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Religious life in South India during the early medieval period was largely characterized by the
tremendous growth and popularity of the Bhakti movement. The study of Bhakti as a cult that shaped
the development of religion in South India and as an important element of sectarian Puranic religion has
been extensive. Besides the concept, origins and rich poetic and aesthetic appeal of bhakti, recent
studies have also begun to examine the nature south Indian bhakti as a protest against caste hierarchy,
status and privileges.
This essay is also an attempt to study bhakti as a concept that first evolved in the hymns of the Vaisnava
Alvars, and subsequently in those of the Saiva Alvars; how they grew as an instrument of dissent against
brahmana orthodoxy, existing social norms and inequalities; developed into and ethical principle; and
thereby, provided the basis of the emergence of a dominant ideology.
The Bhakti Movement in South India had a two-fold character. It firstly had two main currents, i.e., of
Saivism and Vaisnavism which flowed parallel to each other. The second character is that they also
mingled occasionally, the Saivas being known as Nayanars and the Vaisnavas being, Alvars. It is doubtful
whether the movement started as a conscious one but it is likely that several bhaktas appeared
simultaneously in different centres by the 9th century.
Historiography
Most of what has been written about the movement concerns itself with chronology, identity of the
individual saints and some literary / philosophical appreciations. However recent studies, initiated by
scholars such as M.G.S. Narayanan, K. Veluthat and R. Champalakshmi, have attempted to analyse the
movement not only within the framework of the development of society and culture in South India, but
also in its socio-economic context with special reference to the elements of dissent, protest and reform.
With regard to chronology, there are disputes amongst scholars regarding the identity and date of
individual saints. Historians like S. Krishnaswami, R.G. Bhandarkar and K.A. Nilakanta Sastri were among
those that helped to approximately fix the chronological timeline of the bhakti movement of the early
medieval.
Sources
Historical study of the bhakti cult is majorly drawn from the literary works of the Alvars and Nayanars
themselves, which are in the form of devotional songs and poetry. The source material may be thus
classified into the following:
Social Background
So as to understand South Indian bhakti, we must place it within the background from which it emerged.
In the sixth century CE, the Chalukya, Pandya and Pallava dynasties rose to power. For the next three
centuries, they dominated politics in the region: waging war, upholding Brahmanical hierarchies, and
patronizing art and culture.
The new dynasties used inscriptions to make grand statements about their power. While kings gave
grants to brahmanas and temples, in return, brahmanas and temple priests asserted the king’s divinity
and his right to rule. The spread of land grants led to the expansion of the kingdom as well as the
extension of agriculture into dryland areas and forests. The heterodox faiths, Buddhism and Jainism,
began to decline; they were replaced by the passionate devotion of the bhakti saints and a temple
religion which provided a new set of myths and a new world view.
While the bhakti movements represented a new trend, they also drew from the earlier religious
traditions of South India. Similarities exist between the bhakti hymns and early Tamil poetry. Later
classical texts such as the Paripatal praise the gods Murugan and Mayon in terms which anticipate the
early medieval hymns. Similarly, the sixth century poem, theTirumarukarrupattai (‘Guide to the Lord
Murugan’) advises devotees to approach the Lord and seek his grace. Each of the six parts of the poem
describes a sacred site of Murugan or one of his temples. In the earliest Tamil poems, Murugan was the
heroic deity of the mountains, presiding over acts of love and war. But now he becomes a God to whom
the devotee must offer worship.
Thus, bhakti imposed itself upon an earlier network of cults and deities in the region. The landscape
of tinaisor ecological regions was now replaced by a network of temples and shrines. In this process of
absorption, A.K. Ramanujan argues that the bhakti movements “used whatever they found at hand, and
changed whatever they used.”
There were two major streams to Tamil bhakti -- the Alvars and Nayanars -- who expressed their
devotion to Vishnu and Shiva respectively. Tradition tells us about the names and careers of some
important saints.
