednesday, 6 October 2010
9:00-10:30 Session IV: Making policy responses more effective

Moderator – Dr. Patience Stephens

Introductory remarks – Mrs. Faith Innerarity
Dr. Rania Al Jazairi
Prof. Tracey. McDonald
Ms. Olga Patricia Cortes

• How can empowerment of women be promoted in the re
gion?
• What practical methods can be implemented at various lev
els?
• What specific policies could be recommended in the rural
and urban contexts?
• Role of media and information
• Prevention of violence against women
Discussion
10:30-11:00 Break
11:00-12:30 Session V: Issues affecting specific groups

Moderator – Dr. Ranjana Kumari
Introductory remarks – Dr. Sergei Zelenev

Dr. Richard Wilkins

• Girls and young women: how can the issues affecting girls
and young women in the region be addressed (e.g. challeng
es of socialization, education, prevention of early marriage,
etc.)
• Older women: how discrimination can be overcome and
how can the rights of older women be protected.
• Policy comparisons with other regions: what can work,
what should be avoided
205
• Women and Disability
Discussion
12:30-14:00 Lunch break
14:00-15:30 Session VI: Preparation of draft recommendations

Working group A Moderator – Prof. Tracey McDonald; Rappor-
teur: Dr. Asma Al Attiyah
Working group B Moderator - Ms.Faith Innerarity
Rapporteur: Dr. Kaltham Al Ghanim
Presentation of the findings by the Rapporteurs

15:30-16:00 Break
16:00-17:00 Session VII: Review of recommended approaches and meth-

ods
Moderator – Dr. Ronald Wiman
Discussion
17:00-18:00 Distillation of findings and finalization of the recommenda

tions
Moderator – Ms. Amina Mesdoua
Discussion
18:00-18:30 Adoption of recommendation by the experts
18:30 Concluding remarks by Dr. Richard Wilkins and

Dr. Patience Stephens
Farewell and Closing
206
List of Participants
• H.E. Noor Al Malki, Board Member of the Doha International Institute for Family
Studies and Development; Secretary General , Supreme Council for Family
Affairs, Qatar.
• Yakin Erturk, Former Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women.
Layachi Anser, Head of Department of Sociological Sciences, Qatar University,
Qatar
• Astrid Stuckelberger, Public Health Medical School, University of Geneva,
Geneva, Switzerland
• Ronald Wiman, Development Manager, National Institute for Health and Welfare,
Helsinki, Finland; Senior Adviser on Social Development, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Finland
• Ranjana Kumari, Director, Center for Social Research, New Delhi, India
• Joanna McMinn, National Women’s Council of Ireland
• Kaltham Alghanem, Associate Professor, College of Arts & Science, Qatar
University, Qatar
• Lilit Asatryan, President, Armenian Young women’s association, Republic of
Armenia, Yerevan, Armenia
• Asma Al Attiyah, Associate Professor, Psychological Science Department, Qatar
University, Qatar
• Maria Amparo Cruz-Sacco, Professor of Economics, Connecticut College, USA
• Fatimah Al Kubaisi, Associate Professor, Qatar University, Qatar.
• Julie Newton, Research associate, Sustainable Communities, the ESRC Center for
Business Relationships, Cardiff University, Cardiff, Wales, UK
• Faith Innerarity, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Youth, Sports and Culture,
Kingston, Jamaica.
• Rania Al-jazairi, Social affairs Officer, center for Women, UN ESCWA, Beirut,
Lebanon
• Tracey McDonald, faculty of sciences, Australian Catholic University, North
Sydney, NSW, Australia
• Sergei Zelenev, Independent Consultant on Social Policy, Former Chief, Social
Integration Branch, DESA
OSAGI
• Patience Stephens, Special Assistant to the Special Adviser on Gender Issues,
OSAGI
• Patricia Cortes, Social Affairs Officer, Office of the Special Adviser on Gender
Issues and Advancement of Women, OSAGI/DESA
DIIFSD
• Richard Wilkins, Executive Director, Doha International Institute for Family
Studies and Development, Doha, Qatar
• Amina Mesdoua, Director, Family Policy Division, Doha International Institute
for Family Studies and Development, Doha, Qatar
• Nada Frangieh, Assistant Director, Family Policy Division, Doha International
Institute for Family Studies and Development, Doha, Qatar
207
‫مكتب املستشار اخلاص لألمني العام لألمم املتحدة في قضايا اجلندر‬
‫ •بيشنس ستيفن ‪ ،‬املساعد اخلاص ملستشار األمني العام لألمم املتحدة في قضايا اجلندر‬
‫ •أولغا باتريسيا كورتس‪ ،‬مساعد املساعد اخلاص ملستشار األمني العام لألمم املتحدة في قضايا‬
‫اجلندر‬
‫معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‬

‫ •ريتشارد ويلكنز ‪ ،‬مدير معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‬
‫ •أمينة مسدوة‪ ،‬مدير السياسات األسرية‪ ،‬معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‬
‫ •ندى فرجنية‪ ،‬مساعد مدير السياسات األسرية‪ ،‬معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‬
‫‪55‬‬
‫أسماء املشاركني‬
‫ •سعادة األستادة نور املالكي‪ ،‬عضو مجلس أمناء معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‪،‬‬
‫األمني العام‪ ،‬املجلس األعلى لألسرة‪ ،‬قطر‬
‫ •ياكني إيرتورك‪ ،‬املقرر اخلاص السابق للعنف ضد املرأة لدى األمم املتحدة‬
‫ •العياشي عنصر‪ ،‬رئيس قسم العلوم االجتماعية‪ ،‬جامعة قطر‪ ،‬قطر‬
‫ •أستريد ستوكبرجر‪،‬أستاذ في معهد الصحة العامة‪ ،‬جامعة جنيف‪ ،‬سويسرا‬
‫ •رونالد وميان‪ ،‬مدير التنمية‪ ،‬املعهد الوطني للصحة والرفاهية‪ ،‬هيلسنكي‪ ،‬فينالند‪ ،‬مستشار التنمية‬
‫االجتماعية‪ ،‬وزارة اخلارجية‪ ،‬فينالند‬
‫ •راجنانا كوماري‪ ،‬مدير مركز البحوث االجتماعية‪ ،‬نيودلهي‪ ،‬الهند‬
‫ •جوانا ماكني‪ ،‬املجلس الوطني االيرالندي للمرأة‪ ،‬ايرالندا‬
‫ •كلثم الغامن‪ ،‬أستاذ مشارك في كلية العلوم االجتماعية‪ ،‬جامعة قطر‪ ،‬قطر‬
‫ •ليليت أساتريان‪ ،‬رئيسة جمعية النساء الشابات األرمنيات‪ ،‬جمهورية أرمينيا‪ ،‬يريفان‪ ،‬أرمينيا‬
‫ •أسما العطية‪ ،‬أستاذ مشارك‪ ،‬قسم العلوم النفسية‪ ،‬جامعة قطر‪ ،‬قطر‬
‫ •ماريا أمبارو كروز ساكو‪ ،‬أستاذ االقتصاد‪ ،‬معهد كونيكتيكوت‪ ،‬الواليات املتحدة األميركية‬
‫ •فاطمة الكبيسي‪ ،‬أستاذ مساعد لعلم اإلجتماع‪ ،‬جامعة قطر‪ ،‬قطر‬
‫ •جولي نيوتني‪ ،‬باحث مشارك‪ ،‬املجتمعات املستدامة‪ ،‬مركز اعالقة جتارية‪ ،‬جامعة كارديف‪ ،‬وايلز‪،‬‬
‫اململكة املتحدة‬
‫ •فيث إينارايتي‪ ،‬األمني الدائم‪ ،‬وزارة الشباب‪ ،‬الرياضة والثقافة‪ ،‬كينغستون‪ ،‬جامايكا‬
‫ •رانيا اجلزائري‪ ،‬مسؤولة الشؤون االجتماعية‪ ،‬مركز املرأة‪ ،‬االسكوا‪ ،‬بيروت‪ ،‬لبنان‬
‫ •تريسي ماكدونالد‪ ،‬أستاذ مشارك‪ ،‬كلية العلوم‪ ،‬جامعة أوستراليا الكاثوليكية‪ ،‬شمال سيدني‪،‬‬
‫أوستراليا‬
‫ •سيرجي زيلينيف‪ ،‬استشاري مستقل حول السياسات ااجتماعية‪ ،‬رئيس سابق لشعبة التضامن‬
‫االجتماعي‪ ،‬قسم الشؤون االقتصادية واالجتماعية في األمم املتحدة‬
‫‪54‬‬
‫اجللسة السادسة ‪ :‬إعداد مسودة التوصيات ‪16.00 – 13.30‬‬
‫مديرة مجموعة العمل(أ)‪ :‬البرفوسيرة‪/‬تريسي ماكدونالد‬
‫املقررة‪ :‬الدكتورة أسما العطية‬
‫مديرة مجموعة العمل (ب)‪ :‬السيدة‪/‬فيث إنرارايتي‬
‫إستراحة ‪17.00 – 16.00‬‬
‫اجللسة السابعة‪ :‬مراجعة املناهج و األساليب املوصى بها مدير اجللسة‪ :‬الدكتور رونالد واميان‬
‫مناقشات ‪18.00 – 17.00‬‬
‫خالصة النتائج و وضع اللمسات األخيرة على التوصيات مديرة اجللسة ‪ :‬السيدة‪/‬أمينة مسدوة‬
‫مناقشات ‪18.30 - 18.00‬‬
‫إعتماد التوصيات من قبل اخلبراء‬

‫مالحظات ختامية يقدمها الدكتور‪/‬ريتشارد ويلكنز و الدكتورة‪/‬باشينس ستيفن‬
‫اخلتام‬
‫‪53‬‬
‫األربعاء ‪2010/10/6‬‬
‫‪ 10.30 – 9.00‬اجللسة الرابعة‪ :‬جعل اإلستجابات السياسية أكثر فاعلية مدير اجللسة ‪ ،‬الدكتورة‪/‬‬
‫باشينس ستيفن‬
‫مالحظات متهيدية‬
‫السيدة‪/‬فيث إينارايتي‬
‫السيدة‪/‬رانيا اجلزائري‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬تريسي ماكدونالد‬
‫السيدة‪ /‬أولغا باتريسيا كورتس‬
‫أسئلة للمناقشة‬
‫كيف ميكن تشجيع متكني املرأة في املنطقة؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هي املناهج العملية التي ميكن تنفيذها على املستويات املتنوعة؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هي السياسات احملددة التي ميكن التوصية بها في السياقات الريفية و احلضارية ؟‬ ‫•‬
‫دور اإلعالم و املعلومات ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫منع العنف ضد املرأة‬ ‫•‬
‫مناقشة ‪11.00 - 10.30‬‬
‫إستراحة ‪12.30 – 11.00‬‬
‫اجللسة اخلامسة‪ :‬مسائل و قضايا ذات تأثير على مجموعات معينة مدير اجللسة‪:‬الدكتورة‪/‬راجانا‬
‫كوماري‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬ناهدة يونس شهادة‬
‫الدكتور‪/‬سيرجي زيلينيف‬
‫الدكتور‪/‬ريتشارد ويلكينز‬
‫الفتيات و الشابات ‪ :‬كيف ميكن التعامل مع القضايا التي تؤثر عليهن في املنطقة (على سبيل‬ ‫•‬
‫املثال ‪ :‬حتديات التنشئة اإلجتماعية ‪ ،‬التعليم و منع الزواج املبكر للفتيات ‪ ...‬إلخ)‬
‫النساء املسنات‪ :‬كيف ميكن التغلب على التمييز ضدهن ‪ ،‬و كيف ميكن حماية حقوقهن اإلنسانية)‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ما ميكن عمله و ما ميكن جتنبه ‪ ،‬من خالل إتباع سياسة أو أسلوب عقد مقارنات مع مختلف‬ ‫•‬
‫املناطق في العالم‪.‬‬
‫املرأة واإلعاقة‬ ‫•‬
‫مناقشات ‪14.00 – 12.30‬‬
‫إستراحة الغذاء ‪15.30 – 14.00‬‬

‫‪52‬‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬جوانا ماكني‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬كلثم الغامن‬
‫السيدة‪/‬ليليت أساتريان‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬أسما العطية‬
‫مشاركة املرأة في القوى العاملة ؛ و السياسة و األعمال و التربية ‪ ،‬ما هي التوجهات احلالية ؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هي العوائق احملددة في املنطقة التي حتتاج إلى معاجلة ؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هي العوائق اإلقتصادية و اإلجتماعية و الثقافية؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما الذي ميكن فعله سواء على املدي القصير أو املدى البعيد؟‬ ‫•‬
‫كيف ميكن حتسني الوصول إلى املصادر؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ملاذا يعد اإلستبعاد اإلجتماعي للمرأة ضار جد ًا باملجتمع ؟‬ ‫•‬
‫مناقشات ‪16.15 – 15.45‬‬
‫إستراحة ‪17.45 – 16.15‬‬
‫اجللسة الثالثة‪ :‬بناء القدرات املؤسسية للتمكني مدير اجللسة ‪ :‬الدكتور مؤيد مهيار‬
‫بروفيسورة‪/‬ماريا أمبارو كروز ساكو‬
‫دكتورة‪/‬فاطمة الكبيسي‬
‫دكتورة‪/‬جوليا نيوتني‬
‫دكتورة‪/‬إلينا كريتشنكو‬
‫كيف ميكن تدعيم ثقافة اجلندر؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هي اخلطوات السياسية التي ميكن إتخاذها لتدعيم متكني املرأة ؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هو دور أصحاب املصلحة‪:‬‬ ‫•‬
‫الدولة‬ ‫•‬
‫املجتمع املدني‬ ‫•‬
‫القطاع اخلاص‬ ‫•‬
‫األسرة‬ ‫•‬
‫مناقشة ‪18.00 – 17.45 :‬‬
‫إختتام اليوم األول‪ :‬املقررة ‪:‬دكتورة‪/‬جوليا نيوتني‬

‫املقررة ‪ :‬بروفيسورة‪/‬ماريا أمبارو كروز ساكو‬
‫‪ 19.00‬العشاء‬
‫‪51‬‬
‫جدول أعمال‬
‫الثالثاء ‪2010/10/5‬‬
‫التسجيل‬ ‫ ‬
‫‪ 9.30 – 9.00‬صباح ًا‬
‫اجللسة اإلفتتاحية‬ ‫‪ 10.30 – 9.30‬‬
‫كلمة الترحيب‬
‫الدكتور‪/‬ريتشارد ويلكنز ‪ ،‬مدير معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‬
‫كلمة تعريفية‬
‫سعادة األستادة‪/‬نور املالكي‪ ،‬عضو مجلس أمناء معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية‪،‬‬
‫األمني العام‪ ،‬املجلس األعلى لألسرة‪ ،‬قطر‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬بيشنس ستيفن ‪ ،‬املساعد اخلاص ملستشار األمني العام لألمم املتحدة في قضايا اجلندر‬
‫‪ 11.00 – 10.30‬إستراحة‬
‫‪ 12.45 – 11.00‬اجللسة األولى ‪ :‬مفهوم التمكني من منظور نوعي (يتعلق باإلختالفات النوعية‬
‫بني الذكر و األنثى) األبعاد السياسية و اإلجتماعية و اإلقتصادية و الثقافية ‪ .‬مدير اجللسة ‪/‬‬
‫البروفيسور تريسي ماكدونالد‬
‫السيدة‪/‬ياكني إيرتورك‬
‫بروفيسور‪ /‬العياشي عنصر‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬أستريد ستوكبرجر‬
‫الدكتورة‪/‬راجنانا كوماري‬
‫ملاذ يعتبر التمكني شرطا أساسي ًا للمساواة بني اجلنسني؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ما هي الصالت بني متكني املرأة و حقوق اإلنسان؟‬ ‫•‬
‫ملاذ يعد متكني املرأة مهم على مدى العمر ؟‬ ‫•‬
‫كيف ميكن ربط متكني املرأة باألهداف اإلمنائية لأللفية (احلد من الفقر – صحة األم ‪).....‬‬ ‫•‬
‫تعميم مراعاة املنظور اجلنساني في التنمية اإلجتماعية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫مناقشات ‪14.15 – 12.45‬‬
‫إستراحة الغذاء‬
‫‪ 15.45 – 14.15‬اجللسة الثانية ‪ :‬مشاركة املرأة على الصعيد الوطني ‪ ،‬ما مت إجنازه ؛ و ما يجب‬
‫فعله للتغلب على العقبات احلالية مديرة اجللسة ‪ :‬السيدة‪/‬فيث إينارايتي‬
‫‪50‬‬
‫الـمرفقات‬
‫‪49‬‬
‫‪ 5.2‬حتتاج املساواة بني اجلنسني ومتكني املرأة أن تكون متضمنة في السياسات واملمارسات‬
‫على مستوى كل القطاعات وأن تكون اإلجراءات املوجهة نحو املرأة و الفتيات ‪ ،‬مكون ًا أساسي ًا في تلك‬
‫السياسات‪.‬‬
‫‪ 5.3‬يجب أن تبقى اإلجراءات املوجهة بشكل مباشر لتمكني املرأة والفتيات محل إهتمام كبير ‪،‬‬
‫مبا أنها استراجتيات فعالة للحصول على نتائج سريعة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 5.4‬من الضروري تعريف التمكني واملفاهيم األخرى املرتبطة به ‪ :‬مثل املساواة النوعية (‪Gender‬‬
‫‪ )equality‬واإلجتاه العام(‪ ، )Mainstream‬حيث ميكن استعمالها بطرق إجرائية في سياقات‬
‫متنوعة‪.‬‬
‫‪47‬‬
‫زمني ًا وباملوارد املالية الضرورية‪.‬‬
‫‪ 3.2‬تكييف الوسائل احلالية وإدخال وسائل جديدة عملية ‪ ،‬مثل‬

‫(‪ )Gender Impact Assessment‬تقييم األثر بني اجلنسني وامليزانية اجلنسانية (‪Gender‬‬
‫‪ )Budgeting‬وأيض ًا تكييف مالئم للسياسات والتقنيات وذلك لتقييم نتائج السياسيات‪.‬‬
‫‪ 3.3‬إشراك الباحثني في إنتاج أبحاث لها صلة مبوضوع اجلندر‪.‬‬

‫وذلك لتوفير األدلة لواضعي ومصممي السياسات فيما يتعلق باملعلومات العامة حول موضوع اجلندر‬
‫مثل العنف ضد املرأة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 3.4‬تشجيع البالد العربية لتطوير فهرس عربي (مصفوفة عربية متعلقة باجلندر) ملتابعة متكني‬
‫املرأة ‪ .‬ودعم معاهد األبحاث في املنطقة العربية للقيام ببحوث في هذا النطاق‪.‬‬
‫‪ 3.5‬مشاركة وسائل اإلعالم لتعريف اجلمهور(‪ )public‬ومشاركته في‬

‫احلوار السياسي و املتابعة ‪..‬‬
‫القضايا املؤثرة على ذوي اإلحتياجات اخلاصة (الفتيات و النساء الشابات ‪ ،‬املسنات ‪،‬النسوة‬ ‫‪4‬‬
‫املعوقات واألسر التي لديها أطفال معوقني ) حتتاج إلى معاجلة‪.‬‬
‫‪ 4.1‬تشجيع احلوار والتضامن بني األجيال من خالل ضمان متثيل التباين‬

‫النوعي والعمري‪.‬‬
‫‪ 4.2‬توفير العناية الصحية الشاملة واملتاحة في املجتمع و على املستوى احمللي تعد من بني وسائل‬
‫أخرى كوسيلة لتعزيز صحة و رفاهية الفتيات وكذلك صحة وكرامة املسنات ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 4.3‬تبني منحى أو سبيل على مدى العمر لتوفير برامج مستهدفة للفئات ذات‬
‫اإلحتياجات اخلاصة مثل منع العنف ضد املرأة وأثراإلعاقة على األطفال والنساء املسنات والفئات‬
‫املهمشة األخرى‪.‬‬
‫‪ 4.4‬معاجلة األوضاع اخلاصة للنساء والفتيات األكثر ضعف ًا و تهميش ًا ‪،‬‬