The Alvars
The term 'Alvar' means ‘one who is immersed in God’. The bhakti of the first three Alvars -- Poykai,
Putam and Pey -- was a simple devotion, a rendering of divine grace after they experienced Vishnu’s
presence while sheltering from a storm. Later, they came to be worshipped as amshas or incarnations of
Vishnu.
Periyalvar was born as Vishnuchittan, an untutored brahmana who served Vishnu’s temple at Puduvai.
Legend has it, that transformed by divine grace, he was able to prove the superiority of Vishnu in a
philosophical dispute at the Pandya court.
Tirumangai, a petty chieftain and highway robber, was converted to the path of Vishnu by the woman
he loved. Representations show him carrying a spear and accompanied by his wife Kumudavalli.
Nammalvar was a lower caste saint who spent his life in fasting and meditation. He compiled four series
of verses to provide poetry to the ordinary people. For this reason, he is called Nam-Alvar, ‘Our’ Alvar.
The Vaishnavites consider his four works equivalent to the four Vedas.
The Nayanars
There were 63 Nayanars or Shaivite saints. The term ‘Nayanar’ means a ‘leader', in the sense of God’s
chosen apostle. While the early Nayanars led a life absorbed in Shiva, later saints began to propagate
Shaiva bhakti, bringing them into conflict with the Buddhists and Jains.
Among the 63, the Muvar or ‘the three great hymnists’ - Appar, Sundarar and Sambandar - are given
prominence. Their hymns constitute the major part of the Shaivite canon.
Although Appar was born into an orthodox Shaivite family, he left to join a Jaina monastery at
Pataliputra (modern Patna). But when cured of a painful stomach ailment by his sister, he returned once
more to Shiva’s path. The memory of his betrayal filled his poems with penitence and humility. For the
rest of his days, he travelled across South India, singing the praises of Shiva.
Sambandar was born into a brahmana family in the Tanjavur district. Invited by queen
Mangaiyarkkarasai to the Pandyan court, he defeated the Jainas through miracles and debates and
converted the kingdom to Shaivism. His hymns speak of the worship of Shiva not through religious
observances but through an emotion that fills the heart and mind.
Sundarar was the child of poor brahmana parents, adopted and raised by a local chieftain. His hymns
stress the contemplation of Shiva as the one true path to bliss.
As temples became central to the new organization of space -- sacred, economic, social and political --
we need to consider the ways in which bhakti religion worked in tandem with this system. The space of
the shrine is central to the workings of bhakti.
The Paripatal, a Sangam classic, introduces us to a new era in Tamil culture, and a new milieu in Tamil
religion amd worship, namely the temple, which was to become one of the major symbols of south
Indian religious tradition. Bhakti as a concept of devotion appears here, in this context, though it was to
be developed much later by the Alvars and Nayanars. The idea of the temple as the focus of this
devotional cult is crystallized in the bhakti hymns.
Alvan and Nayanar bhakti bring several strands together, the typical Sangam Tamil humanism, the
emotional, sensual and transcendental character of worshipalong with several mythological structures.
Bhakti thus arose as a so[histicasted expression, that is, in singing the praise of god, as an emotional
seeking of union with the absolute, symbolized by the temple image. The development of this concept
may be traced through the various stages in Alvar poetry, dominated by Krisna bhakti.
Besides the fact that much of bhakti literature was centred on temples, devotees often undertook
pilgramges to different temples around south India by dancing and singing with large groups of followers
across fields and forests. The institution of the temple festivals may also be cited as the by-product of
the bhakti cult. The Onam festival of Kerala would remain the best example as it arose during the reign
of Kulasekhara Alvar (9th century). Inscriptions of the 10th century would also demonstrate the popularity
of the festival. Instances such as these go to prove that interests of the bhakti cult and the temple cult
often coincided.