‫يجب أن متنح النساء أصحاب الدخول املتدنية في املناطق املهمشة سواء في الريف أو في املدن السبيل‬
‫إلى احلصول على املهارات التعليمية والتدريب وتعليم ذات مستوى جيد ‪.‬‬
‫رفع احلد األدنى لسن الزواج إلى ‪ 18‬سنة متشي ًا مع إتفاقية حقوق الطفل‪.‬‬ ‫‪4.5‬‬
‫مفهوم التمكني من منظور اجلندر ‪ -‬أبعاد إقتصادية إجتماعية وثقافية‪.‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬
‫‪ 5.1‬من الضروري تدعيم التعاون بني كل القطاعات اإلجتماعية لتوفير الشروط التي تسمح للمرأة‬
‫من التمكني من نفسها ‪.‬‬
‫‪46‬‬
‫بناء القدرة املؤسساتية للتمكني‪:‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬
‫‪ 2.1‬دعم املجتمع املدني لبناء قدرة مؤسساتية لتمكني املرأة‪:‬‬

‫يجب على كل من املجتمع املدني واملعاهد العلمية و الهيئات احلكومية و القطاع اخلاص و علماء الدين و‬
‫القادة السياسيني و املرأة و الرجل العمل مع ًا خللق إدراك أفضل و فهم مشترك وتعاون من أجل متكني‬
‫املرأة على املستوى الوطني ‪ ...‬ولذلك ثمة حاجة إلى املزيد من النقاش والتعاون بني اجلهات أصحاب‬
‫املصلحة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.2‬خلق مجموعة من املنظمات أو شبكات من املنظمات النسائية أو «املراكز اإلجتماعية» لتمكني‬

‫املرأة من تبادل اخلبرات واملشاركة في منتديات محلية ووطنية إلسماع صوتها‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.3‬تنظيم برامج تدريبية كجزء من جهود تعميم محاربة التمييز على أساس النوع أو اجلندر‪،‬‬
‫للمدراء واملوظفني حول إدراك موضوع الفروق اجلنسية أو النوعية‪)Gender Mainstreaming(.‬‬
‫‪ 2.4‬الزيادة في جتميع واستخدام البيانات واألبحاث ذات الصلة باجلنس والنوع والعمر‪ .‬اشراك‬
‫املؤسسات األكادميية من أجل إصدار البيانات ذات الصلة‪ ،‬املستندة على األدلة‪.‬‬
‫مبحا ر بة‬ ‫‪ 2.5‬تأسيس و تقوية البناءات املؤسساتية التي تهدف إلى وضع سياسة تتعلق‬
‫التمييز على أساس النوع (‪ ،)Gender‬مع تنفيذ البرامج ومتابعتها ‪ .‬إيجاد طرق لتدعيم التنسيق‬
‫والتعاون بني احلكومات واملؤسسات قصد ادماج مسائل اجلندر‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.6‬حتسني البناءات املؤسساتية املسؤولة عن ضمان حصول املرأة على املساواة في الوصول‬
‫إلى العدالة ‪ ،‬مثل حقوق امللكية والعمل املناسب او الالئق واملوارد األخرى‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.8‬تشجيع إستعمال تكنولوجيا املعلومات احلديثة مبا في ذلك شبكة املعلومات الدولية (اإلنترنت)‬
‫لتبادل للمعلومات قصد متكني املرأة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.8‬تقوية إنتاج وتبادل املعلومات عن متكني املرأة باللغة العربية بني البلدان العربية ‪ .‬يجب على‬
‫منظمات األمم املتحدة واملنظمات األخرى حتسني وتسهيل الوصول إلى الوثائق باللغة العربية ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.9‬تدعيم القوانيني وكذا املؤسسات املسؤولة عن الوقاية من العنف ضد املرأة و معاجلة قضايا‬
‫العنف‪ .‬حيث يجب على الدول وعلماء الدين عدم قبول أي شكل من أشكال العنف ضد املرأة مبا في‬
‫ذلك العنف املنزلي‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2.10‬مشاركة الرجال كحلفاء ‪ ،‬و ذلك من أجل تغيير التوجه الذهني والقضاء على التقاليد التي تتبنى‬
‫مفاهيم التمييز ضد املرأة ‪ ،‬فهناك حاجة إلى فتح حوار يشمل اجلماعات ذات املصلحة‪ ،‬رجاال و نساءً‪،‬‬
‫بهدف تغيير املفاهيم املتعلقة بدور الرجال ومشاركتهم في عملية متكني املرأة ‪.‬‬
‫جعل السياسات أكثر فاعلية‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫تدعيم اإلرادة السياسية لتمكني املرأة و ضمان السياسات املتعلقة باجلندر بأهداف محددة‬ ‫‪3.1‬‬
‫‪45‬‬
‫التوصيات‬
‫مشاركة املرأة على املستوى الوطني‪ ،‬ما الذي ميكن عمله للتغلب على العوائق احلالية؟‬
‫‪ 1.1‬ضمان حق التعليم‪:‬‬
‫يعد التعليم مفتاح وأداة مؤثرة وفعالة في متكني املرأة في األقطار العربية ‪ .‬فيجب على الدول أن تضع‬
‫وتنفذ سياسات تضمن على األقل التعليم اإللزامي للفتيات حتى سن الثانية عشرة ‪ .‬ومن الضروري‬
‫وضع سياسات تضمن تسجيل الفتيات في املؤسسات التعليمية وعدم تسريحهن من مرحلة التعليم‬
‫اإللزامي وتصميم مناهج مشوقة تعمل على تشجيعهن‪ .‬إشراك املرأة في صياغة املناهج التعليمية‪.‬‬
‫وإعطاء العناية الكافية حلقوق وفرص الفئات املهمشة أو الضعيفة (مثل األقليات العرقية واملهاجرين‬
‫والفتيات املعوقات)‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1.2‬دعم عمل املرأة‪:‬‬

‫للحكومات دو ٌر مركزيٌ في حتسني املشاركة العادلة للمرأة في سوق العمل من خالل سن التشريعات‬
‫والقوانني ‪ .‬وكذا مراجعة قوانني العمل لتمكني املرأة من املشاركة والتوظيف في سوق العمل وتطوير‬
‫حياتها املهنية‪ .‬ومن املهم تبادل املمارسات اجليدة في املنطقة‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1.3‬تدعيم مشاركة املرأة في السياسة والقيادة‪ :‬يستدعي هذا متثيال لها في املؤسسات السياسية‬
‫واملراكز القيادية؛ لذا وجب اتخاد إجراءات معينة مثل حتديد حصص للمرأة في هذه املؤسسات (كوتا)‬
‫وحتضير برامج تأهيلية وتدريبية إلعدادها لشغل املناصب القيادية‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1.4‬تبني استعمال او اتباع مناهج خالقة في الشراكة‪ :‬يجب تطوير أشكال من الشراكة مع‬
‫وسائل اإلعالم ومنظمات املجتمع املدني لتشجيع تبادل أفضل املمارسات في مجال متكني املرأة ‪ ،‬فهناك‬
‫حاجة إلى تشجيع الصور اإليجابية للمرأة لضمان دور فعال لهذه النماذج‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1.5‬إقامة منتديات أو حلقات من خالل الشراكة لتسهيل احلوار بني كل األطراف ذات املصلحة‪:‬‬
‫حيث أنه يجب على كل من املجتمع املدني واملعاهد العلمية والهيئات احلكومية والقطاع اخلاص وعلماء‬
‫الدين والقادة السياسيني واملرأة والرجل العمل مع ًا خللق إدراك أفضل وفهم مشترك وتعاون من أجل‬
‫متكني املرأة ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1.6‬مشاركة املنظمات النسائية في دعم بناء الثقة في النفس لدى املرأة‪ :‬وتشجيع وتطوير الذات‬
‫عند الفتيات في املدارس على سبيل املثال‪.‬‬
‫‪ 1.7‬إستعمال منحى ذات مسارين‪ :‬لتناول أو معاجلة الفجوة بني اجلنسني‪)Gender(.‬‬

‫(‪ )1‬حتتاج املساواة النوعية‪ ،‬وعدم التمييز ومتكني املرأة الى إدماجها في جميع السياسات‬
‫واخلطط واملمارسات بشكل منهجي‪.‬‬
‫(‪ )2‬يجب العمل على تشجيع النساء لتمكني أنفسهن من خالل اجراءات مستهدفة يكون لها‬
‫أثر سريع‪.‬‬
‫‪44‬‬
‫النتائج‬
‫إن املشاكل التى تواجه املرأة العربية ليست فريدة من نوعها كما انها شائعة في املجتمعات‬ ‫•‬
‫األخرى‪ .‬لذا فإن احلل يتطلب إجراء حوار بناء بني الثقافات ‪ ،‬وتعاون دولي واتباع نهج يراعي الفوارق‬
‫الثقافية من أجل تعزيز متكني املرأة‪.‬‬
‫تعد االضطرابات السياسية احلالية باإلضافة إلى األزمة االقتصادية في العالم العربي ذات تأثير‬ ‫•‬
‫سلبي على وضع املرأة‪.‬‬
‫إن اإلسالم كدين يضمن للمرأة املساواة في احلقوق والواجبات‪ ،‬كما أن سؤ فهم الدين وبعض‬ ‫•‬
‫املعتقدات الثقافية يؤديان الى ممارسات متميزة ضد املرأة‪.‬‬
‫شهد العقد األخير حتسن لوضع املرأة العربية ال رجعة فيه‪ ،‬إال أنه ما زال هناك حاجة الى كثير‬ ‫•‬
‫من اجلهود الرامية لضمان احلقوق االجتماعية ‪ ،‬واملشاركة االقتصادية والسياسية للمرأة‪.‬‬
‫من الضروري وجود إصالحات قانونية في كثير من البلدان من أجل ضمان تنفيذ القوانني التي‬ ‫•‬
‫تؤمن حقوق املرأة‪.‬‬
‫هناك حاجة لتصحيح صورة املرأة العربية في وسائل اإلعالم من خالل الشراكة البناءة التي من‬ ‫•‬
‫شأنها تعزيز صورة إيجابية ومنوذج يحتذى به للمرأة‪.‬‬
‫حتمل املرأة على عاتقها مسؤولية رئيسية لتمكني نفسها عن طريق بناء الثقة بالنفس من خالل‬ ‫•‬
‫املشاركة في جميع مجاالت احلياة‪.‬‬
‫حتى يتسنى للمرأة العربية حتقيق التمكني ‪ ،‬يجب تعزيز تعليمها وتشجيعها على املشاركة‬ ‫•‬
‫السياسية ‪ ،‬ومشاركتها االقتصادية ‪ ،‬وإضفاء الطابع املؤسساتي على حقوقها‪.‬‬
‫ينبغي معاجلة القضايا التي تؤثر على فئات معينة من النساء مبا في ذلك ذوي اإلحتياجات اخلاصة‬ ‫•‬
‫منهن واملسنات‪.‬‬
‫هناك حاجة للحصول على دعم وتشجيع املجتمع املدني وأصحاب املصلحة مبا في ذلك رجال‬
‫الدين وأرباب األسر الى التعاون بفعالية ‪-‬على جميع املستويات‪ -‬لضمان حقوق املرأة ومنع جميع‬
‫أشكال العنف ضدها‪.‬‬
‫يعد دور املنظمات النسائية العربية أساسيا لتمكني املرأة ‪ ،‬من خالل تشكيل منتدى للنقاش‬ ‫•‬
‫لتبادل وجهات النظر وأداة لتنفيذ برامج مختلفة في املنطقة‪.‬‬
‫إن مفهوم التمكني معقد ونسبي ‪ ،‬ويحتاج تعزيزه أن ننظر إليه نظرة شمولية‪.‬‬
‫‪43‬‬
‫النتائج والتوصيات‬
‫‪41‬‬
‫و تفعيل القوانني (فمثال ما زال ميارس ختان اإلناث في بعض البلدان بالرغم من حظره)‬
‫و ما زالت هناك مواد في قوانني العقوبات في بعض البلدان تُعفي من العقاب أو تفرض أحكام مخففة‬
‫ملرتكبي اجلرائم التي تُقترف باسم الشرف‪،‬‬
‫و ما زالت جرائم التي ترتكب بأسم ”الشرف“ تعامَل معاملة مختلفة عن معاملة اجلرائم العنيفة األخرى‬
‫من حيث التحقيق واحملاكمة‪ ،‬فضال عن جهود الوقاية‪.‬‬
‫كما ما زالت قوانني في بعض البلدان تعفي املغتصبني من العقوبة إذا تزوجوا ضحاياهم‬
‫ملواجهة موضوع العنف ضد املرأة ‪،‬ينبغي أن تعزز البلدان إجراءات اللجوء إلى احملاكم حتى يتسنى‬
‫جلميع النساء والفتيات من ضحايا العنف‪ ،‬مبا في ذلك العامالت املهاجرات‪ ،‬الوصول إلى وسائل فورية‬
‫لالنتصاف‪،‬‬
‫وأن توفّر املأوى وإعادة التأهيل للضحايا‪،‬‬
‫وأن تكفل مالحقة اجلناة وإنزال العقاب املناسب بهم‪،‬‬
‫وأن تتخذ تدابير للتثقيف وزيادة الوعي في هذا الصدد على صعيد املجتمع‪.‬‬
‫‪40‬‬
‫املادة العاشرة‬
‫ما زال التعليم في بلدان عربية عدة ال يرقى إلى مستوى اجلودة املطلوب‪ ،‬وال ينسجم مع احتياجات‬
‫سوق العمل‪ ،‬باإلضافة إلى أنه في معظمه تقليدي وليس محفز ًا أو ممتع ًا للمتعلم‪ ،‬مما يؤدي إلى تدني‬
‫مستوى اخلريجني واخلريجات وإلى نقص في الكفاءات الهامة التي حتتاج إليها سوق العمل‪ ،‬فينتج عن‬
‫ذلك ارتفاع معدالت البطالة‪ ،‬وخاصة بني اإلناث‪ ،‬بسبب عزوف الفتاة املتعلمة عن العمل‪.‬‬
‫املادة احلادية عشر‬

‫و من بعض التحديات في تطبيق احلق في العمل‪:‬‬
‫املساواة في االجر‪.‬‬
‫جترمي التحرش اجلنسي في مكان العمل‪.‬‬
‫التدابير املؤقتة لرفع نسبة مشاركة املرأة اإلقتصادية‪.‬‬
‫املادة الثانية عشر‬

‫موافقة الزوج للحصول على خدمات طبية‪.‬‬
‫موافقة الزوج إلجراء عملية قيصرية للوالدة‪.‬‬
‫املادة الرابعة عشر‬

‫ومبا أن نساء الريف يشكلن غالبية النساء في بعض الدول األطراف‪ ،‬يجب معاجلة التحديات إزاء‬
‫حالتهن بوجه عام‪ ،‬وال سيما بشأن ما تواجهنه من صعوبة في احلصول على الرعاية الصحية واخلدمات‬
‫العامة والتعليم والعدالة واملياه النظيفة والكهرباء‪ ،‬مما يشكل عائقا خطيرا يحول دون متتعهن بحقوقهن‬
‫االجتماعية واالقتصادية والثقافية‪.‬‬
‫ملادة اخلامسة عشر‬

‫استمرار عدم املساواة بني املرأة والرجل فيما يتعلق باألهلية القانونية في بعض دول اإلسكوا و عدم‬
‫املساواة في التعامل مع النساء في احملاكم‬
‫في موضوع حرية التنقل‬
‫موافقة الزوج أو ولي االمر للحصول على جواز سفر أو اخلروج من البالد ضرورية‬
‫املادة السادسة عشر‬