Another specific consequence of the cult was the encouragement it gave to devadasis or handmaids of
the gods. As bhakti spread through media of song, dance and beauty, these devadasis would play an
important role in the popular appeal of the temple.
By the ninth century, the Chola kings systematically began to use bhakti shrines and centres as sites for
their temple building. From a small shrine, the temple became a towering edifice with many gateways
and enclosures and a multitude of shrines. Temple complexes such as those at Tanjavur and
Gangaikondacholapuram became huge centres, the focus of both sacred and secular enterprise.
Temples became huge landed magnates with tenants and servants, even investing money in land, guilds
and trade.
In the development of the temple, the emergence of hierarchical relations in the countryside, the
concentration of political and economic power, and the extension of agrarian civilization - the bhakti
ideology had an important role to play. It emerges first in the context of these developments, and
subsequently goes on to bolster their increasingly complex forms.
There has been a general assumption among the historians and sociologists that the concept of bhakti,
as expressed by the Alvars and Nayanars, initiated a movement of protest and reform particularly aimed
at caste hierarchy and brahmana exclusiveness in Tamil society.
According to Veluthat and Champalakshmi, this represents an inadequate understanding of the hymns.
It also points to a lack of clear perspective of the historical processes that made bhakti a major
ideological force in the restructuring of the economy and society with Brahmanical temples as its focus.
The presence of lower caste saints has also led some to argue that bhakti represented a rebellion
against the Brahmanical caste system. The fact remains, however, that one third of the total number of
saints were brahmanas by birth.
However, this is not to say that there was no element of protest or dissent in the Alvar and Nayanar
poetry, representing an attempt to provide avenues of social acceptance and even mobility to the less
privileged castes and economic groups. Though the bhakti cult was indeed a causative factor as well as a
product of the proliferation of the temples, it had also deviated a good deal from the orthodox
philosophy of the brahmanical sects.
Perhaps, a better inquiry into the question of whether it initiated social reform and what the reform was
is needed to be elucidated. The Bhakti hymns are dominated by three major themes. Foremost amongst
these is the devotion to God. The second is the protest against orthodox Vedic Brahmanism and its
exclusiveness in access to divine grace and salvation. The third is a vehement denunciation of the Jains
and Buddhists as non-believers and heretics. It is the second theme that needs to be examined from the
point of view of the social base sought by the exponents of bhakti.
The castes and occupational background of the bhakti saints also provide useful insight into the nature
of the ‘movement’. The saints were drawn from various social strata from Brahmana to paraiya
(untouchable). The Shaiva saint Nandanar was in fact an untouchable engaged in the slaughter of
animals for leather and animal gut. His heart’s desire was to view the image of the dancing Shiva in
Chidambaram, but he was denied access to the temple. Shiva, however, commanded the temple priest
to light a fire before the temple door, and Nandanar passed through it unharmed, disappearing under
the foot of the dancing Shiva.
The Vaishnava saint Tiruppan Alvar was also an untouchable who spent eighty years of his life singing
the praises of Vishnu, standing a mile from the Srirangam temple. Appearing in a dream, Vishnu asked
the temple priest to place Tiruppan Alvar on his shoulders and carry him into the shrine. Once inside the
sanctum, the saint sang one last song, before merging into the divine image.
Such stories show that lower castes were able to create a space for themselves within the bhakti
tradition, proving that salvation was possible for all who loved God. Yet the number of these saints was
small, and their oppression as a group continued in society. What the bhakti movements succeeded in
doing was to create a few spaces of freedom without overturning the existing hierarchy.
Also to be noted was the freedom from all rituals, and even rules of the society enjoyed by the devotees
It seems that their individual right to rebellion was legitimized by their devotion. The badge of bhakti in
the form of sacred ashes or sandal paste smeared on the forehead or chest served as a sign of immunity
in this period as would the sacred thread in others. The same deviation from social norms may be be
cited in terms of status of women.
The inclusion of women within the bhakti tradition marked an important departure from Brahmanical
Hinduism where women were debarred from spiritual attainment and the ascetic life. While bhakti
created space for the self-expression of women, the extent to which gender boundaries were dissolved
needs a closer look.
Clearly, the experience of bhakti was not the same for all women. The Alvar saint Andal refused to marry
anyone but Vishnu. Her poetry is filled with yearning for him and in the Nachchiyar Tirumozhi she
describes a vision of her marriage with him. Legend says that she disappeared into the idol of Vishnu at
Srirangam after having been married to him. In contrast, the Nayanar saint Karaikkal Ammaiyar was
originally the beautiful Punitavati whose spiritual power so overwhelmed her husband that he left her to
seek another wife. Punitavati then called upon Shiva to take away her beauty so that she could spend
the rest of her life in his service; this wish is granted. From then on, she dances like a pey, a demoness in
the cremation grounds of Tiruvalangadu.
Thus, the bhaktins shaped their lives by adopting two different approaches to sexuality. Karaikkal
Ammaiyar negates her sexuality and is able to transcend it, while Andal expresses her devotion in the
form of ‘bridal mysticism’, disappearing into her chosen Lord. But while Karaikkal Ammaiyar can
continue religious life in the ordinary world, Andal cannot return.
By denying the bonds of earthly marriage, the bhaktins tried to escape the confines of patriarchy and
Brahmanical religion. In seeking the love of God, they could spend their lives absorbed in meditation, in
a personal relationship that could not even be considered within the domain of a ‘good wife’.
Yet the difference between women and men could not be completely resolved. The bhaktins may have
freed themselves from the social norms of behaviour, but they still lived within the confines of their
female body. The acceptance of women saints within orthodox religion was also not an immediate
process. Iconographic representations of Karaikkal Ammaiyar do not appear until the 12th century.
While the Tiruppavaiof Andal is sung on festive occasions, especially marriages, her more
erotic Nachchiyar Tirumozhi is never sung within the temple context.
Although the bhakti movements made spiritual attainment possible for women, there is an ambivalence
towards the position of women saints and the spaces offered to women were curtailed as time went by.
While Andal and Karaikkal Ammaiyar attained sainthood, the other women mentioned in the sources
exist in marginal roles: as devout mothers, sisters and wives who assist the bhaktas. As Vijaya
Ramaswamy points out, the Periya Puranam is filled with references to the bhaktas bartering, selling
and making use of their wives so as to further their devotion. Kaliyar Nayanar, for instance, tried to sell
his wife in the market so as to buy oil for the temple lamps!
Despite all this, women devotees seem to have made themselves a part of the bhakti movement,
following a call such as that contained in Andal’s Tiruppavai which tells them that in the worship of Hari
they will find only joy.
The linkage between feudalism and bhakti was first advanced by D.D. Kosambi and scholars have since
expanded upon the theme. Bhakti with its ideas of subservience and devotion was seen as an ideology
to uphold the feudal social structure of the period. Just as the feudal lord demanded service, loyalty and
surrender from his vassal in return for protection, just so was the bhakta tied to his God. R.N. Nandi, for
instance, argues that “faith in an absolute superior was in keeping with the loyalties demanded by a
feudal society.” The doctrine of divine condescension and total surrender represented by bhakti, he
argues, was advanced by the landholding priestly elite to provide a moral justification for the
exploitation and subjugation of the masses.
There are problems with such an understanding in the context of South Indian bhakti. This linkage is not
immediately evident upon reading the texts. To begin with, while the bhaktas saw themselves as
subservient to God, they also assumed a voice of friendship, familiarity and love. The relationship was
not one of divine condescension; often they talked to God as father, friend or lover. Divine grace is not
always shown in terms of protection, but also involves the destruction of the ego and the deprivation of
the devotee’s material prosperity. There is thus an emotional and metaphysical dimension to South
Indian bhakti which cannot be ignored.