‫عدم حتديد سن قانونية للزواج (رفع سن الزواج إلى ‪ ) 18‬و عدم وجوب تسجيل عقود الزواج في بعض‬
‫البلدان‬
‫أحكام قوانني األحوال الشخصية ال تتضمن حقوق متساوية مع حقوق الرجال فيما يتعلق بالزواج‬
‫والطالق وعالقات امللكية وحضانة األوالد وامليراث كما تنص اإلتفاقية في مادتها ال‪16‬‬
‫التحديات‬
‫العنف ضد املرأة‬
‫ما زالت معظم البلدان بحاجة إلى سن تشريعات بشأن العنف ضد املرأة‪ ،‬مبا في ذلك العنف املنزلي‪،‬‬
‫ال إجرامياً‪.‬‬
‫لكفالة اعتباره فع ً‬
‫‪39‬‬
‫التحفظ على مواد أساسية من اإلتفاقية (كاملادتني ‪2‬و ‪) 16‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ندرة القضايا التي نظرت فيها احملاكم الوطنية واحتُكم فيها مباشرة إلى أحكام االتفاقية‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫رغم أن بعض الدساتير حتتوي على مبدأ املساواة بني اجلنسني إال أن معظمها ال يحتوي على‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫تعريف للتمييز ضد املرأة وفقا للمادة األولى من االتفاقية‪.‬‬
‫املادة الثانية‪ :‬عدم وجود آلية شاملة وفعالة لتقدمي الشكاوى‪ ،‬ميكن الوصول إليها بشكل خاص‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫من جانب النساء‪ ،‬مبن فيهن العامالت املهاجرات‪،‬‬
‫املادة الرابعة‪ :‬عدم تطبيق التدابير اخلاصة املؤقتة في القطاعني العام واخلاص و في الهيئات‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫التي تكون فيها املرأة ممثلة متثيال ناقصا أو تكون محرومة‪ ،‬مبا في ذلك هيئات صنع القرار ووكاالت‬
‫إنفاذ القانون‪.‬‬
‫املادة اخلامسة من اإلتفاقية ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬عدم اعتماد خطط استراتيجية وطنية تهدف إلى إحداث تغيير في األدوار النمطية املقبولة على‬
‫نطاق واسع للنساء والرجال‪،‬‬
‫نقص في تدريب أعضاء هيئة التدريس في ما يتعلق مبسائل املساواة بني اجلنسني‪.‬‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫عدم تنقيح املناهج املدرسية للقضاء على القوالب النمطية ألدوار اجلنسني‪،‬‬ ‫‪-3‬‬
‫نقص في توجيه حمالت التوعية إلى كل من الرجال والنساء‪،‬‬ ‫‪-4‬‬
‫دور اإلعالم الذي ال يعكس دائما صورة إيجابية عن املرأة‪.‬‬ ‫‪-5‬‬
‫لتنفيذ الكامل للمادة السادسة من االتفاقية‪ ،‬ما زالت بعض البلدان بحاجة إلى سن و تفعيل قانون‬
‫بشأن مكافحة االجتار بالبشر‪ ،‬وتنفيذ استراتيجية تتضمن وضع تدابير للوقاية‪ ،‬ومقاضاة اجلناة‬
‫ومعاقبتهم‪ ،‬باإلضافة إلى حماية الضحايا وإعادة تأهيلهم وإدماجهم‪.‬‬
‫الوقاية من خالل التعاون الدولي واإلقليمي والثنائي مع بلدان املنشأ والعبور واملقصد‪ ،‬وإشراك‬
‫املنظمات غير احلكومية من أجل منع االجتار وذلك من خالل تبادل املعلومات‪ ،‬وكذلك تقدمي املساعدة‬
‫والدعم للضحايا االجتار بالبشر باستخدام املبادئ واملبادئ التوجيهية املتعلقة بحقوق اإلنسان واالجتار‬
‫بالبشر املوصى بها من جانب مفوضية األمم املتحدة حقوق اإلنسان‬
‫املادة التاسعة ‪،‬قانون اجلنسية ‪ :‬ال تزال عدة بلدان ال متنح املرأة حقوقا متساوية مع الرجل فيما يتعلق‬
‫باحلصول على اجلنسية وتغييرها واالحتفاظ بها ومنحها‬
‫‪38‬‬
‫وبدأت بلدان عربية عدة في تعديل بعض التشريعات املرتبطة بقوانني األسرة‪ ،‬مثل رفع سن‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫الزواج‪ ،‬ورفع سن حضانة األطفال من أجل أن يبقوا مع األم ملدة أطول‪،‬‬
‫وإنشاء محاكم لألسرة وصناديق للنفقة أو تأمني األسرة وكفالة حق املرأة احلاضنة لالنتفاع‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫باملسكن‪ ،‬وتعديل إجراءات احملاكم الشرعية‪،‬‬
‫تعديل بعض التشريعات واستصدار قرارات لضمان مساواة املرأة مع الرجل في مجال العمل‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫مثل قوانني اخلدمة املدنية‪،‬‬
‫تعديل تشريعات أخرى مثل قوانني التأمينات واملعاشات وضريبة الدخل‪ ،‬في األردن‪ ،‬واإلمارات‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫العربية املتحدة‪ ،‬والبحرين‪ ،‬وتونس‪ ،‬وجيبوتي‪ ،‬وعمان‪ ،‬وقطر‪ ،‬ومصر‪ ،‬واليمن‪،‬‬
‫إصالحات تشريعية مرتبطة بحق املرأة في السفر في بعض البلدان‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫وفي مجال زيادة املشاركة السياسية للمرأة‪ ،‬أصدرت بعض البلدان تشريعات خاصة باحلصص‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫النسائية للترشح واالنتخاب (الكوتا) لزيادة عدد النساء في البرملان وفي املجالس البلدية‪ ،‬ومنها األردن‪،‬‬
‫وتونس‪ ،‬والسودان‪ ،‬والعراق‪ ،‬وفلسطني‪ ،‬ومصر‪ ،‬واملغرب‪ ،‬وموريتانيا‪،‬‬
‫ومن جهة أخرى‪ ،‬ومن دون نظام الكوتا‪ ،‬أدى تعديل القانون الكويتي إلقرار املساواة بني الرجل‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫واملرأة في التصويت والترشح إلى دخول أربع نساء إلى البرملان ألول مرة‪.‬‬
‫إعداد استراتيجيات وطنية حملاربة العنف ضد املرأة‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫تعديل قانون العقوبات وسن تشريعات جديدة لتجرمي التحرش اجلنسي‪ ،‬في تونس واملغرب‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫اصدار قانون حلماية املرأة من العنف األسري في األردن‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫جترمي ختان اإلناث‪ ،‬في مصر‪ ،‬وجيبوتي‪ ،‬واليمن‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫مواجهة مشكلة االجتار باملرأة‪ ،‬عبر استحداث قوانني خاصة بتجرمي التصرفات املرتبطة‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫باالجتار بالنساء والفتيات وصور االستغالل املختلفة‪ ،‬في األردن‪ ،‬واإلمارات العربية املتحدة‪ ،‬والبحرين‪،‬‬
‫واجلزائر‪ ،‬وعُ مان‪،‬‬
‫وفي مصر‪ ،‬أنشئت جلنة مختصة للتصدي لظاهرة االجتار‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫وأنشأ السودان جلنة وطنية ملكافحة االجتار بالبشر‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫وأنشأت قطر مؤسسة وطنية ملكافحة االجتار بالبشر‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫انضمام اجلمهورية العربية السورية وقطر ولبنان وعُ مان إلى اتفاقية األمم املتحدة ملكافحة‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫اجلرمية املنظمة عبر احلدود الوطنية لعام ‪ ،2000‬وبروتوكل منع وقمع ومعاقبة االجتار باالشخاص‪،‬‬
‫وبخاصة النساء واألطفال‪ ،‬لعام ‪ ،2000‬املكمل لالتفاقية‪ ،‬واالتفاقية التكميلية إللغاء الرق وجتارة الرقيق‬
‫والنظم والعادات املشابهة للرق لعام ‪1956‬‬
‫‪37‬‬
‫رانيا اجلزايري‬
‫وضع املرأة في منطقة اإلسكوا‬
‫إجنازات وحتديات‬
‫وضع املرأة في منطقة اإلسكوا‬
‫رغم حتقيق تقدما كبيرا في مجال صحة املرأة و تعليمها في منطقة اإلسكوا خالل السنوات‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫العشرين املاضية‪.‬‬
‫ما زالت نسبة مشاركة املرأة اإلقتصادية في املنطقة العربية من أدنى املستويات في العالم‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫( ‪.) %22‬‬
‫و مازالت مشاركتها في احلياة السياسية متدنية جدا إذ نسبة متثيل املرأة في البرملانات الوطنية‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫في املنطقة العربية أقل من ‪.%9‬‬
‫كما ما زال يشكل موضوع العنف ضد املرأة ‪ ،‬خاصة في مناطق النزاعات املسلحة ‪ ،‬من أهم‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫التحديات التي حتول دون متكني املرأة و املساواة بني اجلنسني‪.‬‬
‫اإلجنازات‬
‫سيداو‬
‫مصادقة إثنتا عشر دولة في منطقة اإلسكوا على اإلتفاقية‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫انضمام ثالثة بلدان عربية مؤخرا إلى االتفاقية وهي‪ :‬اإلمارات العربية املتحدة‪ ،‬وعُ مان‪ ،‬وقطر‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫انضمام كل من تونس واجلماهيرية العربية الليبية إلى البروتوكول االختياري لالتفاقية‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫سحب بعض التحفظات أو تعديل بعض القوانني لتتماشى مع أحكام اإلتفاقية‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫سحب املغرب كل حتفظاته على االتفاقية‪،‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫سحبت الكويت حتفظها على املادة ‪،7‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ومصر حتفظها على املادة ‪، )2( 9‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫وسحب األردن حتفظه على املادة ‪15‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫وسحبت اجلزائر حتفظها على املادة ‪ )2( 9‬من االتفاقية‪ ،‬وتعمل اجلمهورية العربية السورية‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ومصر على سحب بعض التحفظات األخرى التي ال تتعارض مع الشريعة اإلسالمية‪ - .‬لكن‪ ،‬ما زال‬
‫ملعظم البلدان العربية حتفظات على عدة مواد ذات أهمية من االتفاقية‪.‬‬
‫تعديل قوانني اجلنسية في كل من تونس‪ ،‬واجلزائر‪ ،‬والسودان‪ ،‬ومصر‪ ،‬واملغرب‪ ،‬واليمن‪ ،‬بحيث‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫تستطيع املرأة أسوة بالرجل أن تنقل جنسيتها ألبنائها‪،‬‬
‫‪36‬‬
‫التحديات التي تواجه التمكني االجتماعي (الرعاية الصحية)‬
‫انخفاض نسبة الطبيبات القطريات العامالت في القطاع الصحي احلكومي حيث بلغت نسبتها‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ %16.8‬من إجمالي الطبيبات في هذا القطاع في عام ‪2008‬‬
‫احلاجة الى زيادة املستشفيات املتخصصة للنساء‬ ‫•‬
‫املراجع‬
‫األهداف اإلمنائية لأللفية في دولة قطر ‪،2010‬جهاز‬ ‫•‬
‫ اإلحصاء‪،‬اللجنة الدائمة للسكان‪U.N.D.P،‬‬ ‫•‬
‫أغسطس ‪.2010‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪-‬تقرير وطني مقدم وفق ًا للفقرة ‪(15‬ا)من مرفق قرار مجلس حقوق اإلنسان ‪ 15‬دوله قطر‪،‬مجلس حقوق اإلنسان ‪،‬األمم‬ ‫•‬
‫املتحدة‪،‬نوفمبر ‪.2009‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪-‬املرأة والرجل في دوله قطر صورة احصائيه‪، 2008‬‬ ‫•‬
‫املجلس األعلى لشؤون األسرة‪،‬جهاز اإلحصاء‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫التقرير الوطني لدوله قطر بيجني ‪،15‬املجلس األعلى لشؤون األسرة‪،‬ابريل ‪.2009‬‬ ‫•‬
‫التقرير السنوي الجنازات معهد التنمية اإلدارية لعام‬ ‫•‬
‫شيرين شكري‪،‬اميمة‬ ‫‪،2009-2008‬معهد التنمية اإلدارية‪،‬قطر‬ ‫•‬
‫ابوبكر‪،‬املراة و اجلندر إلغاء التمييز الثقافي واالجتماعي بني اجلنسني‪،‬دار الفكر املعاصر‪،‬بيروت‪2002،‬‬
‫متكني املراة‪،‬التقرير السنوي الرابع للمنظمات األهلية العربية‪،‬الشبكة العربية للمنظمات األهلية العربية ‪.2004،‬‬
‫موقع قطر لتبادل املعلومات ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪http://www.qix.gov.qa/portal/page/portal/qix/home‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪35‬‬
‫يتضح لنا انخفاض معدل اخلصوبة الكلية للمرأة‬ ‫•‬
‫القطرية‪،‬فقدبلغت‪3.9‬عام ‪2005‬‬ ‫•‬
‫وارتفعت عام ‪2008‬حيث بلغ ‪4‬‬ ‫•‬
‫وانخفض مره آخري عام ‪ 2009‬حيث وصل الى ‪3.8‬‬ ‫•‬
‫معدالت اخلصوبة في مرحله املراهقة(‪)19-15‬‬
‫المعدل‬ ‫السنة‬
‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪1986‬‬
‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪1997‬‬
‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪2004‬‬
‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪2009‬‬
‫عام ‪،1986‬ثم‬
‫كانت‪43‬عام‬
‫(‪،)19-15‬فقد(‪،‬فقد كانت‪43‬‬ ‫املرحلةفيالعمرية‬
‫المرحلة العمرية )‪19-15‬‬ ‫فيالخصوبة‬ ‫اخلصوبة‬
‫معدالت‬ ‫معدالتانخفاض‬
‫انخفاضيتضح لنا‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫يتضح لنا‬ ‫•‬
‫‪2009‬بلغت‬
‫عامفقد بلغت‬ ‫‪،14‬وفي‬
‫‪2004‬‬ ‫‪،‬وواصلت بلغت‬
‫االنخفاض عام‬ ‫‪2004‬فقد‬ ‫عام‪21‬‬
‫وصلت‬‫االنخفاض‬
‫‪،21‬وواصلت‪1997‬حيث‬
‫وصلت‪،‬ثم انخفضت عام‬
‫انخفضت عام ‪1997‬حيث ‪1986‬‬
‫الزواج‬
‫التعليم مما أدى‬ ‫سنمواصله‬
‫تأخر على‬
‫الىالفتيات‬
‫حرص‬ ‫مماالىأدى‬ ‫التعليم‬
‫ويعود ذلك‬ ‫مواصله ‪12‬‬
‫على‪2009‬بلغت‬
‫الفتيات عام‬
‫‪12‬ويعود ذلك الى حرص ‪،14‬وفي‬
‫الى تأخر سن الزواج‬
‫‪،‬باالضافة الى‬
‫بالتعليم ‪،‬باالضافة‬ ‫املرأة‬
‫المرأة بالتعليم‬ ‫التحاق‬
‫التحاق‬ ‫اخلصوبة الى‬
‫الخصوبة الى‬ ‫معدالت‬
‫انخفاض معدالت‬ ‫انخفاضمؤشر‬
‫مؤشرعامه يعود‬
‫يعود بصفه‬
‫‪‬‬ ‫بصفه عامه‬ ‫•‬
‫مشاركتها في سوق العمل‪.‬الى مشاركتھا في سوق العمل‪.‬‬
‫آليات التمكين االجتماعي )الرعاية الصحية(‬

‫آليات التمكني االجتماعي (الرعاية الصحية)‬
‫‪ ‬توفر عيادات وبرامج طبية معنية بصحة المرأة مثل عيادات الفحص المبكر لسرطان الثدي‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫طبية ‪.‬معنية بصحة املرأة مثل عيادات الفحص املبكر لسرطان الثدي والرحم‬ ‫وبرامجوالرحم‬ ‫توفر عيادات‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ ‬توفر تنظيمات مجتمع مدني معنية بنشر الوعي الصحي للمرأة في المجتمع القطري‪،‬مثل‬
‫جمعيه‬ ‫مرضبنشر الوعي الصحي للمرأة في املجتمع القطري‪،‬مثل‬ ‫مكافحهمعنية‬
‫جمعيهمدني‬
‫مجتمع‬ ‫توفر تنظيمات‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ ‬السرطان ‪،‬الجمعية القطرية لمرضى السكري ‪.‬‬
‫مكافحه مرض‬
‫والبحوث الذي سيقوم بإنشاء صرح طبي يقدم خدمات طبية للمرأة‬
‫السكري ‪.‬‬‫ملرضىللطب‬
‫مركز سدرة‬ ‫‪،‬اجلمعية إنشاء‬
‫القطرية‬ ‫السرطان‬ ‫•‬
‫إنشاء مركز سدرة للطب والبحوث الذي سيقوم بإنشاء صرح طبي يقدم خدمات طبية للمرأة‬
‫التحديات التي تواجه التمكين االجتماعي )الرعاية الصحية(‬
‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬
‫معدالت وفيات االطفال القطريني الرضع لكل الف مولود حي (‪)2009-1990‬‬
‫‪ ‬يوضح لنا الرسم البياني الى ان اعلي نسبه لوفيات األطفال كانت في ‪12.9‬عامي‬
‫الوفياتنسبه لوفيات األطفال كانت في ‪12.9‬عامي ‪1990،2000‬حيث‬
‫ان اعلي‬ ‫حيثالى‬
‫بلغت‬ ‫البياني‬
‫الرسم‪2000‬‬
‫يوضح لنا‪،1990‬‬ ‫•‬
‫بلغت الوفيات‬
‫تقل فقد بلغ اقل عدد للوفيات عام ‪،2008‬بعدد ‪5.6‬‬ ‫‪‬‬
‫‪،2008‬بعدد ‪5.6‬‬
‫‪2009‬عامحيث بلغت ‪7.2‬‬
‫للوفيات‬ ‫اقل عدد‬
‫آخري عام‬ ‫بلغ مره‬ ‫تقلثم فقد‬
‫ارتفعت‬ ‫•‬
‫ثم ارتفعت مره آخري عام ‪ 2009‬حيث بلغت ‪7.2‬‬
‫معدالت اخلصوبة‬
‫معدالت الخصوبة‬
‫‪39‬‬
‫‪ ‬يتضح لنا انخفاض معدل الخصوبة الكلية للمرأة‬
‫‪ ‬القطرية‪،‬فقدبلغت‪3.9‬عام ‪2005‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬
‫‪ ‬وارتفعت عام ‪2008‬حيث بلغ ‪4‬‬
‫‪ ‬وانخفض مره آخري عام ‪ 2009‬حيث وصل الى ‪3.8‬‬

‫التخرج (‪ %58‬في كلية اآلداب والعلوم و‪ %9‬في كلية التربية)‪.‬‬
‫عزوف املرأة القطرية عن االستفادة من فرص التدريب اخلارجية التي توفرها جهات العمل وذلك‬ ‫•‬
‫ألسباب اجتماعية بالرغم من أن الدولة توفر حوافز للمرأة لالستفادة من تلك الفرص‪.‬‬
‫التمكني االجتماعي‬
‫تعتبر الرعاية الصحية املتكاملة للمرأة وخاصة في مجال الصحة اإلجنابية من أهم مؤشرات‬ ‫•‬
‫التمكني االجتماعي للمرأة‪.‬‬
‫توضح املؤشرات اإلحصائية الى توفر الرعاية الصحية للمرأة بشكل كبير قبل و أثناء وبعد‬ ‫•‬
‫الوالدة‪،‬مما يوفر حياه آمنه لالم واجلنني‪.‬‬
‫معدال ت وفيات االمهات القطريات اثناء احلمل والوالده والنفاس لكل ‪100000‬مولود حي‬
‫يتضح لنا انخفاض معدل وفيات األمهات القطريات أثناء احلمل والوالدة والنفاس لكل مئة‬ ‫•‬
‫‪14‬مئةفي عامي‬
‫الىلكل‬ ‫وانخفضت‬
‫والنفاس‬ ‫‪2005‬والوالدة‬
‫عام الحمل‬
‫‪16‬أثناء‬ ‫‪،2009‬فقد بلغت‬
‫القطريات‬ ‫معدلحتى‬
‫وفيات األمھات‬ ‫‪2005‬‬ ‫الفترة من‬
‫انخفاض‬ ‫مولود حي‪ ‬خالل‬
‫يتضح لنا‬
‫‪2007،2008‬مولود حي خالل الفترة من ‪ 2005‬حتى ‪،2009‬فقد بلغت ‪ 16‬عام ‪ 2005‬وانخفضت الى‬
‫‪ 14‬في عامي ‪2008،2007‬‬
‫ولم تكن هناك حاالت وفاه في عامي ‪2006،2009‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ ‬ولم تكن ھناك حاالت وفاه في عامي ‪2009،2006‬‬
‫وذلك يوضح مدى الرعاية الصحية التي تتلقاها املرأة في قطر خالل مرحله احلمل والوالدة والنفاس‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ ‬وذلك يوضح مدى الرعاية الصحية التي تتلقاھا المرأة في قطر خالل مرحله الحمل‬
‫‪،‬فهناك متابعه دوريه أثناء فتره احلمل‪،‬كما ان‪%100‬من حاالت الوالدة تتم في املستشفيات حتت رعاية‬
‫طبية متطورة‪.‬والوالدة والنفاس ‪،‬فھناك متابعه دوريه أثناء فتره الحمل‪،‬كما ان‪%100‬من حاالت الوالدة‬
‫تتم في المستشفيات تحت رعاية طبية متطورة‪.‬‬
‫‪32‬‬
‫كما مت إنشاء موقع سيدات األعمال القطريات ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ولتشجيع املرأة في أداء دورها االقتصادي في املجتمع متنح جائزة سنوية ألكثر سيده ساهمت في‬
‫املجتمع القطري واالقتصاد الوطني من خالل االجناز على الصعيد املهني او في إنشاء او اداره شركة‪.‬‬
‫وتشغل إحدى سيدات األعمال مقعد في مجلس أداره غرفه جتاره وصناعه قطر‪.‬‬
‫آليات تساعد في حتقيق التمكني االقتصادي‬
‫التشريعات التي تساوي في األجر بني املرأة والرجل عند قيامهم بنفس العمل في القطاعات‬ ‫•‬
‫املختلفة‬
‫وجود تنظيما ت اجتماعيه مسانده تسعى الى حتقيق التمكني االقتصادي للمرأة‬ ‫•‬
‫دار اإلمناء االجتماعي التي تعد منوذج ًا للمؤسسات االجتماعية التي تسعى الى حتسني أوضاع األسرة‬
‫واملرأة في املجتمع القطري وقد قدمت عده برامج داعمة لتمكني املرأة‪.‬‬
‫مثل (األسرة العصرية) الذي يعمل على تنمية دخل األسرة وتفعيل دورها في العملية اإلنتاجية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫خالل توفير ورش عمل متخصصة لرعاية وتنمية قدرات أفراد برنامج ( األسرة العصرية )‪ ،‬والتي وصل‬
‫عددها حتى ابريل ‪ )263( 2009‬أسرة ويبلغ عدد النساء املنتسبات لهذا البرنامج (‪.)246‬‬
‫تنفذ دار اإلمناء االجتماعي أيض ًا برنامج (اخلطوة األولى) وهو برنامج تأهيلي متكامل لإلعداد‬ ‫•‬
‫النفسي واملعرفي و املهاري للشباب في الفئة العمرية ‪ 30 -18‬سنة ملساعدتهم على االنخراط في سوق‬
‫العمل وبلغ عدد خريجي هذا البرنامج في عام ‪ )217( 2008‬حالة من اجلنسني مت توظيف (‪ )163‬حالة‬
‫منهم ‪ ،‬أغلبهم من النساء‪ .‬مقارنه ب (‪ )57‬حالة في عام ‪ 2005‬مت توظيف (‪ )53‬منهم‬
‫توفر جهات معنية بتدريب الكوادر الشبابية لاللتحاق بسوق العمل وهو معهد التنمية اإلدارية الذي‬ ‫•‬
‫يقدم دورات متخصصة تطور العاملني كما تؤهل لالنضمام الى سوق العمل ‪،‬وتشير البيانات الى زيادة‬
‫إقبال اإلناث على الذكور في االلتحاق بهذه الدورات فقد أشارت البيانات اإلحصائية الى ان نسبه‬
‫اإلناث بلغت ‪%55.5‬من امللتحقني بالدورات عام ‪.2009‬‬
‫االهتمام مبساعده املرأة العاملة في أداء دورها األسري ‪،‬وفي هذا السياق اعدت دراسات من قبل‬
‫املجلس االعلى لشؤون األسرة منها انشاء احلضانات في دوائر العمل‪.‬‬
‫التحديات التي تواجه التمكني االقتصادي‬
‫الثقافة املجتمعية التي حتصر املرأة في مجاالت عمل بعينها كاملجال الصحي والتعليمي ‪،‬وحتد من‬ ‫•‬
‫مشاركتها في‬
‫مجاالت آخري عديدة كاإلعالم واملجال الدبلوماسي‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫تركز خريجات اجلامعات من التخصصات النظريه مما يقلص من فرص العمل املتاحة لهن بعد‬ ‫•‬
‫‪31‬‬
‫السكان النشيطون اقتصادي ًا حسب القطاع‬
‫اإلناث‬ ‫الذكور‬ ‫القطاع‬
‫‪74.8‬‬ ‫‪68.7‬‬ ‫ادارة حكومية‬
‫‪16.8‬‬ ‫‪15.4‬‬ ‫مؤسسه‪/‬شركة حكومية‬
‫‪5.8‬‬ ‫‪10.1‬‬ ‫قطاع خاص‬
‫‪2.9‬‬ ‫‪5.6‬‬ ‫مختلط‬
‫‪0.0‬‬ ‫‪0.1‬‬ ‫دبلوماسي‪/‬دولي‪/‬اقليمي‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫المجموع‬
‫يتضح لنا متركز السكان القطريني من ذكور و إناث في القطاع احلكومي بشكل كبير فقد بلغت‬ ‫•‬
‫نسبه اإلناث ‪%74.5‬‬
‫‪ ‬يتضح لنا تمركز السكان القطريين من ذكور و إناث في القطاع الحكومي بشكل كبير فقد‬
‫‪%16.8،‬في‪%‬املؤسسات والشركات احلكومية وتقل نسبه اإلناث على القطاع‬ ‫احلكومية اإلناث ‪74.5‬‬
‫في اإلدارات بلغت نسبه‬ ‫•‬
‫اإلقليمي‪.‬‬
‫اإلناث‬ ‫الدولي او‬
‫وتقل نسبه‬ ‫والشركاتاوالحكومية‬
‫الدبلوماسي‬ ‫القطاع‬
‫المؤسسات‬ ‫في‪%‬في‬ ‫للمرأة‬
‫‪16.8‬‬ ‫اإلداراتمتثيل‬
‫الحكومية ‪،‬‬ ‫وال يوجد‬ ‫اخلاص واملختلط ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ‬في‬
‫الدوليالقطاع‪.‬‬
‫الدبلوماسيفياو هذا‬
‫يوفرها العمل‬ ‫للمرأةالتي‬
‫في القطاع‬ ‫والضمانات‬
‫لالمتيازاتيوجد تمثيل‬ ‫احلكومي‬
‫والمختلط ‪ ،‬وال‬ ‫القطاع الخاص‬ ‫ويعود إقبال املرأة على‬
‫على القطاع‬
‫او اإلقليمي‪.‬‬
‫وحول مشاركة املرأة في مجال االستثمار فقد اخترقت املرأة القطرية هذا املجال حيث تشكل‬ ‫•‬
‫ويعود إقبال المرأة على القطاع الحكومي لالمتيازات والضمانات التي يوفرھا العمل في ھذا القطاع‪.‬‬
‫سيدات األعمال القطريات اكثر من ‪%50‬من مجمل املستثمرين واملتعاملني باألسهم القطرية في سوق‬
‫متتلكها سيدات األعمال في قطر حالي ًا نحو ‪1500‬‬ ‫‪35‬‬
‫الدوحة لألوراق املالية ‪،‬كما يصل عدد الشركات التي‬
‫شركة تنوعت مجاالتها مابني االستثمارات الصناعية والبنوك والسياحة والتجارة ‪،‬ويعد ذلك حتول‬
‫في األمناط االستثمارية التقليدية للمرأة في املجتمع القطري ‪،‬ويعد هذا التحول متوافق مع التطور‬
‫االقتصادي الذي متر به دوله قطر‬
‫وفي ظل هذا املناخ االستثماري املشجع مت إنشاء الشركة القطرية االستثمارية للسيدات ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪30‬‬
‫التوزيع النسبي للسكان النشطني حسب املهن ‪2009‬واجلنس‬
‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫المھن‬
‫‪12.2‬‬ ‫‪3.2‬‬ ‫المشرعون وموظفو االداره العليا‬

‫والمديرون‬
‫‪13.7‬‬ ‫‪49.1‬‬ ‫االختصاصيون‬
‫‪21.1‬‬ ‫‪10.7‬‬ ‫الفنيون واالختصاصيون المساعدون‬
‫‪27.7‬‬ ‫‪33.0‬‬ ‫الكتبة‬
‫‪5.5‬‬ ‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫العاملون في الخدمات والباعة في‬

‫المحالت واألسواق‬
‫‪0.3‬‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫العمال المھرة الزراعة صيد‬

‫األسماك‬
‫‪2.3‬‬ ‫‪0.3‬‬ ‫العاملون في الحرف‬
‫‪1.8‬‬ ‫‪0‬‬ ‫مشغلو اآلالت والمعدات ومجمعوھا‬
‫‪15,3‬‬ ‫‪2.6‬‬ ‫المھن العادية‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫المجموع‬
‫يتضح لنا بان من أكثر املهن التي تقبل عليها املرأة القطرية هي االختصاصيون فهم ميثلون‬ ‫•‬
‫تقريبا نصف العمالة النسائية القطرية ‪،%49.1‬ويليهم الكتبة حيث تبلغ نسبتهن ‪ ،%33‬ثم الفنيون‬
‫‪33‬‬
‫واالختصاصيون املساعدون بنسبه ‪.%10‬‬
‫ويقل إقبال املرأة القطرية في املهن األخرى‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ومما يجدر ذكره في هذا املقام بان غالبيه العمالة النسائية القطرية تعمل في القطاع التعليمي‬ ‫•‬
‫والصحي قياس ًا بالقطاعات األخرى‪.‬‬
‫وهناك مهن كانت مقتصرة على الرجل اقتحمتها املرأة القطرية مؤخرا فقد مت تعني سيدتني في‬ ‫•‬
‫القضاء مساعده قاضي ‪،‬و قاضيه في احملكمة االبتدائية‪.‬‬
‫‪29‬‬
‫وكذلك التحديات التي تواجه التمكني االقتصادي واالجتماعي للمرأة في املجتمع القطري‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫التمكني االقتصادي‬
‫لقد حققت دولة قطر معدالت منو اقتصاديه مرتفعة جداً‪،‬حيث بلغ معدل النمو االقتصادي ‪%14‬عام‬ ‫•‬
‫‪،2007‬ووصل الى ‪%18‬عام ‪.2009‬‬
‫كما ارتفع نصيب الفرد من الناجت احمللي اإلجمالي الى ‪( .‬اعلي معدل منو سنوي سنه ‪ 2008‬فقد‬ ‫•‬
‫وصل ‪278.2‬الف ريال‬
‫مقارنه مع ‪151.5‬الف ريال مبعدل منو سنوي قدرة ‪%20.9‬‬ ‫•‬
‫وقد انعكس هذا االنتعاش االقتصادي بصوره ايجابيه على اإلفراد في املجتمع فقد أتيحت فرص‬ ‫•‬
‫عمل جديدة لإلفراد ‪،‬كما ارتفعت رواتب وأجور العاملني‪.‬‬
‫اما فيما يتعلق مبشاركه املرأة في سوق العمل فقد ازدادت نسبه مساهمه اإلناث من السكان في‬ ‫•‬
‫سوق العمل حيث كانت ‪%27‬عام ‪ 2004‬وأصبحت ‪%35‬عام ‪2009‬‬
‫نسبة السكان العاملني‬
‫‪28‬‬
‫فاطمة الكبيسي‬
‫التمكني االقتصادي واالجتماعي للمرأة في املجتمع القطري‬
‫مقدمة‬
‫تعتبر التنمية البشرية مؤشر هام لتحقيق التنمية في املجتمع ككل ‪ ،‬لذلك تطورت املداخل املختلفة‬ ‫•‬
‫لتفسير عملية التنمية ودمج الفئات املختلفة في املجتمع في عملية التنمية ‪.‬‬
‫ومن هذه الفئات التي شغلت املعنيني بقضايا التنمية وضع املرأة في عملية التنمية ‪ ،‬فقد اهتمت‬ ‫•‬
‫املؤمترات والفعاليات العديدة على مختلف املستويات ‪،‬با أوضاع املرأة في املجتمع ونصيبها ودورها‬
‫عمليه التنمية ‪.‬‬
‫ويعد مدخل التمكني هو املدخل األساسي الذي ركزت عليه املنظمات الدولية والتنظيمات احلقوقية‬ ‫•‬
‫املعنية باملرأة ‪.‬‬
‫وفي ضوء هذه األهمية فانه يعد احد األهداف اإلمنائية لأللفية حيث يتضمن الهدف الثالث تعزيز‬ ‫•‬
‫املساواة بني اجلنسني ومتكني املرأة‪،‬كما تضمن الهدف الثاني واخلامس حتسني أوضاع املرأة في التعليم‬
‫‪،‬وحتسني الصحة النفاسية للمرأة ‪.‬‬
‫ويركز مدخل التمكني على رفع الوعي لدى النساء ورفع استعدادهن وثقتهن بأنفسهن و بأنهن‬ ‫•‬
‫قادرات على أداء جميع األدوار ذات القيمة املجتمعية العليا في املجاالت املختلفة‬
‫وهناك مجاالت عديدة لتمكني املرأة ‪،‬وهي ‪:‬‬ ‫•‬

‫التمكني االقتصادي‪ ،‬والتمكني االجتماعي‪ ،‬والتمكني القانوني‪ ،‬والتمكني السياسي‪.‬‬
‫وتسعى دوله قطر الى حتقيق التمكني للمرأة في املجتمع القطري‪،‬انطالق ًا من رغبتها في حتقيق‬ ‫•‬
‫التنمية البشرية جلميع الفئات املوجودة في املجتمع من جهة و ألهمية يعد هذا الهدف ركيزة أساسيه في‬
‫وثيقة رؤية قطر الوطنية الذي مت التأكيد على تطوير وتنميه سكان دولة قطر ليتمكنوا من بناء مجتمع‬
‫مزدهر‪.‬‬
‫كما حترص دوله قطر على حتقيق االتفاقيات واملواثيق الدولية التي صادقت عليها والتي تؤكد‬ ‫•‬
‫على العمل على متكني املرأة في املجتمع‪.‬‬
‫سوف نستعرض األبعاد املختلفة للتمكني االقتصادي للمرأة في املجتمع القطري‪،‬كما سنستعرض‬ ‫•‬
‫احد أبعاد التمكني االجتماعي املتمثل في الرعاية الصحية للمرأة ‪.‬‬
‫واآلليات املدعمة للتمكني االقتصادي واالجتماعي للمرأة‬ ‫•‬
‫‪27‬‬
‫املراجع‪:‬‬
‫املجلس األعلى لشؤون األسرة (‪: )2009‬التقرير الوطني لدولة قطر بيجني ‪،15+‬ابريل ‪،‬دولة قطر ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫املجلس األعلى لشؤون األسرة (‪ :)2008‬املرأة والرجل في دولة قطر صورة إحصائية‪ ،‬جهاز اإلحصاء واملجلس األعلى‬ ‫•‬
‫لشؤون األسرة‪،‬دولة قطر ‪.‬‬
‫األمانة العامة للتخطيط التنموي (‪ :)2008‬وثيقة الرؤية الوطنية للتنمية‪ ،‬األمانة العامة للتخطيط التنموي‪ ،‬دولة قطر‬ ‫•‬
‫األمانة العامة للتخطيط التنموي(‪ :)2008‬تقرير األهداف اإلمنائية لأللفية في دولة قطر ‪،‬اإلصدار الثاني ‪ ،‬األمانة العامة‬ ‫•‬
‫للتخطيط التنموي‪،‬دولة قطر‪.‬‬
‫سعود الشمري ‪،‬ظبية البوعينني (‪ :)2009‬إحصاءات النوع االجتماعي في دولة قطر ‪ ،‬املجلس األعلى لشئون األسرةاالجتماع‬ ‫•‬
‫الثاني لفريق العمل املشترك بني الوكاالت واخلبراء في املنطقة العربية حول النوع االجتماعي (بيروت‪ 14-12 ،‬تشرين األول‪/‬‬
‫أكتوبر)‪.‬‬
‫قطر لتبادل املعلومات ‪http://www.qix.gov.qa‬‬ ‫•‬
‫هشام عزمي (‪: )2008‬املرأة القطرية واالنترنت‪ ،‬املجلس األعلى لشؤون األسرة ‪،‬دولة قطر‬ ‫•‬
‫وزارة التعليم والتعليم العالي (‪ :)2008‬تطوير التعليم – التقرير الوطني لدولة قطر ‪ ،‬وزارة التعليم والتعليم‬ ‫•‬
‫العالي ‪ ،‬دولة قطر ‪.‬‬
‫‪World Economic Forum )2010.2011( The Global Competitiveness Report .9‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪26‬‬
‫(‪ %58‬في كلية اآلداب والعلوم و‪ %9‬في كلية التربية)‪.‬‬
‫قلة االستفادة من فرص التدريب اخلارجية التي توفرها جهات العمل وذلك ألسباب اجتماعية‬ ‫•‬
‫بالرغم من أن الدولة توفر حوافز للمرأة لالستفادة من تلك الفرص من خالل توفير أمكانية سفر محرم مع‬
‫املرأة تتحمل جهة عمل املرأة تكلفة سفره‪.‬‬
‫ارتفاع نسبة األميات من النساء ذوي اإلعاقة حيث بلغت النسبة لسنة ‪ )%61( 2007‬مقارنه ب‬ ‫•‬
‫(‪ )%47‬لدى الذكور‪.‬‬
‫أهم اآلليات املؤسسية للنهوض باملرأة‬
‫املجاالت ذات األولوية خالل اخلمس سنوات القادمة‬
‫في إطار تنفيذ الرؤية الوطنية للتنمية ‪ 2030‬فإن مجال التعليم وسوق العمل التي تستهدف السكان من‬
‫اجلنسني تأتي على رأس األولويات الوطنية وقد مت اتخاذ تدابير لتطوير تلك القطاعات منها‪:‬‬
‫تنظيم املجلس األعلى للتعليم مبوجب القرار األميري رقم (‪ )14‬لسنة ‪ 2009‬ويهدف املجلس‬ ‫•‬
‫بوصفة اجلهة العليا املختصة بتطوير التعليم إلى االرتقاء بالتعليم مبا يكفل حتقيق احتياجات الدولة من‬
‫املوارد والكفاءات البشرية املتميزة في مختلف املجاالت‪.‬‬
‫تدشني مشروع إستراتيجية التنمية الوطنية القطرية األولى ‪ 2015 – 2010‬والذي تشرف على‬ ‫•‬
‫تنفيذه األمانة العامة للتخطيط التنموي‪.‬‬
‫االستمرار في تنفيذ إستراتيجية سوق العمل ويشرف على تنفيذها األمانة العامة للتخطيط‬ ‫•‬
‫التنموي‪.‬‬
‫ففي مجال املرأة والتعليم‬

‫االستمرار في تنويع التخصصات العلمية للمرأة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫االستمرار في تشجيع الفتيات على االلتحاق بالتخصصات املهنية والفنية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫تطوير اإلرشاد والتوجيه التربوي واملهني قبل االلتحاق بالتعليم اجلامعي لتفادي مشكلة التأخير‬ ‫•‬
‫في التوظيف وتكدس املخرجات في قطاعات معينة‪.‬‬
‫تطوير وتنويع فرص التدريب للمرأة القطرية وتشجيعها على االستفادة من التدريب اخلارجي‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫تكثيف اجلهود للقضاء على األمية بني القطريات والتي بلغت ‪ % 9.2‬في عام ‪.2006‬‬ ‫•‬
‫وفي مجال وسائط اإلعالم‬

‫االستمرار في تشجيع عمل القطريني من اجلنسني في مجال اإلعالم‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫االستمرار في دعم عمل املرأة في مجال تكنولوجيا املعلومات ونشر املعلوماتية بني مختلف فئات‬ ‫•‬
‫النساء مبا في ذلك النساء غير العامالت والنساء من ذوي اإلعاقة‪.‬‬
‫‪25‬‬
‫ارتفع حجم اإلنفاق على التعليم من اإلنفاق العام احلكومي من ‪ %19.6‬في عام ‪ 2005‬إلى ‪%21‬‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫في عام ‪ %3.3( 2008‬من الناجت احمللي اإلجمالي)‪.‬‬
‫تبنت دولة قطر سياسة رائدة في تشجيع البحث العلمي متثلت بتخصيص نسبة (‪ )%2,8‬من‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫الناجت احمللي للبحوث وإنشاء الصندوق القطري لرعاية البحث العلمي في عام ‪.2006‬‬
‫استمرار ًا لسياسة تطوير جامعة قطر (وهي اجلامعة احلكومية) مت التوسع في افتتاح التخصصات‬
‫العلمية املتاحة للطالبات‪ ،‬وشملت تخصصات (التسويق) في عام ‪ 2004‬و(الشؤون الدولية) و (الهندسة‬
‫الكيمائية) في عام ‪ 2006‬و(الهندسة املعمارية) في عام ‪ 2007‬و(الصيدلة) و(الدعوة واإلعالم) في عام‬
‫‪ 2008‬و(الهندسة الكهربائية) و(العلوم البيئية) في عام ‪ ،2009‬باإلضافة إلى برنامج (املاجستير في‬
‫القيادة التربوية) في عام ‪ 2007‬و(املاجستير في التربية اخلاصة) في عام ‪ 2008‬و ملاجستير احلاسب‬
‫اآللي وماجستير اإلدارة الهندسية ‪،‬وماجستير التصميم والتخطيط العمراني‪،‬وماجستير إدارة األعمال‪.‬‬
‫استمرار ًا لتوفير خيارات تعليمية متميزة في إطار مشروع املدينة التعليمية (أحد مشاريع‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫مؤسسة قطر للتربية والعلوم وتنمية املجتمع)‪ ،‬والتي توفر تعليم ًا متميز ًا لطالب قطريني من اجلنسني‬
‫إضافة لطالب من دول أخرى‪ ،‬مت افتتاح كلية الشؤون الدولية التابعة جلامعة ‪ George Town‬في‬
‫عام ‪ ،2005‬و فرع جامعة ‪ North Western‬األمريكية في عام ‪( 2008‬ويقدم تخصصات الصحافة‬
‫واإلعالم)‪ ،‬وتأسيس كلية الدراسات اإلسالمية في عام ‪ .2007‬وقد ارتفع عدد الطالبات في كليات‬
‫املدينة التعليمية من (‪ )205‬طالبة في العام اجلامعي ‪ 2006/2005‬إلى (‪ )301‬طالبة في العام اجلامعي‬
‫‪2008/2007‬م‪.‬‬
‫ارتفع مؤشر املساواة بني اجلنسني بالنسبة لإلملام بالقراءة والكتابة بالنسبة ملن بلغوا ‪ 15‬سنة‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫فما فوق من (‪ )0,93‬في ‪ 2005‬إلى (‪ )0,96‬في عام ‪ .2007‬أما بالنسبة للفئة (‪ )24-15‬سنه فقد معدل‬
‫القراءة والكتابة لدى اإلناث أكبر نسبيا مما حتقق للذكور وتقلصت الفجوة بشكل كبير بني اجلنسني‬
‫ليصل مؤشر املساواة بني اجلنسني إلى (‪ ).,999‬عام ‪.2007‬‬
‫استطاعت دولة قطر من خالل اخلطط التربوية الشاملة حملو األمية ونشر التعليم و إلزاميته‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫خفض معدالت األمية بشكل عام بني السكان لتصل إلى (‪ )6.9‬في عام ‪ 2007‬بعد كانت (‪ )9.4‬في‬
‫عام ‪ 2005‬وخفضها بني اإلناث من (‪ )12.5‬في عام ‪ 2005‬إلى (‪ )9.6‬في عام ‪ .2007‬أما ملن تتراوح‬
‫أعمارهن بني (‪ )24-15‬فقد انخفضت من (‪ )1.6‬في عام ‪ 2005‬إلى (‪ ).1‬في عام ‪.2007‬‬
‫بلغ إجمالي املتدربني حسب نوع اجلنس ونوع التدريب في مراكز التدريب املختلفة في القطاع اخلاص‬
‫ومعهد التنمية اإلدارية (حكومي) في عام ‪ )13926( 2007‬متدرب ًا منهم (‪ )7471‬متدربة‪ .‬ويتضح أن‬
‫إقبال اإلناث على التدريب أكبر من الذكور وبلغت النسبة اإلجمالية لإلناث (‪ )53,6‬متدربة‪.‬‬
‫وبلغ النساء (‪ )56,8‬في التدريب اإلداري و(‪ )54,4‬بالنسبة لتدريب الكمبيوتر و(‪ )41.9‬بالنسبة‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫لتدريب اللغات‪.‬‬
‫التحديات القائمة وإجراءات معاجلتها‬
‫املرأة والتعليم والتدريب‬