Concluding comments
In discussing the bhakti movement in south India, the following points are made clear to us.
The bhakti movements drew upon the earlier religious and literary traditions of South India, but
also transformed them.
The poems of the Tamil saints are marked by an intense devotion and love of God. The two
streams of the movement were devoted to the worship of Vishnu and Shiva, and their saints are
called the Alvars and Nayanars respectively.
Although women and lower caste groups used the bhakti movements to harness spaces of
expression otherwise denied to them, the bhakti movements did not overturn existing
hierarchies and became increasingly conservative with time.
Yet we cannot deny the tremendous popularity of the Tamil saints among all sections of society
alike. The Alvars and Nayanars hymns continue to occupy a sacred space in the cultural and
social life of the Tamil people even today.
Puranic Hinduism and Tantricism
Puranic Hinduism
The early medieval period in India saw major changes in the spheres of society,
polity, economy and religion. The religious changes of this period can be
understood as the continuation of the religious developments from the
previous centuries. With the growth of sects like Buddhism and Jainism and the
Vedic philosophy losing its prominence during this period, there arose an
ardent need to revamp the Brahmanical as it existed in order to survive. In the
face of these challenges we witness the transformation of “Hinduism”, from
being Vedas-oriented towards being Puranic. The period from seventh century
onwards is characterised by a fervid devotion to a personal god. This devotion
found expression in numerous devotional hymns which were compiled in a
canonical form at a later time. The bhakti movement that flourished in south
India during seventh to twelfth centuries CE was in some way inspired by the
northern example. The movement had two groups- one, Shaiva and the other,
Vaishnava.
The Puranas:
The Puranas are a rich corpus of literature dating roughly back to 3rd-16th
century CE. Traditionally they’ve been considered to be as sacred as the Vedas
and are sometimes were referred as the “fifth Veda”. However scholars
studying this period tend to look at them differently. For instance, Vijay Nath
perceives the composition of the Puranas as a strategy for Brahmanization in a
feudal setup. She suggests that the Puranas represent a process of
acculturation of tribal groups within the Brahmanical fold. The texts were, in
fact, to a great extent instrumental in internalizing the process of
Sanskritization. According to her, this method of acculturation was effective, as
was evident from the degree of the Puranas’ popularity, especially in the
outlying regions such where tribal population was predominant. In fact, it is
probable that many of the major Puranas such as the Matsya and Skanda were
composed in these regions. Kunal Chakrabarti is of the view that the Puranas
texts represent a Brahmanical attempt to construct an ideological system,
which was region specific.
Traditionally, it was held that the Puranas was a single corpus which was
divided later. It was possible that legends in the form
of gathas andakhyanas were present and compiled as a single corpus. The
division into eighteen Mahapuranas was a late development. Scholars such as
N.M. Kansara marks out two traditions:
1. The classical stage of the Purāṇas (precedes its compilation)
2. The stage of the Purāṇa Samhitās.
The Puranic religion emphasizes on the trinity: Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva the
destroyer. The Puranas focus on the stories and legends about these three
main deities. Besides Vishnu and Shiva, there existed a prominent cult of Shakti
(often connected with Parvati), which scholars believe was the continuation of
the worship of an ancient mother goddess cult. We witness a stark decline in
the importance accorded to prominent entities from the Vedic pantheon like
Agni, Indra, Soma etc.
The idea of a scared triad that was mentioned in the Mahabharata develops
more clearly in the Puranas. This triad comprised of – Brahma, the creator,
Vishnu the preserver and Shiva the destroyer.
Brahma – In the trinity Brahma was accorded a lesser role and his prominence
was overshadowed by the other two Puranic gods. He was described as the
creator of the universe and everything in it. He was called Prajapati owing the
fact that he was believed to be a four headed god. He represented religion,
sovereignty and priesthood. Some stories say he was born out of a golden egg
while later Puranic stories suggest that he was born out Vishnu’s navel, thus
implying that Brahma was figure closely linked to Vishnu. Brahma was also
described as Purusha. His wife was Saraswati who was also called his daughter.