‫ •معظم خريجات اجلامعات من التخصصات اإلنسانية مما يحد من فرص العمل بعد التخرج‬
‫‪24‬‬
‫‪ ICDL‬وبرنامج البوابة التعليم االلكتروني والتي توفر أكثر من ‪ 4000‬برنامج مجاني ملوظفي احلكومة‪.‬‬
‫وحتى تاريخه استفادت حوالي ‪ 300‬موظفة من هذا التدريب‪ .‬باإلضافة لذلك فإن املجلس يقوم بدور‬
‫قيادي في مبادرة إلنشاء مركز للمرأة العربية وتكنولوجيا املعلومات لتشجيع املرأة العربية على القيام‬
‫بإدوار قيادية في قطاع تكنولوجيا املعلومات‪.‬‬
‫‪3 .3‬استطاعت املرأة القطرية الوصول إلى مواقع صنع القرار في مجال تكنولوجيا املعلومات وتتولى‬
‫سيدة منصب األمني العام للمجلس األعلى لالتصاالت وتكنولوجيا املعلومات إضافة إلى تولى عدد من‬
‫النساء مناصب قيادية متوسطة في نفس املجال في الوزارات واملؤسسات املختلفة‪.‬‬
‫‪4 .4‬كشفت دراسة مسحية قام بها املجلس األعلى لشؤون األسرة في عام ‪ 2007‬بعنوان (املرأة‬
‫القطرية واالنترنت) أن الغالبية العظمى من النساء القطريات يستخدمن شبكة اإلنترنت‪ ،‬حيث أفاد أكثر‬
‫من ‪ % 69‬من أفراد العينة أنهن يتعاملن مع الشبكة‪.‬‬
‫‪5 .5‬تشارك املرأة في صنع القرار في بعض مجال إدارات املؤسسات اإلعالمية مثل قناة اجلزيرة‬
‫وقناة اجلزيرة لألطفال كما ترأس سيدة منصب نائب رئيس مركز الدوحة حلرية اإلعالم‪.‬‬
‫‪6 .6‬استمرار مشاركة املرأة بصورة واضحة في كتابة مقاالت الرأي في الصحف احمللية والتعبير‬
‫عن رأيها وقضايا مجتمعها بجرأة وحرية إذ متثل هذه النوعية من الكتابة متنفسا للمرأة أكثر قبوال من‬
‫العمل الفعلي في مجال الصحافة‪.‬‬
‫التقدم احملرز في تنفيذ مجاالت االهتمام احلاسمة في منهاج عمل بيجني(‪ )1995‬واملبادرات واإلجراءات‬
‫التي حددت في الدورة االستثنائية الثالثة والعشرين للجمعية العامة (‪)2000‬‬
‫أمثلة على السياسات واإلجراءات واإلجنازات‬
‫تعليم املرأة وتدريبها‬

‫تبنى دولة قطر سياسة شاملة لتطوير نظامها التعليمي‪ ،‬وتقوم هذه السياسة على مبدأ تكافؤ‬ ‫‪.1‬‬
‫الفرص بني اجلنسني‪ .‬وقد مت إنشاء بإنشاء املجلس األعلى للتعليم في عام ‪ 2002‬بصفته السلطة العليا‬
‫املسئولة عن رسم السياسة التعليمية بالدولة‪ ،‬وصدور القرار األميري رقم (‪ )14‬لسنة ‪ 2009‬بتنظيم‬
‫املجلس األعلى للتعليم في إطار اإلجراءات الرامية لتنفيذ رؤية قطر للتنمية ‪ ،2030‬ويهدف املجلس‬
‫بوصفه اجلهة العليا املختصة بتطوير التعليم واالرتقاء مبستوى التعليم مبا يكفل احتياجات الدولة من‬
‫املوارد البشرية املتميزة في مختلف املجاالت‪ .‬وينفذ املجلس مبادرة لتطوير التعليم العام حتت شعار‬
‫(تعليم ملرحلة جديدة) ويتمثل جوهر هذه املبادرة في إنشاء مدارس تتمتع باالستقاللية ومتولها احلكومة‬
‫وتسمى (املدارس املستقلة) وترتكز املبادرة على أربع مبادئ‪ :‬االستقاللية‪ ،‬احملاسبية‪ ،‬التنوع واالختيار‪.‬‬
‫أظهرت التجربة املتميزة للمدينة التعليمية التابعة ملؤسسة قطر للتربية والثقافة وتنمية املجتمع‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫بتوفيرها فروع جلامعات عاملية تقدم تخصصات مختلفة مطلوبة في سوق العمل القطري أن املرأة‬
‫تسارع لالستفادة من الفرص التي تتاح لها داخل قطر للحصول على تعليم متميز عالي اجلودة بالرغم‬
‫من ارتفاع معايير القبول في تلك اجلامعات ومن املتوقع أن تستفيد املرأة من التوسع املستقبلي في‬
‫فرص التعليم التي توفرها املدينة‪.‬‬
‫‪23‬‬
‫معدل االلتحاق اإلجمالي ومؤشر التكافؤ بني اجلنسني‬
‫يبن الجدول )‪ (10‬أعداد المتدربين تبعا للجنس ونوع التدريب في المعاھد والمراكز التدريبية‬
‫‪ 4‬التدريب ‪:‬‬
‫المختلفة في القطاع الخاص وفي معھد التنمية اإلدارية في عام ‪ 2007‬وتبين إقبال اإلناث على‬
‫التدريب أكرمن الرجال خاصة التدريب اإلداري‪.‬‬
‫ينب اجلدول (‪ )10‬أعداد املتدربني تبعا للجنس ونوع التدريب في املعاهد واملراكز التدريبية املختلفة‬
‫في القطاع اخلاص وفي معهد التنمية اإلدارية في عام ‪ 2007‬وتبني إقبال اإلناث على التدريب أكرمن‬
‫الرجال خاصة التدريب اإلداري‪.‬‬
‫جدول )‪(10‬‬
‫نوع وإعداد المتدربين تبعا لنوع التدريب والجنس‬
‫نسبة اإلناث إلى المجموع‬ ‫المجموع‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫نوع التدريب‬
‫‪56,8‬‬ ‫‪4352‬‬ ‫‪2474‬‬ ‫‪1878‬‬ ‫تدريب إداري‬

‫‪54,4‬‬ ‫‪7854‬‬ ‫‪4276‬‬ ‫‪3578‬‬ ‫تدريب كمبيوتر‬
‫‪41,9‬‬ ‫‪1720‬‬ ‫‪721‬‬ ‫‪999‬‬ ‫تدريب لغة‬
‫‪53,6‬‬ ‫‪13926‬‬ ‫‪7471‬‬ ‫‪6455‬‬ ‫المجموع‬
‫املرأة ووسائط اإلعالم‬
‫متقدمة من حيث معدل منو استخدام اإلنترنت في منطقة الشرق األوسط‪ ،‬حيث‬ ‫اإلعالم‬
‫ووسائطمكانة‬ ‫المرأة‬
‫حتتل قطر‬ ‫‪1 .1‬‬
‫في عام‬ ‫مستخدم‬
‫حيث‬ ‫‪165.000‬األوسط‪،‬‬ ‫‪2000‬فيإلى‬
‫منطقة الشرق‬ ‫استخدامعام‬
‫اإلنترنت‬ ‫مستخدم في‬ ‫‪30.000‬‬
‫معدل نمو‬ ‫حواليمن حيث‬
‫من متقدمة‬
‫املستخدمنيمكانة‬
‫عدد تحتل قطر‬
‫قفز ‪.1‬‬
‫نفاذ ‪.% 32‬‬
‫‪ 30.000‬مستخدم في عام ‪ 2000‬إلى ‪ 165.000‬مستخدم في‬ ‫وبنسبة‬
‫حوالي‬ ‫منو‪،% 866‬‬
‫المستخدمين من‬ ‫بنسبة عدد‬
‫‪ 2006‬قفز‬
‫عام ‪ 2006‬بنسبة نمو‪ ،% 866‬وبنسبة نفاذ ‪.% 32‬‬
‫للتكنولوجيا‬ ‫في قطر‬
‫للتكنولوجيا‬ ‫املرأةقطر‬ ‫بتوصيل‬
‫المرأة في‬ ‫ملتزم‬
‫بتوصيل‬ ‫واالتصاالتملتزم‬
‫املعلوماتواالتصاالت‬
‫لتكنولوجيا المعلومات‬ ‫المجلساألعلى‬
‫األعلى لتكنولوجيا‬ ‫‪.22 .2‬املجلس‬
‫ويعملاملجلس‬
‫المعلومات‪.‬ويعمل‬
‫مجتمعاملعلومات‪.‬‬
‫مجتمع‬‫في في‬
‫فاعلفاعل‬
‫عضوعضو‬ ‫تكونتكون‬
‫وتمكنھاأنمن أن‬
‫ومتكنها من‬
‫حياتها‪،‬حياتھا‪،‬‬
‫تثريأن تثري‬
‫التيأنيمكنھا‬
‫التي ميكنها‬
‫الكمبيوتر‬ ‫لقيادة‬
‫الدولية‬ ‫برنامجالدولية‬
‫الرخصة‬ ‫الرخصة‬ ‫خاللبرنامج‬
‫برنامجين‪:‬‬ ‫برنامجني‪:‬‬
‫خاللقطر من‬
‫منرأة في‬‫قطر للم‬ ‫األميةفي‬
‫الرقمية‬ ‫محوللمرأة‬
‫الرقمية‬ ‫على محو األمية‬
‫المجلس على‬
‫‪22‬‬ ‫برنامج‬ ‫‪4000‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫أكثر‬ ‫توفر‬ ‫والتي‬ ‫االلكتروني‬ ‫التعليم‬ ‫البوابة‬ ‫وبرنامج‬ ‫‪ICDL‬‬ ‫الكمبيوتر‬ ‫لقيادة‬
‫مجاني لموظفي الحكومة‪ .‬وحتى تاريخه استفادت حوالي ‪ 300‬موظفة من ھذا التدريب‪.‬‬
‫باإلضافة لذلك فإن المجلس يقوم بدور قيادي في مبادرة إلنشاء مركز للمرأة العربية وتكنولوجيا‬
‫المعلومات لتشجيع المرأة العربية على القيام بإدوار قيادية في قطاع تكنولوجيا المعلومات‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬استطاعت المرأة القطرية الوصول إلى مواقع صنع القرار في مجال تكنولوجيا المعلومات‬
‫ج‪ .‬املستوى الثالث التعليم اجلامعي ‪:‬‬
‫هناك تزايد في أعداد امللتحقني في التعليم العالي حيث كان معدل النمو السنوي للملتحقني في التعليم‬
‫اجلامعي خالل الفترة من ‪1990‬م إلى ‪ 2007‬في حدود ‪، %5.6‬مما يوضح التقدم الذي حققته دولة قطر‬
‫في السنوات القليلة املاضية من تطور ملحوظ في التعليم العالي بإنشاء جامعات عاملية توفر العديد من‬
‫التخصصات في املجاالت املختلفة مما انعكس على التطور على واقع التعليم العالي حيث ارتفع عدد‬
‫الطالب والطالبات مبعدل منو سنوي ‪. %6,6‬كما يتضح أن نسبة التحاق الطالبات بالتعليم اجلامعي‬
‫أعلى بكثير من نسبة الطالب وهذا يعكس التزام الطالبات بإكمال تعليمهن اجلامعي على خالف الذكور‬
‫حيث يتوجهون بنسبة كبيرة إلى سوق العمل بعد إكمال التعليم العام ‪ ،‬وهذا يعكس بدوره ارتفاع نسبة‬
‫اخلريجات على اخلريجني مبعدل منو سنوي ‪ %4,4‬حيث تستحوذ اإلناث على النسبة األكبر بنسبة ‪%70‬‬
‫من مجموع اخلريجني ‪.‬‬
‫جدول (‪)١٠‬‬
‫تطور أعداد الطالب في املرحلة اجلامعية في الفترة من عام ‪٢٠٠٧-١٩٩٠‬ء‬
‫النسبة من‬ ‫عدد الخريجين‬ ‫جموع‪%‬‬

‫النسبة من المج‬ ‫عداد الطلبة‬
‫أع‬ ‫االجنس‬ ‫السنة‬
‫المجموع ‪%‬‬
‫ع‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪24,3‬‬ ‫‪155‬‬ ‫‪23,3‬‬ ‫‪1000‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫‪75,7‬‬ ‫‪484‬‬ ‫‪76,7‬‬ ‫‪3301‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪25,6‬‬
‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪395‬‬ ‫‪32,0‬‬ ‫‪3119‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫‪74,4‬‬ ‫‪1149‬‬ ‫‪68,00‬‬ ‫‪6641‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪25,3‬‬ ‫‪337‬‬ ‫‪35,4‬‬ ‫‪3667‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫‪74,7‬‬ ‫‪995‬‬ ‫‪64,6‬‬ ‫‪6685‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪30,4‬‬
‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪408‬‬ ‫‪34,9‬‬ ‫‪3870‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2007‬‬
‫‪6‬‬
‫‪69,6‬‬ ‫‪936‬‬ ‫‪65,1‬‬ ‫‪7231‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫شكل )‪(4‬‬
‫ومؤشر التكافؤ بين اللجنسين‬

‫ر‬ ‫جمالي‬
‫معدل االلتحاق اإلج‬
‫‪21‬‬
‫بمعدل نمو سنوي ‪ %4.5‬وال يوجد تفاوت بين تطور أعداد الطلبة والطالبات كما توضح البيانات‬
‫في جدول )‪(7‬‬
‫جدول )‪(7‬‬
‫أعداد الطلبة في المرحلة اإلعدادية والثانوية في الفترة ‪1990‬م ‪2207-‬م‬

‫نسبة الطالبات إلى المجموع‬ ‫أعداد الطلبة‬ ‫الجنس‬ ‫السنة‬
‫‪49.4‬‬ ‫‪14170‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪1990‬‬

‫‪50.6‬‬ ‫‪14515‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪50.6‬‬ ‫‪28320‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪49.04‬‬ ‫‪27680‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪50.5‬‬ ‫‪29712‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪49.5‬‬ ‫‪29075‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪50.5‬‬ ‫‪30907‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2007‬‬
‫‪49.5‬‬ ‫‪30319‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫معدالت القيد اإلجمالية والصافية في املرحلة اإلعدادية والثانوية ‪:‬‬
‫كما يتضح من جدول (‪ )8‬أن هناك ارتفاع في معدالت القيد الصافية في املرحلة اإلعدادية والثانوية‬
‫والطالبات ممن هم في سن (‪ )17_12‬سنة‬ ‫الطلبةوالثانوية ‪:‬‬ ‫التزام‬
‫اإلعدادية‬ ‫تأكيد على‬
‫المرحلة‬ ‫كبير وهذا‬
‫والصافية في‬ ‫القيدبشكل‬
‫اإلجمالية‬ ‫والطالبات‬
‫للطلبةمعدالت‬
‫باالستمرار في الدراسة في هذا املستوى التعليمي‪.‬وتبني معدالت القيد اإلجمالية قدرة النظام التعليمي‬
‫والثانوية معدل‬
‫اإلعداديةحيث بلغ‬
‫والطالبات‬‫المرحلة‬
‫معدلفيالطلبة‬
‫الصافية‬
‫القيد بلغ‬
‫معدالتحيث‬
‫جميعفيمراحله‬
‫إنهاءارتفاع‬
‫حتىھناك‬
‫التعليم( أن‬
‫جدول )‪8‬‬‫منفي‬ ‫إبقاءيتضح‬
‫الطالب‬ ‫على كما‬
‫‪(17‬الطالبات‬ ‫بلغت‪_12‬‬
‫نسبة‬ ‫حيثسن )‬
‫جداھم في‬
‫محددةممن‬
‫والطالبات‬
‫أصحبت‬‫الفجوةالطلبة‬
‫على التزام‬ ‫‪2007‬متأكيد‬
‫كما أن‬ ‫بشكلعامكبير وھذا‬ ‫والطالبات‬
‫‪100.1‬‬ ‫الطلبةللطلبة‬
‫للطالبات‬
‫(‪.)2،3‬وتبين معدالت القيد اإلجمالية قدرة النظام‬
‫الشكلالتعليمي‪.‬‬
‫المستوى‬
‫ھذا في‬ ‫الدراسة في‬
‫موضحة‬ ‫الطلبةباالستمرار في‬
‫‪،104.2‬وكما هي‬ ‫إلى سنة‬
‫التعليمي على إبقاء الطالب في التعليم حتى إنھاء جميع مراحله حيث بلغ معدل الطلبة والطالبات‬
‫(‪)8‬كما أن الفجوة أصحبت محددة جدا حيث‬ ‫‪2007‬م‬
‫حيث بلغ معدل الطلبة للطالبات ‪ 100.1‬عامجدول‬
‫بلغت نسبة الطالبات إلى الطلبة ‪،104.2‬وكما ھي موضحة في الشكل )‪.(2،3‬‬
‫معدالت القيد الصافية في المرحلة اإلعدادية والثانوية‬
‫نسبة الطالبات‬ ‫معدل القيد الصافي‬ ‫نسبة الطالبات للطالب‬ ‫معدل القيد‬ ‫الجنس‬ ‫السنة‬
‫للطالب‬ ‫اإلجمالي‬
‫‪93,9‬‬ ‫‪55,7‬‬ ‫‪92,4‬‬ ‫‪105,0‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫جدول )‪(8‬‬
‫‪52,3‬‬ ‫‪97,4‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪107,7‬‬ ‫‪85.9‬‬ ‫‪107,4‬‬ ‫‪101,5‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪92,6‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪109,0‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪103,9‬‬ ‫‪90,8‬‬ ‫‪102,8‬‬ ‫‪95,2‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪94,3‬‬ ‫‪97,9‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪103,05‬‬ ‫‪91,2‬‬ ‫‪104,2‬‬ ‫‪98,1‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2007‬‬
‫‪94,2‬‬ ‫‪102,2‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪20‬‬
‫اجلنسني في فرص االلتحاق باملرحلة االبتدائية كما هو موضح أيضا في شكل (‪. )1‬‬
‫نسبة اإلإلناث‬ ‫الصافي‬

‫ي‬ ‫مععدل القيد‬ ‫نسبة اإلناث لللذكور‬ ‫ممعدل القيد‬ ‫الجنس‬ ‫السنة‬
‫للذكوور‬ ‫ااإلجمالي‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫‪98,4‬‬ ‫‪92,3‬‬ ‫‪93,1‬‬ ‫‪120,3‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫‪90,8‬‬ ‫‪112,0‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫‪98,6‬‬ ‫‪96,7‬‬ ‫‪96,8‬‬ ‫‪104,9‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪95,3‬‬ ‫‪101,5‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫‪99,4‬‬ ‫‪97,9‬‬ ‫‪96,6‬‬ ‫‪103,5‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪97,3‬‬ ‫‪100,0‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫‪00,8‬‬ ‫‪97,1‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬
‫‪100,3‬‬ ‫‪105,7‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2007‬‬
‫‪97,8‬‬ ‫‪106,1‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫شكل )‪(1‬‬
‫مؤشر التكافؤ بين الجنسين المرحلة االبتددائية‬
‫ب_ املستوى الثاني اإلعدادية والثانوية ‪:‬‬
‫هناك زيادة ملحوظة في أعداد طلبة املرحلة اإلعدادية والثانوية من عام ‪ 1995‬إلى عام ‪2007‬م مبعدل‬
‫منو سنوي ‪ %4.5‬وال يوجد تفاوت بني تطور أعداد الطلبة والطالبات كما توضح البيانات في جدول (‪)7‬‬
‫ب_ المستوى الثاني اإلعداددية والثانوية ‪:‬‬
‫‪20‬‬
‫‪19‬‬
‫على مواصلة التعليم لمرحلة أعلى‪ .‬ليضأ أن النسبة األكبر من الملتحقين بمراكز تعليم الكبار ھم من‬
‫الذكور حيث بلغت نسبتھم في عام ‪ %75.8 2007‬بينما تمثل نسبة اإلناث ‪ %24.2‬وھو ما يؤكد‬
‫أن نسبة التسرب لدى الذكور أكثر منھا لدى اإلناث ‪.‬‬
‫‪)(3‬جدول‬
‫الملتحقون بمراكز األمية وتعليم الكبار‬
‫‪2007‬‬ ‫‪2006‬‬ ‫‪2005‬‬ ‫‪1990‬‬ ‫الجنس‬ ‫المرحلة‬

‫‪240‬‬ ‫‪245‬‬ ‫‪254‬‬ ‫‪1105‬‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫االبتدائية‬
‫‪161‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫‪221‬‬ ‫‪1767‬‬ ‫ذكور‬
‫‪147‬‬ ‫‪147‬‬ ‫‪159‬‬ ‫‪395‬‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫اإلعدادية‬
‫‪435‬‬ ‫‪306‬‬ ‫‪474‬‬ ‫‪934‬‬ ‫ذكور‬
‫‪241‬‬ ‫‪273‬‬ ‫‪467‬‬ ‫‪499‬‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫الثانوية‬
‫‪1366‬‬ ‫‪754‬‬ ‫‪872‬‬ ‫‪700‬‬ ‫ذكور‬
‫‪ -3‬مستويات التعليم‪:‬‬
‫في في السنوات‬ ‫حتقق‬
‫حيثتحقق‬ ‫واملقيمنيحيث‬
‫املواطنني والمقيمين‬
‫جلميع المواطنين‬ ‫الخدماتالتعليمية‬
‫التعليمية لجميع‬ ‫اخلدمات‬ ‫توفير‬
‫توفير‬ ‫علىعلى‬
‫قطر قطر‬
‫دولة دولة‬
‫تحرص‬ ‫حترص‬
‫التعليم مابني‬
‫طلبة العام‬
‫طلبةعددالتعليم‬ ‫ارتفعفقدعدد‬
‫ارتفع‬ ‫كافة ‪ .‬فقد‬
‫مستوياته ‪.‬‬ ‫مستوياته‬
‫كافة وعلى‬
‫وعلىالتعليم‬
‫التعليممجال‬ ‫مجال‬
‫كبيرة في‬ ‫كبيرة في‬
‫انجازات‬ ‫اجنازات‬
‫الماضية‬ ‫املاضية‬
‫السنوات‬
‫اإلجماليةفي جميع‬
‫اإلجمالية للطلبة‬
‫معدالت القيد‬‫القيد‬ ‫معدالت‬
‫ارتفعت‬ ‫ارتفعت ‪،‬كما‬
‫‪،‬كما‪% 3,3‬‬ ‫‪ 3,3‬م‪%‬بنسبة‬
‫‪20007‬م‬‫وعامبنسبة‬
‫‪20007‬م م‬
‫‪-‬وعام ‪1990‬م ‪-‬‬ ‫‪1990‬م‬
‫مابين عام‬ ‫عام العام‬
‫في املراحل‬ ‫جميع‬‫الطلبة‬ ‫علىجميع‬
‫استيعاب‬ ‫استيعاب‬
‫علىدولة قطر‬‫قطر في‬
‫دولةالنظام‬
‫يعكسفيقدرة‬
‫النظام‬
‫قدرة مما‬
‫يعكسالعام ‪.‬‬
‫مما التعليم‬
‫مراحل‬‫العام ‪.‬‬
‫التعليم جميع‬
‫مراحلللطلبة في‬
‫في االبتدائية‪.‬‬
‫باملرحلة‬
‫الجنسين‬ ‫االلتحاق‬ ‫اجلنسني في‬
‫التكافؤ بين‬ ‫يؤكدبنيعلى فرص‬‫التكافؤ‬ ‫ومن فرص‬
‫جانب أخر‬ ‫المختلفة على‬
‫أخر يؤكد‬ ‫المراحلجانب‬
‫التعليمية‬ ‫املختلفة ومن‬ ‫التعليمية‬
‫الطلبة في‬
‫االلتحاق بالمرحلة االبتدائية‪.‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬املستوى األول املرحلة االبتدائية ‪:‬‬
‫الرعاية الرعاية‬
‫من خالل‬ ‫جتسد‬
‫خالل‬ ‫والذيوالذي‬
‫تجسد من‬ ‫التعليمي‬
‫النظامالتعليمي‬
‫أولوياتالنظام‬
‫أهم أولويات‬
‫من أھم‬‫األساسيمن‬
‫األساسي‬ ‫بالتعليم‬
‫بالتعليم‬ ‫االهتمام‬
‫االھتمام‬ ‫يعتبر يعتبر‬
‫مابني عامي‬
‫والطالبات مابين‬ ‫أعدادالطلبة‬
‫الطلبة والطالبات‬ ‫الكبيرةفيفيأعداد‬
‫الكبيرة‬ ‫بالزيادة‬
‫بالزيادة‬ ‫ذلك ذلك‬ ‫وينعكس‬
‫وينعكس‬ ‫االبتدائي‬
‫االبتدائي‬ ‫التعليم التعليم‬
‫ملرحلة لمرحلة‬
‫الواضحة‬‫الواضحة‬
‫خاللمن عام‬
‫الفترة‬
‫خالل‪%5‬‬ ‫ويصبح‪%5‬‬
‫بحدود‬ ‫واضحبحدود‬
‫ويصبح‬ ‫واضح‬
‫بشكل‬ ‫بشكليزداد‬
‫سنوي ‪%2‬‬‫بمعدل يزداد‬
‫سنوي ‪%2‬‬
‫‪2007‬م‬ ‫مبعدل‬
‫‪2007‬موعام‬
‫وعام‪1990‬م‬ ‫‪1990‬معامي‬
‫يتضح من الجدول )‪(4‬‬ ‫كما(‪)4‬‬
‫اجلدول‬ ‫يتضح من‬
‫‪2007‬م ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2004‬م و‬ ‫‪2007‬معام‪.‬كما‬ ‫‪2004‬م و‬
‫الفترة من‬
‫جدول )‪(4‬‬
‫أ‪ .‬المستوى األول المرحلة االبتدائية ‪:‬‬
‫تطور أعداد طالب المرحلة االبتدائية حكومي ‪/‬أھلي في الفترة ‪1990‬م ‪2007-‬م‬
‫نسبة الطالبات إلى المجموع‬ ‫أعداد ‪18‬‬

‫الطلبة‬ ‫الجنس‬ ‫السنة‬
‫‪52,8‬‬ ‫‪26201‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪1990‬‬

‫‪37,2‬‬ ‫‪23456‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪51,3‬‬ ‫‪36187‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪48,7‬‬ ‫‪34314‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪51,2‬‬ ‫‪36584‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪48,8‬‬ ‫‪34881‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪51,3‬‬ ‫‪38674‬‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫‪2007‬‬

‫‪48,7‬‬ ‫‪36777‬‬ ‫إناث‬
‫معدالت القيد اإلجمالية والصافية باملرحلة االبتدائية ‪:‬‬

‫معدالت القيد اإلجمالية والصافية بالمرحلة االبتدائية ‪:‬‬
‫هناك تطور واضح كما يتضح في جدول (‪ )5‬في معدالت القيد اجلمالية والصافية باملرحلة االبتدائية‬
‫ھناك تطور واضح كما يتضح في جدول )‪ (5‬في معدالت القيد الجمالية والصافية بالمرحلة‬
‫للجنسني خالل الفترة من ‪1990‬م ‪2007-‬م ‪ ،‬وهذا يعكس من جانب قدرة النظام التعليمي في الدولة‬
‫التعليمي بني‬
‫النظام التكافؤ‬ ‫االبتدائية للجنسين خالل الفترة من ‪1990‬م ‪2007-‬م ‪ ،‬وھذا يعكس من جانب قدرة‬
‫أخر يؤكد‬ ‫على استيعاب كل التالميذ ممن هم سن التعليم باملرحلة االبتدائية ومن جاب‬
‫في الدولة على استيعاب كل التالميذ ممن ھم سن التعليم بالمرحلة االبتدائية ومن جاب أخر يؤكد‬
‫‪18‬‬ ‫التكافؤ بين الجنسين في فرص االلتحاق بالمرحلة االبتدائية كما ھو موضح أيضا في شكل )‪. (1‬‬
‫لكال الجنسين واستمرار انخفاض الفجوة بين الجنسين استمرت لتصل إلى‬
‫لكال الجنسين واستمرار انخفاض الفجوة بين الجنسين استمرت لتصل إلى‬
‫‪ 0,96‬عام ‪2007‬م‪.‬‬
‫‪ 0,96‬عام ‪2007‬م‪.‬‬
‫جدول)‪(1‬‬
‫جدول)‪(1‬‬
‫معدل اإللمام بالقراءة والكتابة ومؤشر المساواة بين الجنسين‬
‫معدل اإللمام بالقراءة والكتابة ومؤشر المساواة بين الجنسين‬
‫من ‪ 24-15‬سنة فأكثر‬ ‫من ‪15‬سنة‬
‫فأكثر‬
‫مؤشر المساواة‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫المجموع‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫من‬
‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫مؤشر‬ ‫سنة‬ ‫ذكور من ‪15‬‬
‫المجموع‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫السنوات‬
‫المساواة‬ ‫مؤشر‬
‫إناث ‪/‬ذكور‬ ‫المجموع‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫مؤشرإناث‬
‫المساواة‬ ‫المجموع‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫السنوات‬
‫إناث ‪/‬ذكور‬ ‫ذكورإناث‬
‫المساواة‬
‫‪/‬‬
‫‪0,97‬‬ ‫‪96,5‬‬ ‫‪98,1‬‬ ‫‪95,0‬‬ ‫ذكور‬
‫‪0,85/‬‬ ‫‪79,4‬‬ ‫‪85,7‬‬ ‫‪73,0‬‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫‪0,97‬‬
‫‪0,992‬‬ ‫‪96,5‬‬
‫‪98,9‬‬ ‫‪98,1‬‬
‫‪99,2‬‬ ‫‪95,0‬‬
‫‪98,4‬‬ ‫‪0,85‬‬
‫‪0,93‬‬ ‫‪79,4‬‬
‫‪90,6‬‬ ‫‪85,7‬‬
‫‪93,6‬‬ ‫‪73,0‬‬
‫‪87,5‬‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪0,992‬‬
‫‪0,993‬‬ ‫‪98,9‬‬
‫‪99,3‬‬ ‫‪99,2‬‬
‫‪99,3‬‬ ‫‪98,4‬‬
‫‪98,6‬‬ ‫‪0,93‬‬
‫‪0,94‬‬ ‫‪90,6‬‬
‫‪90,8‬‬ ‫‪93,6‬‬
‫‪93,7‬‬ ‫‪87,5‬‬
‫‪87,8‬‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪0,993‬‬
‫‪0,999‬‬ ‫‪99,3‬‬
‫‪99,1‬‬ ‫‪99,3‬‬
‫‪99,1‬‬ ‫‪98,6‬‬
‫‪99,00‬‬ ‫‪0,94‬‬
‫‪0,96‬‬ ‫‪90,8‬‬
‫‪93,1‬‬ ‫‪93,7‬‬
‫‪93,8‬‬ ‫‪87,8‬‬
‫‪90,4‬‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪2007‬‬
‫‪0,999‬‬ ‫‪99,1‬‬ ‫‪99,1‬‬ ‫‪99,00‬‬ ‫‪0,96‬‬ ‫‪93,1‬‬ ‫‪93,8‬‬ ‫‪90,4‬‬ ‫‪2007‬‬
‫إما بالنسبة للفئة العمرية بين )‪ (45-15‬سنة أيضا ھناك ارتفاع في معدل اإللمام بالقراءة والكتابة‬
‫والكتابة‬
‫مؤشر‬ ‫بالقراءة‬
‫والكتابة‬ ‫اإللمام اإلملام‬
‫بالقراءة‬
‫الجنسين ليصل‬ ‫معدل‬ ‫بشكل في‬
‫معدل‬
‫كبير بين‬ ‫ارتفاع‬ ‫هناك‬
‫ارتفاع في‬
‫الفجوة‬
‫أيضاھناك‬
‫سنةأيضا‬
‫وكذلك تقلص‬
‫(‪ )45-15‬سنة‬
‫بنيتحقق للذكور ‪،‬‬
‫العمريةمما‬
‫العمرية بين )‪(45-15‬‬ ‫للفئةللفئة‬
‫أكبر نسبيا‬ ‫بالنسبة‬
‫بالنسبة‬
‫اإلناث‬ ‫إما لدى‬
‫إما‬
‫مؤشرليصل‬
‫اجلنسني‬
‫بني ليصل‬ ‫بينكبير‬
‫الجنسين‬ ‫بشكل‬ ‫الفجوةالفجوة‬
‫بشكل كبير‬ ‫تقلص‬ ‫تقلص‬‫وكذلك‬
‫للذكور‪، ،‬وكذلك‬
‫حتققعام ‪ 2007‬م ‪.‬‬ ‫الجنسينمما‬
‫مما تحقق للذكور‬
‫‪0.999‬‬ ‫نسبيا‬
‫نسبيا‬ ‫أكبرأكبر‬ ‫اإلناث‬
‫اإلناث‬ ‫لدى لدى‬
‫المساواة بين‬
‫‪ 2007‬م ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2007‬م ‪.‬‬‫عام عام‬
‫‪0.999‬‬ ‫اجلنسني‬
‫‪0.999‬‬ ‫املساواةبينبنيالجنسين‬
‫مؤشرالمساواة‬
‫‪ -2‬األمية ‪:‬استطاعت دولة قطر من خالل اخلطط التربوية الشاملة حملو األمية ونشر التعليم وإلزاميته‬
‫‪ -2‬األمية ‪:‬استطاعت دولة قطر من خالل الخطط التربوية الشاملة لمحو األمية ونشر التعليم‬
‫التعليم‪ %6.9‬بعد أن‬
‫ونشر إلى‬
‫األميةلتصل‬
‫بشكل عام‬ ‫التربوية األمية‬
‫الشاملة لمحو‬ ‫الخطط معدالت‬
‫خاللكبير في‬
‫انخفاض‬
‫قطر من‬ ‫دولةإلى‬
‫استطاعتأدت‬
‫نتائج ‪:‬ايجابية‬
‫حتقق األمية‬
‫أن ‪-2‬‬
‫وإلزاميته أن تحقق نتائج ايجابية أدت إلى انخفاض كبير في معدالت األمية بشكل عام لتصل إلى‬
‫سنة بشكل‬ ‫(‪)24-15‬‬
‫لتصل إلى‬ ‫العمرية‬
‫بشكل عام‬ ‫للفئات‬
‫األمية‬ ‫األمية‬
‫معدالت‬ ‫معدالت في‬ ‫انخفاض‬
‫انخفاض كبير‬ ‫‪.‬إضافة إلى‬
‫أدت إلى‬ ‫‪1999‬م‬
‫نتائج ايجابية‬ ‫عامتحقق‬ ‫كانت ‪%20.6‬‬
‫وإلزاميته أن‬
‫‪ %6.9‬بعد أن كانت ‪ %20.6‬عام ‪1999‬م ‪.‬إضافة إلى انخفاض معدالت األمية للفئات العمرية‬
‫العمريةم كما هو‬
‫للفئات‪2007‬‬
‫اجلنسني عام‬ ‫متباينة لدى‬
‫معدالت األمية‬ ‫مستوياتانخفاض‬
‫لتصبحإضافة إلى‬
‫‪1999‬م ‪.‬‬ ‫اإلناث‬
‫‪ %‬عام‬‫‪20.6‬لدى‬
‫خاصة‬‫كانت‬‫نسبي ًا‬ ‫وأسرع‬
‫بعد أن‬ ‫مستمر‪%6.9‬‬
‫)‪ (24-15‬سنة بشكل مستمر وأسرع نسبيا ً خاصة لدى اإلناث لتصبح مستويات متباينة لدى‬
‫بشكل مستمر وأسرع نسبيا ً خاصة لدى اإلناث لتصبح مستويات متباينة لدى‬ ‫سنة (‪.)2‬‬‫اجلدول‬
‫في‪(24-‬‬‫موضح‪15‬‬
‫)‬
‫الجنسين عام ‪ 2007‬م كما ھو موضح في الجدول )‪.(2‬‬
‫الجنسين عام ‪ 2007‬م كما ھو موضح في الجدول )‪.(2‬‬
‫جدول )‪(2‬‬
‫جدول )‪(2‬‬
‫معدالت األمية لدى اإلناث والذكور في الفترة من )‪(2007-1990‬‬
‫معدالت األمية لدى اإلناث والذكور في الفترة من )‪(2007-1990‬‬
‫لمن تتراوح أعمارھم بين )‪( 24-15‬سنة‬ ‫لمن بلغوا ‪ 15‬سنة فما فوق‬ ‫السنوات‬
‫لمن تتراوح أعمارھم بين )‪( 24-15‬سنة‬ ‫لمن بلغوا ‪ 15‬سنة فما فوق‬ ‫السنوات‬
‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬
‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬ ‫ذكور‬ ‫إناث‬
‫‪1.9‬‬ ‫‪5.0‬‬ ‫‪14.3‬‬ ‫‪27.0‬‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫‪1.9‬‬
‫‪0.8‬‬ ‫‪5.0‬‬
‫‪1.6‬‬ ‫‪14.3‬‬
‫‪6.4‬‬ ‫‪27.0‬‬
‫‪12.5‬‬ ‫‪1990‬‬
‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪0.8‬‬
‫‪0.7‬‬ ‫‪1.6‬‬
‫‪1.4‬‬ ‫‪6.4‬‬
‫‪6.3‬‬ ‫‪12.5‬‬
‫‪12.3‬‬ ‫‪2005‬‬
‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪0.7‬‬
‫‪0.9‬‬ ‫‪1.4‬‬
‫‪1.0‬‬ ‫‪6.3‬‬
‫‪6.2‬‬ ‫‪12.3‬‬
‫‪9.6‬‬ ‫‪2006‬‬
‫‪2007‬‬
‫‪0.9‬‬ ‫‪1.0‬‬ ‫‪6.2‬‬ ‫‪9.6‬‬ ‫‪2007‬‬
‫هذا وتسهم مراكز محو األمية وتعليم الكبار بدورا هاما في خفض نسبة األمية واحتضان املتسربني من‬
‫‪17‬‬
‫أعداد امللتحقني في املراحل االبتدائية في مراكز تعليم‬
‫التعليم في املراحل التعليمية املختلفة ‪،‬وانخفاض ‪17‬‬
‫الكبار مما يعد مؤشر ًا على انخفاض معدالت األمية بدولة قطر كما هو موضح ًا في اجلدول (‪ )2‬الذي‬
‫يعكس معدالت األمية لدى الذكور واإلناث في الفترة من (‪ )2007-1990‬م‪ .‬كما تعكس أعداد الذكور‬
‫واإلناث امللتحقني باملرحليتني اإلعدادية والثانوية املوضحة في جدول (‪ )3‬قدرة النظام على استقطاب‬
‫الدارسني‪ ،‬إضافة إلى زيادة الرغبة لدى كل من اإلناث والذكور على مواصلة التعليم ملرحلة أعلى‪ .‬ليضأ‬
‫أن النسبة األكبر من امللتحقني مبراكز تعليم الكبار هم من الذكور حيث بلغت نسبتهم في عام ‪2007‬‬
‫‪ %75.8‬بينما متثل نسبة اإلناث ‪ %24.2‬وهو ما يؤكد أن نسبة التسرب لدى الذكور أكثر منها لدى‬
‫اإلناث ‪.‬‬
‫‪17‬‬
‫لأللفية التي يصدرها جهاز اإلحصاء العديد من املؤشرات التي ميكن من خاللها قياس الفجوة بني املرأة‬
‫والرجل خصوصا في مجال الصحة والتعليم والعمل كمؤشرات االلتحاق في مراحل التعليم املختلفة‪،‬‬
‫واملعدالت القرائية‪ ،‬ونسبة املقاعد التي تشغلها النساء في املقاعد البرملانية‪.‬‬
‫وفي هذا الصدد صدر ثالثة تقارير إحصائية عن املرأة والرجل حيث صدر التقرير األول عام‬
‫‪2004‬م ‪ ،‬ثم التقرير الثاني عام ‪2006‬م ‪ ،‬وصدر التقرير الثالث ‪2008‬م ‪ ،‬حيث هدفت هذه‬
‫التقارير إلى‪:‬‬
‫ﺻﺎدﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻌﻠﻳﻣﻳﺔ واﻻﻗﺗﺻ‬
‫ﻲ اﻟﻣﺟﺎﻻت اﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ واﻟﺻﺣﻳﺔ واﻟﺗﻌﻠ‬
‫اﻹﻧﺎث واﻟذﻛور ﻓﻲ‬
‫ث‬ ‫• اﻟﺗﺑﺎﻳﻳن ﺑﻳن‬
‫ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫واﻟﺳ‬ ‫تشخخيص‬
‫وﺗﻛﺎﻓؤ اﻟﻔرص ﺑﻳن ااﻟﻣرأة واﻟرﺟﻝ‪.‬‬