His incestuous relation with his daughter was a popular legend in the Puranas
which explains the essence of the divine relation. He was represented as white
bodied, jewelled and wearing white garments. He was described as a sacrificer
and in sculptural representations as seen in the Dula Deo temple at Khajuraho,
he was shown with a book, rosary, kamaṇḍalu, small water jug, whereas at
Pushkara temple he is shown as a swan. He was overshadowed by the other
two Puranic gods.
Vishnu – begins to appear in the later phases of the Ramayana and the
Mahabharata. The worship of his various avatars (incarnations) is broadly
referred to as Vaishnavism. The number of avatars of this deity seems to vary,
yet it seems to have started from a nucleus of four avatars. Some later texts
claim that Vishnu had as many as 29 avatars, however by the second half of
the first millennium CE the standard accepted number was 10. In the earlier
period we witness the growth of three cults centred on Vishnu, Narayana and
Krishna-Vasudeva. The completion of the process of the merging of these cults
is dated to the 2nd century BCE and the early centuries of the CE. Despite this is
is believed that the process predates the Puranas and it can be seen as [art of
the Puranic process. The prominence of Vishnu element in Vaishnavism is
considered a rather late development dating to the 4th-5th centuries CE. This is
concluded by the fact that the Mahabharata refers to the supreme deity as
Narayana and rarely as Vishnu. Vishnu seems to have replaced the Vedic Indra.
He was described as Hṛsikesa, Jagannath, Janardana, Keshava etc. He was
believed to have incarnated to save the earth from the ‘asuras’ i.e. demons
and establish order. He was known for his ten avatars or incarnations, as
Matsya, Kurma, Vamanha, Naṛasimha, Varaha, Balaram, Dattatreya, Rama,
Kṛishṇa and last Kalki. Scholars believe that the incarnations were a method of
bringing together different ideologies and forms. Totemic form, animistic
forms and hero-worshippers were brought together in one religion according
to Sukumari Bhattacharji. According to her the first few incarnations represent
evolution and the rest belong to the mythical epochs. Of all the incarnations,
Krishna emerged as the most popular one. He was popularized for slaying
Kaṃsa and also later as Vasudeva-Krishna. The Bhagvata Gita is an important
text which extols the notion of bhakti, was considered to be a text comprising
the teachings of Krishna. The image of Vishnu was related to kingship as he
was related to the various wars between the gods and the demons. According
to the Puranic texts, Vishnu had taken different incarnations to protect the
universe and establish righteousness.
Shiva – Shiva’s cult just like Vishnu’s grew gradually, however Shiva unlike
Vishnu did not have avatars. Shiva was described as Siti, Kaṇtha, Karala etc. He
is also called Candrashekhara, Gangadhara, Pashupati and Ardhnareshvara
etc., various legends are told in the Puraṇas explaining the epithets ascribed to
Shiva. He was described as a forester, householder and controller of passion.
He was known as the deity of the masses. He is commonly worshipped in
the liṇga form and thus represented fertility and power. He was described as
the lord of all creatures and spirits. His antecedents were linked to Vedic Rudra
who was described as a sinister god living in the mountains, wearing skins,
feared for his easily-aroused anger and worshipped for his healing power. He
was popularized as an ascetic. Shiva was believed to be the lord of animals,
hence the name Pashupati. He is associated with the bull, Nandi, the bull
symbolizes strength, vegetation and reproduction according to Sukumari
Bhattacharji. He was also closely related to snakes was described as being
always surrounded by ganas, who were considered intoxicated. In the legends
Shiva was married to Parvati/Sati. Deities such as Ganesha and Skanda-
Kartikeya were later incorporated into the Shaiva cult as his sons. Shiva seems
to have taken the place of Vedic Agni in Puranic religion. Various legends
associated with Agni were now related to Shiva. He was described both as an
ascetic and a householder. Shiva’s cult has influences of the Vedic deities -
Agni, Kuvera, Yama, Pusan, Maruts besides many others. He was described as
Mahakala, supreme destroyer. The Matsya Purāṇa mentions that music and
dance were to be performed in honour of Shiva owing to his representation as
Nataraja, the great dancer. The Shaiva sects like the Pashupatas, Kapalika, and
Kalamukhas became quite famous in the early medieval period. The
Kalamukhas were believed to have emerged from the Pashupatas. Some of
these sects also had their own monasteries. R.G. Bhandarkar points out on the
basis of inscriptional evidence that these two sects had emerged from Lakulisa
Pashupata sect. The Kapalikas were believed to be part of Tantric Shaivism.