‫ؤ‬ ‫ﺿوﻋﻳﺔ ﻟﺗﻘﻳﻳم اﻟﻟﺗﻘدم ﺑﺗﺣﻘﻳق اﻟﻟﻣﺳﺎواة‬
‫• إﻳﺟﺎدد ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻳر ﻣوﺿ‬
‫الععمل‬
‫ﻼﺣﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﺎﺎﻝ اﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎت ووﺟﻣﻊ وﺗﺣﻠﻳﻝ وﻧﺷر اﻟﺑﻳﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎدواار اﻟﻣرأة واﻟرﺟﻝﻝ‬‫• إﺻﻼ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ ‪.‬‬ ‫الححاجة‬
‫ﺟﻝ‬
‫ﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻣﺗﺑﺎدﻟﺔ ﺑﺑﻳﻧﻬﺎ وﺑﻳن اﻟرﺟ‬
‫• ﺑﻣﻛﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﻣرأة واﻟﻌﻼ‬
‫الووعي‬
‫وللفھم وتحليل وواقع المرأة الققطرية مقارنة بالرجل من ممنظور النوع االجتماعي البد من اإلشارة‬
‫اإلشارة إلى‬ ‫البد من‬
‫والتي ت‬
‫أكدت‬ ‫االجتماعيقط‬
‫طر‬ ‫منظور النوع ي‬
‫االجتماعي في دولة‬ ‫بالرجل من‬
‫خصوصية الببناء‬ ‫مقارنة‬
‫بينھا خ‬ ‫كل فيما‬‫القطرية‬
‫املرأةالتي تشك‬ ‫واقع‬
‫العووامل‬ ‫بعض‬‫وحتليل‬
‫ولفهم ى‬
‫إلى‬
‫خصوصية البناء االجتماعي في دولة قطر والتي أكدت عليها‬ ‫والمتممثلةبينها‬
‫فيما يأتي ‪:‬‬ ‫تشكل فيما‬
‫التي االسابقة‬ ‫العوامل‬
‫التقارير‬ ‫بعض عل‬
‫عليھا‬
‫التقارير السابقة واملتمثلة فيما يأتي ‪:‬‬
‫االجتماعية والثقافية‬
‫ونظمهاالجتماعية‬
‫بناءونظمه ا‬
‫القطريبناء‬
‫املجتمعالقطري‬
‫جتمع‬‫فيالمج‬‫التغير في‬
‫ومظاهر االتغير‬
‫عية ومظاھر‬‫االجتماعية‬ ‫التحوالت‬
‫والت االجتماع‬ ‫شملت التحو‬‫‪‬شملت‬ ‫•‬
‫والسكاني‪ .‬والسكاني‪.‬‬
‫والثقافياعي والثقافي‬ ‫االجتماعي‬
‫البناء االجتما‬ ‫أساسية في‬‫البناء‬
‫أساسية في ت‬
‫تغيرات‬ ‫تغيرات وأددت إلى‬
‫وأدت إلىوالثقافية‬
‫شريحةكانالسكان‬ ‫أولهما‬
‫شريحة السك‬ ‫السكانية‬
‫أولھمما‬ ‫خصائصهمالسكانية‬
‫خصائصھما ا‬ ‫فيخ‬‫متباينتني في‬ ‫منشريحتني‬
‫شريحتين ممتباينتين‬ ‫من‬ ‫تمعالقطري‬
‫القطري م‬ ‫املجتمع‬ ‫‪‬يتكون‬
‫يتكون المجت‬ ‫•‬
‫ي‬
‫والتي‬ ‫لقطريين‬‫ال‬ ‫غير‬ ‫السكان‬‫ا‬ ‫وثانيھا‬ ‫رافية‬
‫الديمغر‬ ‫الناحية‬ ‫ا‬ ‫من‬ ‫طبيعيا‬ ‫عا‬
‫مجتمع‬ ‫تعد‬
‫القطريني التي تعد مجتمعا طبيعيا من الناحية الدميغرافية وثانيها السكان غير القطريني والتي تشكل‬ ‫تي‬ ‫الت‬ ‫القطريين‬
‫ضا‪.‬‬
‫لديمغرافية أيض‬
‫الدميغرافية اأيضا‪.‬‬
‫طبيعيا من الناحية‬
‫الناحية ا‬
‫مجتمععامنغير‬
‫تشكلطبيعيا‬
‫مجتمعا غير‬
‫على‬
‫القطريين على القطرييين والذكور ع‬
‫ن‬ ‫ذي يتمثل في اللغلبة العددية للغير‬‫التوازن السكاني ال ي‬
‫ن‬ ‫‪ ‬عدم‬
‫عدم التوازن السكاني الذي يتمثل في الغلبة العددية لغير القطريني على القطريني والذكور على‬ ‫•‬
‫السكان‪.‬‬
‫ن‬ ‫يضاف لذلك عدم االتوازن في التلتوزيع الجغراافي في‬ ‫ف‬ ‫شتغلين على اللعاطلين‬ ‫اإلناث والمش‬
‫السكان‪.‬‬ ‫كثيرفي‬
‫في عدد من‬ ‫اجلغرافي‬
‫التوزيعمكاسب‬
‫فيالقطرية‬ ‫التوازن‬
‫الممرأة‬ ‫عدمحققت‬ ‫دولةلذلكر‬
‫قطر فقد‬ ‫يضاف‬ ‫العاطلني‬
‫التنمية في‬ ‫على‬
‫تجربة‬ ‫قصر ت‬‫واملشتغلني‬
‫اإلناث ‪ ‬رغم‬
‫المجاالت‪.‬جتربة التنمية في دولة قطر فقد حققت املرأة القطرية مكاسب كثير في عدد من املجاالت‪.‬‬ ‫رغم قصر‬ ‫•‬
‫أبرز اإلجنازات في مجال إحصاءات النوع االجتماعي‪:‬‬

‫النوع االجتماعي‪:‬‬
‫حصاءات ع‬
‫اإلنجازات في مجال إح‬
‫والتدريب ‪:‬ت‬
‫التعليمأبررز‬
‫‪:‬‬ ‫ب‬
‫والتدريب‬ ‫التتعليم‬
‫اإلملام بالقراءة والكتابة ‪:‬يعكس مؤشر اإلملام بالقراءة والكتابة ملن بلغوا عمر ‪15‬سنة فما فوق مدى‬
‫املساواة بني‬
‫بينهما مبؤشر ‪1.‬‬ ‫التفاضل‬
‫والكتابة‬ ‫ويقاس‬
‫بالقراءة‬ ‫اجلنسني‪،‬اإل‬
‫إللمام‬ ‫لكالكس مؤشر‬
‫التعليم ‪:‬يعك‬
‫ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺮاءةفرص‬
‫واﻟ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟ توفير‬
‫احلاصل في‬
‫التطور اﻹﻟﻤﺎم‬
‫التعليمتعميم وتوفير التعليم لكال‬
‫فرص في‬
‫توفيرملموس ًا‬
‫ص‬ ‫تطور ًا‬ ‫والذي يعكس‬
‫الحاصل في‬ ‫(‪)1‬التط‬
‫طور‬ ‫اجلدولمدى‬
‫فيفما ففوق‬
‫موضحسنة‬
‫بلغواهوعمر ‪15‬‬
‫لممنكما‬
‫اجلنسني‬
‫اجلنسني واستمرار انخفاض الفجوة بني اجلنسني استمرت لتصل إلى ‪ 0,96‬عام ‪2007‬م‪.‬‬
‫شر المساواة ببين الجنسين ككما ھو‬
‫ضل بينھما بمؤش‬
‫لككال الجنسين‪ ،‬وويقاس التفاض‬
‫‪16‬‬
‫فير التعليم‬ ‫مووضح في الجددول )‪ (1‬والذذي يعكس تطووراً ملموسا ً ي‬
‫في تعميم وتوفي‬
‫تبني دولة قطر سياسة جرئيه في التصدي ملشكلة العنف ضد املرأة واالجتار بالبشر من‬ ‫‪.6‬‬
‫خالل إنشاء مؤسسات متخصصة في تلك املجاالت‪ ،‬وتشجيع البحوث والدراسات للكشف عن حجم‬
‫تلك املشاكل وأسبابها وتوفير احلماية لضحاياها وتدريب العاملني معهم إضافة إلى القيام باحلمالت‬
‫اإلعالمية لنشر الوعي املجتمعي بهذه املشكالت وبناء رأي عام مساند لعمل تلك املؤسسات‪.‬‬
‫االهتمام الكبير الذي شهدت الفترة من ‪ 2009-2004‬بإجراء البحوث والدراسات املعنية‬ ‫‪.7‬‬
‫بقضايا املرأة‪ ،‬ونشرها‪ ،‬وعقد الندوات واحللقات النقاشية حولها‪.‬‬
‫موافقة مجلس الوزراء املقرر على مشروع اإلستراتيجية العامة لألسرة في دولة قطر في‬ ‫‪.8‬‬
‫اجتماعه بتاريخ ‪ 2‬يونيو ‪ 2010‬متضمنا إستراتيجية وطنية للمرأة‪ ،‬إضافة إلى وضع السياسة السكانية‬
‫لدولة قطر متضمن ًا محور ًا خاصا باملرأة أيضا‪.‬‬
‫قطر و مؤشرات تقرير التنافسية العاملية‪:‬‬

‫صنفت دولة قطر ضمن الدول االنتقالية من مرحلة التنمية املعتمدة على املتطلبات األساسية ( التي‬
‫تركز على تطوير النظام املؤسسي للقطاع العام واخلاص والبنية التحتية وجودة تعليم املرحلة االبتدائية‬
‫ونظام الصحة واستقرار البيئة االقتصادية ) إلى مرحلة التنمية املعتمدة على دعم كفاءة التعليم العالي‬
‫والتدريب وكفاءة سوق السلع وسوق العمل وتطوير السوق املالية باستخدام التكنولوجيا واالنفتاح على‬
‫األسواق العاملية‪.‬حيث احتلت دولة قطر املرتبة ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 15‬على مستوى العالم في مجال التعليم االبتدائي‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ 22‬جودة املؤسسات البحثية ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪25‬سرعة توافر التكنولوجيا احلديثة ووصولها‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ 32‬التعليم العالي والتدريب‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ 36‬جهزية التكنولوجيا‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ 41‬املسؤولية املجتمعية في قطاع البحث العلمي‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫دمج منظور النوع االجتماعي في التقارير الوطنية عن األهداف اإلمنائية لأللفية‪:‬‬

‫تكتسب اإلحصاءات واملؤشرات املتعلقة باملرأة والرجل أهمية كبيرة في رسم السياسات ووضع البرامج‬
‫واخلطط التي من شأنها النهوض باملرأة ومتكينها لتسهم في عملية التنمية مبا ينسجم ودروها في‬
‫املجتمع وهو ما أكدت عليه العديد من املؤمترات والقمم العاملية التي عقدتها األمم املتحدة خالل عقد‬
‫التسعينات من القرن العشرين وأوائل القرن احلادي والعشرين وفي مقدمتها قمة التنمية االجتماعية‬
‫كوبنهاجن ‪1995‬م واملؤمتر العاملي الرابع للمرأة بيجني ‪1995‬م كما أكد على أهميتها إعالن األمم‬
‫املتحدة بشان األلفية في عام ‪2000‬م ثم االجتماعات اخلمسية والعشرية التي عقدت ملتابعة ما مت تنفيذه‬
‫في هذه املؤمترات والقمم‬
‫وعلى الصعيد الوطني يأتي االهتمام باإلحصاءات واملؤشرات النوع االجتماعي منسجما مع التطلعات‬
‫التي توليها الدولة نحو إشراك املرأة في مسيرة التنمية الوطنية ومتكينها من املساهمة في اتخاذ القرار‬
‫وتعزيز مكانتها في املجتمع‪.‬‬
‫وقد حرصت رؤية قطر الوطنية ‪ 2030‬م في محور التنمية االجتماعية على إرساء املبادئ األساسية‬
‫للعدالة االجتماعية وتكافؤ الفرص كما نص عليه الدستور الدائم‪.‬وتضمنت تقارير األهداف اإلمنائية‬
‫‪15‬‬
‫أسماء عبد اهلل العطية‬
‫مشاركة املرأة في دولة قطر ما مت اجنازه وما ميكن عمله‬
‫في مجال التعليم واألعالم‬
‫مقدمة‪:‬‬
‫ال واحد ًا حتو ًال اجتماعي ًا واقتصاديا ًمتميز ًا ‪ ،‬حيث‬
‫حققت دولة قطر خالل فترة ال تتجاوز مدتها جي ً‬
‫تقدمت قطر بحلول عام ‪ 2008‬إلى املرتبة ‪ 34‬بني ‪ 179‬دولة على دليل التنمية البشرية مقارنه باملرتبة‬
‫‪ 57‬التي شغلتها قبل عقد من الزمن‪ .‬كما حققت دولة قطر تطور ًا كبير ًا في نفس الفترة بالنسبة للنهوض‬
‫بوضع املرأة ومتثلت أهم اإلجنازات العامة في الفترة من ‪ 2009 -2004‬م فيما يلي ‪:‬‬
‫صدور الدستور الدائم لدولة قطر في عام ‪2004‬م وما أكدته املبادئ األساسية الواردة فيه وهي‪:‬‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫قيام املجتمع القطري على دعمات العدل واإلحسان واحلرية واملساواة ومكارم األخالق‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫كفالة الدولة لتكافؤ الفرص للمواطنني‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫األسرة أساس املجتمع قوامها الدين واألخالق وحب الوطن وينظم القانون الوسائل الكفيلة‬ ‫•‬
‫بحمايتها وتدعيم كيانها وتقوية أواصرها واحلفاظ على األمومة والطفولة والشيخوخة في ظلها‪.‬‬
‫املساواة بني املواطنني في احلقوق والواجبات العامة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫املساواة أمام القانون دون متيز بسبب اجلنس أو األصل أو اللغة أو الدين‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫املساواة في احلقوق السياسية (الترشيح واالنتخاب)‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫اعتماد رؤية دولة قطر الوطنية الشاملة للتنمية (‪ )2030‬مبوجب القرار األميري رقم (‪ )44‬لسنة‬ ‫‪.2‬‬
‫‪2008‬م‪ .‬والتي تسعى إلى حتويل قطر بحلول العام ‪ 2030‬م إلى دولة متقدمة قادرة على حتقيق التنمية‬
‫املستدامة‪ .‬مؤكدة على أنه سيكون للمرأة في املجتمع دور فعال في كافة جوانب احلياة‪ ،‬خاصة املشاركة‬
‫في صنع القرارات االقتصادية والسياسية من خالل مركزاتها األربعة وهي التنمية البشرية‪ ،‬والتنمية‬
‫االجتماعية‪ ،‬والتنمية االقتصادية‪ ،‬والتنمية البيئية‪..‬‬
‫انضمام دولة قطر التفاقية القضاء على جميع أشكال التمييز ضد املرأة واتفاقية حقوق‬ ‫‪.3‬‬
‫األشخاص ذوي اإلعاقة (املرسوم رقم ‪ 28‬لسنة ‪ 2008‬م)‪.‬‬
‫استمرار اإلرادة السياسية الداعمة لتمكني املرأة وتعزيز مشاركتها في جميع املجاالت‪ .‬فالدور‬ ‫‪.4‬‬
‫احليوي الذي تقوم به حضرة صاحبة السمو الشيخة موزة بنت ناصر املسند حرم سمو األمير املفدى‬
‫على الصعيد الوطني من خالل رئاستها ملجلس إدارة مؤسسة قطر للتربية والثقافة وتنمية املجتمع‪،‬‬
‫ونائب رئيس املجلس األعلى للتعليم‪ ،‬ونائب رئيس املجلس األعلى للصحة (وسابق ًا رئيسا للمجلس‬
‫األعلى لشؤون األسرة)‪ .‬وعلى الصعيد الدولي بصفة سموها املبعوث اخلاص للتعليم األساسي والعالي‬
‫لدى منظمة اليونسكو‪ ،‬ورئاسة سموها ملجلس إدارة مبادرة «صلتك» الدولية جتسيدا لهذه اإلرادة‬
‫ومتثل سموها منوذجا للنساء القطريات من جميع األعمار‪.‬‬
‫االستمرار في تطوير التشريعات في جميع املجاالت‪ ،‬وتعزيز حقوق املرأة من خالل تنقية‬ ‫‪.5‬‬
‫القوانني من النصوص التي تتضمن متييز ًا ضد املرأة‪.‬‬
‫‪14‬‬
‫السياسية‬
‫سيدة واحدة في‬
‫عضوية مجلس‬ ‫رفع نسبة النساء في مجلس‬ ‫تعزيز مشاركة المرأة‬
‫اإلدارة حاليا‬ ‫ادارة غرفة تجارة وصناعة‬ ‫في مؤسسات المجتمع‬
‫قطر الى ‪%20‬‬ ‫المدني‬
‫‪ .1‬رفع مشاركة المراة‬
‫في مؤسسات‬
‫المجتمع المدني‬
‫حصة المرأة من يتعين رفع‬ ‫‪ .2‬رفع حصة النساء‬
‫مشاركة المرأة‬ ‫مقاعد ھده‬ ‫رئاسة مؤسسات‬
‫المؤسسات ضئيل بنسبة ‪%20‬‬ ‫المجتمع المدني الى‬
‫خالل فترة ‪5‬‬ ‫‪%20‬‬
‫سنوات القادمة‬
‫حصة المرأة من‬ ‫رفع حصة النساء في‬
‫مقاعد ھده‬ ‫عضوية مجالس ادارة‬
‫المؤسسات ضئيل‬ ‫مؤسسات المجتمع المدني‬
‫الى ‪%40‬‬
‫عدم توفر آليات‬ ‫ضعف التشبيك‬ ‫التشبيك بين الناشطات‬ ‫دعم تأسيس منظمات‬
‫لحدوث التشبيك‬ ‫والتواصل بين‬ ‫وجمعيات تعنى بحقوق والناشطين في مجال حقوق‬
‫الناشطين‬ ‫المرأة‬ ‫المرأة‬
‫توفير برامج‬ ‫ال توجد برامج‬ ‫برامج دعم مؤسسي لتأسيس‬
‫توعية وبناء‬ ‫للتوعية وبناء‬ ‫منظمات وجمعيات أھلية‬
‫قدرات الراغبين قدرات‬
‫في تأسيس‬
‫الجمعيات والجھل‬
‫باإلجراءات‬
‫المطلوبة‬
‫‪12‬‬
‫‪13‬‬
‫‪Gaps Analysis‬‬
‫تحليل الفجوات‬
‫الفجوة‬ ‫نتائج تحليل‬ ‫أألھداف المرحلية‬ ‫ت األھداف اإلستراتيجية‬
‫الواقع‬ ‫‪Objectives‬‬ ‫)‪(Goals‬‬
‫غير متوفر‬ ‫غير متوفر‬ ‫أن تبلغ نسبة المسجالت في‬ ‫‪ 1‬تعزيز مشاركة المرأة‬
‫قوائم الناخبين ‪ %100‬من‬ ‫في الحياة السياسية‬
‫نسبة القطريات الالتي يحقن‬ ‫بجميع أشكالھا‬
‫لھن اإلقتراع‬
‫يتعين تمكين‬ ‫بلغت نسبة‬ ‫أن تبلغ نسبة المقترعات من‬
‫‪ %25‬من‬ ‫المقترعات من‬ ‫النساء في انتخابات مجلس‬
‫الناخبات من‬ ‫عدد الناخبات في‬ ‫الشورى القادمة والمجلس‬
‫ممارسة حقھن‬ ‫الدورة الثالثة‬ ‫البلدي المركزي الرابعة‬
‫في اإلقتراع‬ ‫النتخابات‬ ‫‪ %70‬من عدد الناخبات‬
‫المجلس البلدي‬ ‫المسجالت‬
‫‪%45‬‬
‫مقارنةب‪%50‬‬
‫من الرجال‬
‫أن تبلغ نسبة مشاركة النساء ‪ 3‬مرشحات فقط‬
‫في انتخابات‬ ‫كمرشحات في انتخابات‬
‫الدورة الثالثة‬ ‫مجلس الشورى القادمة‬
‫للمجلس البلدي‬ ‫وانتخابات الدورة الرابعة‬
‫مقابل ‪118‬‬ ‫للمجلس البلدي ‪ %30‬من‬
‫مرشح‬ ‫عدد المرشحين‬
‫يتعين تمكين‬ ‫‪.2‬أن تبلغ نسبة المقاعد التي النسبة الحالية ال‬
‫المرأة من‬ ‫تزيد عن مقعد‬ ‫تشغلھا النساء ‪ %20‬من‬
‫الفوزبعدد مقاعد‬ ‫واحد أي ‪%2.5‬‬ ‫عدد مقاعدمجلس الشورى‬
‫تصل الى ‪%20‬‬ ‫والمجلس البلدي‬
‫من مجموع‬
‫المقاعد في ھده‬
‫المجالس خالل ‪5‬‬
‫سنوات القادمة‬
‫تغيير المفاھيم‬ ‫ھناك قيم‬ ‫رفع وعي المجتمع والمرأة‬
‫اجتماعية تحد من المرتبطة باألدوار‬ ‫نفسھا بأھمية المشاركة‬
‫فرص المرأة من التي يمكن المراة‬ ‫السياسية للمراة‬
‫المشاركة الفعالة أن تشارك بھا‪.‬‬
‫في الحياة‬
‫‪11‬‬
‫‪12‬‬
‫التحليل الكمي للواقع‬
‫النسبة‬
‫الوضع الحالي‬ ‫المتغير‬ ‫ت‬
‫‪%‬‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬نسبة حصول المرأة على حقوقھا‬ ‫‪ -1‬المرأة‬
‫السياسية كاملة‬ ‫والمشاركة‬
‫‪%45‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬نسبة مشاركة المرأة في اإلنتخابات‬ ‫السياسية‬
‫من مجموع المشاركين في االقتراع‬
‫‪%%2.5‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬نسبة مشاركة المرأة كمرشحة من‬
‫مجموع المرشحين‬
‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬نسبة المقاعد التي تشغلھا المرأة في‬
‫المجلس البلدي‬
‫‪ .5‬نسبة المناصب القيادية التي تتوالھا ‪%13.3‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬المرأة‬
‫النساء‬ ‫والمناصب‬
‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ .6‬نسبة النساء الالتي يحملن حقائب‬ ‫القيادية‬
‫وزارية تنفيذية‬
‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪.7‬عدد النساء الالتي في مرتبة وزير‬
‫‪---‬‬ ‫‪.8‬نسبة رؤساء ھيئات حكومية‬
‫‪0‬‬ ‫‪ .9‬نسبة من في رتبة وكيل وزارة‬
‫غ‪/‬م‬ ‫‪ .10‬نسبة مشاركة المرأة في عضوية‬
‫مجالس إدارة مؤسسات القطاع الخاص‬
‫‪%1‬‬ ‫‪.11‬نسبه مشاركة المرأة في مجلس‬ ‫‪ -3‬المرأة‬
‫إدارة غرفة صناعة وتجارة قطر‬ ‫ومنظمات‬
‫المجتمع‬
‫المدني‬
‫غ‪/‬م‬ ‫‪.12‬نسبة مشاركة النساء في منظمات‬
‫المجتمع المدني‬
‫‪ .13‬عدد رؤساء مجالس إدارة‬
‫المنظمات المجتمع من النساء‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫‪11‬‬
‫هامة في املجتمع‪.‬‬
‫املساواة في فرص الترقية‪ ،‬وعدم جعلها تخضع ألهواء املديرين وتوجهاتهم نحو املرأة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫السعي إلى إدماج املرأة في مجالس إدارات املؤسسات والشركات الكبرى‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫توفير دورات تدريبية للمرأة في مجال املهارات القيادية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫اكتشاف الطاقات النسائية الصاحلة ملمارسة األدوار القيادية واملؤهلة تأهيال جيدا‬ ‫•‬
‫حسب املجاالت املختلفة‪.‬‬
‫‪10‬‬
‫الفرص‪:‬‬
‫دور املجتمع في متكني املرأة من املشاركة السياسية‬