They lived in forests and were known for their hard austere practices. Many
other variant sects emerged such as Shaiva Siddhantas, Kashmir Shaivism and
Virashaivism. Another sect was the Mattamayura clan of Shaiva ascetics who
were referred to in many inscriptions. They were popular in Central India
roughly from 9th-12th century CE.
Shaktism - Parvati or Shakti, wife of Shiva, was a prominent deity with many
legends which extols her independent status as well. The texts mention various
religious places, tirthas associated with the goddesses which reflects her
popularity. The rise and growth of the Shakti and her incorporation into Shiva’s
pantheon has been understood as ‘spousification’ of Puranic gods. It
popularized the householder image of Shiva. As Shiva’s wife Uma, she was
symbolized as cow while Shiva was represented as bull. However her form as
Durga was different The Shakti cult became part of the Puranic legends with
the insertion of the ‘Devi Mahatmya’ in the Markaṇḍeya Puraṇa. It is a later
addition to the original text but represents the popularity of the cult of the
goddess. She has been described as the destroyer of evil and also as a creator.
The Puraṇas brought together various goddesses as form of Shakti. The cult is
linked to Yoginis and Matrikas. There are references to sixty-four Yoginis and
temples have been found in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa besides other places. The
Matrikas were generally seven in number. And their temples were found in
eastern India. Kunal Chakrabarti talks about how acculturation between
Brahmanism and local cults led to the emergence of a cult of
Mahisasuramardini, the great goddess. Various places i.e. pithas associated
with the goddess were mentioned in the texts. This gave prominence to sacred
geography in Indian context. The Matsya Purana mentioned the hundred and
eight names of the goddess and the sacred places associated with her. She was
worshipped as Lalita in Prayag, Lingadharini in Naimisaranya, Jayanti in
Hastinapura etc.
She is described as Mahesvari, Isani, Mahadevi besides others. In her fierce
form she is Kali, Karali, Bhima, Candi etc. Thus like Shiva she was both
malevolent and benign and that could be reason why the two cults could be
brought together. This was best represented in sculptures in the
ardhnareshvara form i.e. one half Shiva and other half Parvati. She was
described as a mother and also as a blood thirsty warrior goddess. Stories of
her killing the buffalo-headed demon besides Sumbha and Nisumbha are quite
popular. She was described as riding the lion which symbolized kingship,
authority and supremacy according to Sukumari Bhattacharji. She was believed
to be omnipotent and creator of heaven and earth. She was described
as adhyashakti i.e. supreme power. Those who believe that the female
principle was the main creative force are called shaktas. N.N. Bhattacharyya
believes that it was a continuation of the primitive Mother goddess cult. The
rituals were based on fertility rites and were closely related to Tantric beliefs
and practices as seen from the Parvati temple at Nachna, Khajuraho. According
to Vijay Nath popularity of the cult of Shakti was linked to the rise of
Tantricism.