‫لكي تكون التشريعات والقوانني اخلاصة باملرأة أو أي قضية أخرى قابلة للتنفيذ البد أن تصاحبها‬ ‫•‬
‫تغييرات في البناء االجتماعي‪.‬‬
‫حتفيز القيادات النسائية ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫حتتاج قضايا متكني املرأة سياسيا مشروعا قائما بذاته يدرس مشكالتها ويحدد احتياجاتها‬ ‫•‬
‫وصوال إلى وضع إستراتيجية متكاملة إلجناحها‪.‬‬
‫ثانيا‪ :‬املرأة واملناصب القيادية‬
‫بلغت نسبة النساء بني املشرعني وكبار املسئولني واملديرين ‪ %13.8‬فقط من املجموع الكلي لهذة الفئة‬
‫من القطريني وذلك حسب التعداد العام للسكان لعام ‪.2004‬‬
‫بعد ‪ 40‬سنة من دخول املرأة القطرية مجال العمل ‪ ،‬لم حتصل إال على حصة قليلة جدامن املناصب‬
‫القيادية مقارنة مع الرجل ‪.‬‬
‫مع ذلك هناك تقدم ومنو في شغل ملناصب القيادية من قبل نساء خالل الثالث سنوات األخيرة‪.‬‬
‫تشخيص الواقع‪:‬‬
‫ال تزال مشاركة املراة في عملية صنع القرار واضحة تقليديا وتاريخيا في مجال التعليم والصحة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫مشاركة املرأة ال تزال محدودة و بطيئة في قطاعات العمل احلكومية اجلديدة التي تعكس توجهات‬ ‫•‬
‫الدولة التنموية ‪ ،‬رغم كون املراة القطرية تتميز بارتفاع مستواها التعليمي‪.‬‬
‫ال تزال مشاركة املرأة في املناصب القيادية في القطاعني اخلاص واملختلط محدودة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫الزالت املرأة بعيدة عن ممارسة أي دور قيادي في مجاالت الشركات الصناعية واملؤسسات‬ ‫•‬
‫االقتصادية بشكل عام‪ ،‬وكذلك في قطاع املال والبنوك‪.‬‬
‫أما في املنظمات غير احلكومية فإن أدوراها القيادية لم تظهر إال في املنظمات املدعومة من الدولة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ما زالت مشاركة املرأة في املناصب القيادية غير مرتبطة بحركة التطور االجتماعي‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫التحديات ‪:‬‬
‫تأثير الصورة النمطية التي تقلل من إمكانيات املرأة في تولي املناصب القيادية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫اإلعباء واألدوار التي متارسها املرأة في العمل واملنزل تسهم في عزوف املرأة نفسها عن تولي‬ ‫•‬
‫املرأة للمناصب القيادية‪.‬‬
‫تأثر قرارات التعيني والترقية باملواقف والرموز الثقافية املسبقة حول املرأة وأدوارها‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫الفرص‪:‬‬
‫تعزيز أدوار املرأة القيادية‬
‫يجب االهتمام بتوفير اآلليات التي تسهم في متكني املرأة من تولي املناصب القيادية ‪،‬خصوص ًا أن‬ ‫•‬
‫الشواهد املستقبلية تشير إلى منو كبير في عدد املتعلمات واملؤهالت‪ ،‬األمر الذي يؤهلهن ملمارسة أدوار‬
‫‪9‬‬
‫الدورة الثانية في عام ‪ 2003‬لم تكن مشاركة املراة كمرشحة عند املستوى املطلوب ومبا يتناسب‬ ‫•‬
‫وحجمها ودورها في احلياة اإلجتماعية حيث لم تترشح سوى سيدة واحدة للمشاركة للفوز بعضوية‬
‫املجلس وقد فازت بالتزكية ‪.‬‬
‫بيانات تفصيلية حول مشاركة املراة القطرية في انتخابات املجلس البلدي ‪:‬‬
‫الدورة األولى ‪1999‬‬

‫عدد الناخبني ‪ 13656‬الف ناخب وناخبة‬
‫نسبة مشاركة املرأة كناخبة ‪%45‬‬
‫شارك ‪ 227‬مرشح ومرشحة‬
‫عدد املرشحات ‪ ،6‬لم تفز أي واحدة منهن‬
‫الدورة الثانية ‪2002‬‬

‫نسبة مشاركة املرأة كناخبة ‪%----‬‬
‫شارك ‪ 84‬مرشح‬
‫ترشحت سيدة واحدة فازت بالتزكية‬
‫الدورة الثالثة ‪2007‬‬

‫نسبة مشاركة املرأة كناخبة ‪%46.6‬‬
‫شارك ‪118‬مرشح‬
‫عدد املرشحات ‪3‬‬

‫فازت واحدة بنسبة ‪ %96‬من أصوات دائرتها االنتخابية وهي نفس السيدة التي فازت في الدورة الثانية‬
‫بالتزكية‬
‫وهذا يشير إلى قدرتها على كسب ثقة الناخبني في الدائرة االنتخابية التي مثلتها‬
‫هناك جملة من التحديات التي تعيق املرأة من توسيع نطاق مشاركتها‪ ،‬منها‪:‬‬
‫منظومة ثقافية ال حتفز املرأة على املشاركة السياسية وتولي األدوار القيادية في احلياة العامة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫املرأة ذاتها ‪ :‬هناك فئات كثيرة من النساء غير مقتنعات بتفعيل املشاركة السياسية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫هناك العديد من املعوقات األخرى‪ ,‬مثل ‪:‬‬ ‫•‬
‫عجز الوسائل اإلعالمية عن أداء دور تنموي أو تغييري بالنسبة للقيم التي تؤثر في مشاركة املرأة‬ ‫•‬
‫‪,‬بل إنها تؤدي في اغلب األحيان دورا معاكسا ‪.‬‬
‫تأثير البنية القبلية على املواقف واخليارات السياسية ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫عدم الوعي باحلقوق السياسية وحقوق املواطنة ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫عدم استقاللية املواقف السياسية للمرأة‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ما زالت املرأة محجمة عن ممارسة دورها في مؤسسات املجتمع املدني ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪8‬‬
‫كلثم الغامن‬
‫متكني املرأة في عملية صنع القرار السياسي واملجتمعي‬
‫إشكاليات مرتبطة بتمكني املرأة بشكل عام ‪:‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪ -‬املساواة في الفرص‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬املساواة في النتائج‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬املساواة في التطوير‪.‬‬
‫قضية اجلندر يجب إن تكون اإلطار العام لتحقيق ذلك من خالل نسق فكري وعملي مترابط وواضح ‪.‬‬
‫مطالبات حقوقية في مجال التمكني السياسي للمرأة القطرية والعربية بشكل عام‬
‫احملافظة على املنجزات التي حتققت في مجال املساواة الدستورية مجال املشاركة املجتمعية‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫معاجلة املعوقات واإلشكاليات التي تواجه تفعيل هذه احلقوق‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫دعم وتطوير الدور الذي ميكن أن تسهم املرأة به في التنمية املستدامة وفي تطوير واقعها‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫الواقع احلالي للمرأة القطرية في مجال التمكني السياسي‬
‫‪ . 1‬حقوق املواطنة‬
‫منحت املرأة حقوق املواطنة كاملة مثلها مثل الرجل في الدستور اجلديد الذي وافق عليه املجتمع بنسبة‬
‫‪ %96‬في عام ‪.2003‬‬
‫في مجال احلقوق السياسية‬ ‫•‬

‫‪ -‬كفل الدستور القطري حقوقا سياسية للمرأة متساوية مع الرجل‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬القانون االنتخابي لغرفة جتارة وصناعة قطر‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬حق املشاركة في انتخابات في املجلس البلدي املركزي كناخبة ومرشحة‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬حق الترشيح واالنتخاب في املجلس التشريعي القادم‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ينطبق عليها قانون حرية التعبير والنشر ‪..‬‬
‫وغير ذلك من احلقوق السياسية واملدنية‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬مشاركة املرأة في االنتخابات البلدية‬

‫يشير حتليل الواقع إلى أن املرأة بدأت مالمح مرحلة جديدة من متكني املرأة من املشاركة املجتمعية‬ ‫•‬
‫واملشاركة السياسية بالذات بصدورالقانون رقم (‪ )12‬لسنة ‪ 1998‬بتنظيم املجلس البلدي املركزي‪،‬‬
‫واملرسوم رقم (‪ )17‬لسنة ‪ 1998‬بنظام انتخاب املجلس البلدي املركزي‪ ،‬الذي أكد على حق املرأة‬
‫في املشاركة ترشيحا وإنتخابا‪ ،‬وبالفعل شاركت املرأة في إنتخابات الدورة األولى للمجلس البلدي‬
‫املركزي في دولة قطر بتاريخ ‪ 8‬مارس ‪. 1999‬‬
‫كانت نسبة مشاركة املرأة القطرية في انتخابات الدورة األولى(‪ )%45‬وترشحت ‪ 6‬نساء للفوز‬ ‫•‬
‫بعضوية املجلس ولم تنجح أي منهن ‪ ،‬وأرجعت األسباب إلى أن املجتمع كان حديث عهد بالعملية‬
‫الدميوقراطية ومبشاركة املرأة ‪.‬‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫أوراق العمل‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫املقدمة‬
‫نظم معهد الدوحة الدولي للدراسات األسرية والتنمية (‪ )DIIFSD‬بالتعاون مع مكتب املستشارة‬
‫اخلاصة لألمني العام لألمم املتحدة لقضايا النوع والنهوض باملرأة (‪ ، )OSAGI‬مؤمتر ًا حول تعزيز‬
‫متكني املرأة في الدول العربية ‪ ،‬في تونس يومي ‪ 6 -5‬أكتوبر ‪.2010‬‬
‫وقد كان الهدف األساسي من هذا املؤمتر هو تزويد الدول األعضاء باألمم املتحدة برأي مختص‬
‫وتوصيات تتعلق بسياسات متكني املرأة في املجاالت السياسية واإلقتصادية واإلجتماعية‪.‬‬
‫تناول املؤمتر قضايا رئيسية شملت متكني النوع والتنمية اإلجتماعية واإلقتصادية للمجتمع ‪ ،‬العوائق‬
‫الرئيسية في املنطقة ‪ ،‬تبني السياسات املالئمة واإلصالحات القانونية ‪ ،‬وكذا دور الدولة وأفضل السبل‬
‫والوسائل إلشراك قوى املجتمع املدني لتمكني املرأة ‪.‬‬
‫وخالل اليومني ناقش ممثلي األمم املتحدة واملنظمات غير احلكومية ذات الصلة بالتنمية اإلجتماعية‬
‫وخبراء من مختلف مناطق العالم ‪ ،‬اإلجنازات والتحديات التي تواجه املرأة في العالم‪ ،‬خاصة املرأة‬
‫العربية كما سلطوا الضوء على متكني املرأة في مختلف امليادين وتعزيز تبادل األفكار واخلبرات في‬
‫هذا اإلطار‪.‬‬
‫وقد تعرف املشاركون على السياسات ذات التأثير باإلضافة إلى أفضل املمارسات آخذين بعني اإلعتبار‬
‫في املنطقة العربية‪ ،‬النواحي السياسية واإلجتماعية واإلقتصادية وتقدموا بتوصيات قصد تنفيذها من‬
‫قبل الدولة وأصحاب الشأن ‪.‬‬
‫وتشمل هذه الوثيقة مداخالت وأوراق عمل مقدمة من قبل اخلبراء‪ ،‬وكذا النتائج والتوصيات‪.‬‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫تعزيز متكني املرأة‬
‫في‬
‫البلدان العربية‬
‫تونس‬
‫‪ 6-5‬آكتوبر ‪2010‬‬

Empowerment of Women in Arab Countries

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Empowerment of Women in Arab Countries

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Promoting Empowerment

I am pleased to welcome you to this colloquium on “the Empowerment of women in

However, it is important to acknowledge the impact of the ongoing political turmoil,

A recent UN assessment of the situation of women around the world in a number of

Despite the universality of gender problems, addressing the empowerment of women

It is an honour to speak with you today on “Promoting the Empowerment of Women in

Let me turn to the area of employment.

Engaging and supporting women entrepreneurs through targeted programs would do

A model program of economic empowerment of youth is INJAZ al-Arab, an achieve-

My personal perspective on the subject of women’s rights is embedded in my academic

Women and the United Nations

5 See: C. Moser. 1993. Gender Planning and Development. London: Routledge.

From impunity to accountability

These developments reveal a significant shift from impunity to accountability with

Women’s rights in the Arab countries

Furthermore, the challenges arising from socio-political dynamics of the individual

International mechanisms can be used more effectively to negotiate change at home.

1. Introduction: some facts on the situation of women

Introduction: some facts

Before analyzing in details the meaning and significance of women’s empowerment,

Women’s Rights are Human Rights

Gender Equality: meaning and impact

Enhancing gender equality is, therefore, considered a strong endorsement to greater

The impact of gender equality:

3- Gender equality is rightly considered by UN specialized bodies and NGOs an es-

Women’s Empowerment: concept and context

1. The extent to which women hold a sense of positive self-image;

The International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) has stressed in

Women’s Empowerment: the economic aspect

Women’s economic empowerment, is therefore, a process that requires daring, com-

While it is incontestably true that economic empowerment is an important component

Women’s Empowerment: the political aspect

Women’s Empowerment: the cultural aspect

Modalities to enhance women’s empowerment

In order to consolidate a critical mass of support for gender-sensitive policies, these

Some Policy Recommendations

Participation in the CEDAW

1. From Empowerment to Equality

Despite International Conferences on Population and Development, World Summits for

Definition and Concept of Empowerment

According to UN documents, women’s empowerment requires five components based

- Individual: psychological, personal

18 World Bank website “What is empowerment?”: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTPOVERTY/EXTEMPOWERME

In the mid-1990s, Sara Longwe developed the Women’s Empowerment Framework20

Table 1: Women’s Empowerment Framework and Levels of Equality

Women’s Empowerment Framework

2. Life course perspective: the missing dimensions in gender empowerment

The Life course approach happens..

1. Static approach to the Status of Wom-

A. Static Approach to Data on Women’s Condition

Gender Wage Gaps in Latin America

Across Latin America, women are paid less than men.

Percentage of Women in Senior Positions

Women in Parliament 2010: Top 29 countries

% of Women Delegate to UN Climate Change Conferences

Women are not fairly represented as delegatesor heads of delegations at the

C - Dynamic Approach to Women’s Lives: correlations and cause-effect perspective

In five sites, more than half of women have experienced physical

3. How to Integrate the Life Course Perspective in Gender Empowerment and

I. The life course development is analyzed as the outcome of personal characteris-

Another aspect of the analysis is to integrate the concept of cumulative advantage/

4. Risks of Gender Disempowerment and Inequality at Different Stages of the

Risks during school years :