The early medieval period saw many transformations such as land grants,
regional political formations, new genre of literary texts and other such
developments. There was also a spurt in building temples by the royalty. In
relation to these changes religious traditions also saw transformations. There
was a need to change according to the needs of the new society. With regional
developments many new cults had to be incorporated into Hinduism, such as
the inclusion of the Jaganath cult from Orissa and the tantric influences. The
emphasis was on the trinity, Brahma, the creator, Vishnu, the preserver and
Shiva, the destroyer. Along with it the Shakti cult also became important.
Stories of the deities were popularized. Along with these changes rituals of the
earlier period had lost its importance and were replaced by new rituals such
as vrata, tirthas, dana and sraddha. Besides gender and caste barriers were no
longer functional as other religious traditions accepted them within their folds.
Therefore, Hinduism also had to change according to the times. This would
explain the Puranic changes. New deities were incorporated either as spouse
or as children. The emphasis was on sin expiation and thus new rituals were
incorporated. After the 9th -10th centuries, Puranas were influenced with
tantricism. Additions such as mantra, drawing of coloured lotus, or circles
during vratas and consecration were tantric in nature. The concept of diksa as
discussed in Garuda Purana, Padma Purana, Agni Purana also show tantric
influences. In a way the early medieval period saw major transformation in
terms of religion and rituals.
Tantricism
From around the 6th century onwards the subcontinent witnessed the spread
of tantricism. According to RS Sharma, just like the Bhakti cult, tantricism can
also be seen in the context of socio-economic changes. in the fifth – seventh
centuries, many brahmanas received land in Nepal, Assam, Bengal, Orissa,
central India and the Deccan, and it is at about this time that tantric texts,
shrines and practices come into being. Tantricism was open to women as well
as the shudra and it laid great stress on the use of magic rituals. Some of these
rituals may have been in existence since earlier times, but they were
systematized and recorded in the tantric texts from about the sixth century
onwards. Scholars like RS Sharma believe that Tantricism was the obvious
consequence of the large scale admission of the aboriginal people into the
Brahmanical society. Thereby the brahmanas adopted many of the tribal
rituals, charms and symbols, which were now officially compiled, sponsored
and fostered by them. In the course of time these practices and charms were
modified by the priests to suit the interests of the rich patrons.
The cult of mother goddess was prevalent during the early period. By the early
medieval times, as R.S. Sharma mentions the continuation of the cult of
aboriginal mother goddesses who were worshipped as Shakti or Buddhist Tara.
Names of goddesses such as Dombini, Candali, Vetali, Matangi etc. reflect this
transformation. Besides most of the tantric texts were written in Nepal,
Kashmir, Bengal, Assam, Orissa and western and Central India which were
peripheral regions and not centres of Brahmanical religion according to R.S.
Sharma. This process of religious change was linked to feudalism and increase
of land grants to brahmanas. Mostly land was granted in peripheral regions
and was understood as a method of ‘colonization’ of the tribal regions into
Brahmanical system. Gradually, as R.S. Sharma points out bhakti and tantricism
permeated the Brahmanical religious traditions and became popular among
the masses.
Tantricism also became popular and permeated other religious belief systems.
The importance was given rituals and practices which would benefit the
follower. Tantra and mantra became prominent. Devotion had become an
important aspect in religion. The male and female principles and their union
was the aim of the tantric practices besides dealing with common concerns
such as illness. R.S. Sharma has tried to understand the popularity of tantricism
during the early medieval period on the basis of the socio-economic changes.
He links it to the early medieval practice of land grants and brahmanization of
peripheral regions. Besides incorporating the tribal beliefs it had an immense
impact on Buddhism, Jainism and Brahmanism as well. This influence could be
understood through various texts which document change. It was seen as a
tacit process of acculturation with no class, caste and sex bias.
After the 9th -10th centuries, Puranas were influenced with tantricism. Additions
such as mantra, drawing of coloured lotus, or circles during vratas and
consecration were tantric in nature. The concept of diksa as discussed in
Garuda Purana, Padma Purana, Agni Purana also show tantric influences. In a
way the early medieval period saw major transformation in terms of religion
and rituals.