Fascism in Brazil

Fascism in Brazil
Fascism in Brazil analyzes the long and varied history of the Brazilian extreme right.
The book examines integralism, the main historical Brazilian fascist ideology represented by
Brazilian Integralist Action, the largest fascist movement outside Europe. It analyzes the
integralist tradition from its founding in 1932 to the present day. It examines how Brazilian
Integralist Action began with its leader Plínio Salgado’s trip to Fascist Italy and how the Popular
Representation Party developed integralism in the postwar era. The book also explores the
support of integralists for the 1964 military coup and the role of integralists in the dictatorship.
The contemporary extreme right in Brazil is still inspired by the integralist slogans of the 1930s as
they seek to find political space and to demonstrate their strength. Contemporary turning points
in neo-integralism were the involvement of neo-fascist groups, including neo-integralists, in the
upheavals that culminated in the election of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, as well as in the
attack on the headquarters of comedy group Porta dos Fundos in Rio de Janeiro in 2019.
This book will be of interest to students and scholars researching comparative fascist studies,
the history of the far right, and Brazilian and Latin American history and politics.
Leandro Pereira Gonçalves and Odilon Caldeira Neto work in the History Department at the
Federal University of Juiz de Fora, Brazil.
Routledge Studies in Fascism and the Far Right
Series editors
Nigel Copsey, Teesside University, UK and Graham Macklin, Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX), University
of Oslo, Norway
This book series focuses upon national, transnational and global manifestations of fascist, far right
and right-wing politics primarily within a historical context but also drawing on insights and
approaches from other disciplinary perspectives. Its scope also includes anti-fascism, radical-right
populism, extreme-right violence and terrorism, cultural manifestations of the far right, and
points of convergence and exchange with the mainstream and traditional right.
Titles include:
The Rise of the Dutch New Right

An Intellectual History of the Rightward Shift in Dutch Politics
Merijn Oudenampsen
A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism

Political Violence and the Far Right in Eastern and Western Europe since 1900
Edited by Johannes Dafinger and Moritz Florin
The Blackshirts’ Dictatorship

Armed Squads, Political Violence, and the Consolidation of Mussolini’s Regime
Matteo Millan
Male Supremacism in the United States

From Patriarchal Traditionalism to Misogynist Incels and the Alt-Right
Edited by Emily K. Carian, Alex DiBranco, and Chelsea Ebin
For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Routledge-Studies-in-

Fascism-and-the-Far-Right/book-series/FFR
Fascism in Brazil
From Integralism to Bolsonarism
Leandro Pereira Gonçalves

and Odilon Caldeira Neto
Cover image: © Dalila Varela Singulane
First published in English 2022
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2022 Leandro Pereira Gonçalves and Odilon Caldeira Neto
The right of Leandro Pereira Gonçalves and Odilon Caldeira Neto to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Proofreading and translation by V. A. Liebel Soluções Linguísticas
This work has been supported by the Madrid Government (Community of Madrid-Spain) under the Multiannual Agreement with
the Autonomous University of Madrid in the line of action encouraging youth research doctors, in the context of the V PRICIT
(Regional Program of Research and Technological Innovation). (Reference SI1/PJI/2019-00257)
Research support from the Brazilian National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) and the Foundation
for Research Support of the state of Minas Gerais (FAPEMIG).
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
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Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification
and explanation without intent to infringe.
Published in Portuguese as “O fascismo em camisas verdes: do integralismo ao neointegralismo” by FGV Editora, 2020
Every effort has been made to contact copyright-holders. Please advise the publisher of any errors or omissions, and these will be
corrected in subsequent editions.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record has been requested for this book
ISBN: 978-1-032-12447-6 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-12334-9 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-22457-0 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003224570
Typeset in Bembo
by KnowledgeWorks Global Ltd.
Contents
List of Figures
Preface to the English Edition
Preface to the Brazilian Edition
1 The Formation of the Sigma: The Brazilian Integralist Action
2 Integralism Between Democracy and Dictatorship
3 The Death of Plínio Salgado and the Origins of Neointegralism
4 Neointegralism in the 21st Century: From Social Media to Political Violence
Bibliography
Index
List of Figures
1.1Integralist activists
1.2Plínio Salgado
1.3Gustavo Barroso
1.4Miguel Reale
1.5Activist from the Engenho Novo Integralist Center, Rio de Janeiro
1.6Meeting of the Brazilian Integralist Action in Blumenau, Santa Catarina
1.7Brazilian Integralist Action-Organization
1.8Integralist soccer team “Bolão Futurista” (Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul)
1.9Integralist athletes
1.10Integralist associativism
1.11Integralist march
1.12Plinianos
1.13Integralist wedding
1.14The Night of the Silent Drums
1.15Integralist candy wrapper
1.16Integralist tableware
1.17Integralist belt buckle
1.18Anauê! magazine cover
1.19Brasil Feminino magazine cover
1.20Anauê! magazine cover
1.21“Sigma” cigarette advertisement
1.22Green-chicken cartoon
1.23AIB gun apprehension (Gamboa Center, Rio de Janeiro)
1.24Integralist march
2.1Plínio and Carmela with secretary Hermes Lins e Albuquerque in Lisbon
2.2Rio do Sul (state of Santa Catarina), where the headquarters of the AIB and the Nazi
Party were built side by side
2.3 Plínio Salgado and António de Oliveira Salazar
2.4 Plínio Salgado presents the Silver Bell, the symbol of the PRP
2.5 Plínio Salgado at a meeting of the Brazilian Agricultural Workers Union
2.6-2.8 Campaign material
2.9 Plínio Salgado and Juscelino Kubitschek
2.10 The return of the Sigma
2.11 The Integralist Silver Jubilee
2.12 Plínio Salgado in a meeting with Leonel Brizola
2.13 Reconstitution of the First Integralist March
2.14 Plínio Salgado alongside activists near the end of his life
3.1 Main integralist groups (from 1975 to 2001)
3.2 Symbol of the National Renewal Crusade
3.3 Gathering at Casa Plínio Salgado in 2003 (One of the people uses a jacket with the
inscription Carecas, name of the main Brazilian skinhead group.)
3.4 Document of the Integralist Action Party with the Sigma
4.1 First Integralist Congress of the 21st century
4.2 Part of the audience during the neointegralist congress
4.3 Neointegralists gathered in downtown São Paulo
4.4 Neointegralism in the 21st century
4.5 Cover of Anauê (1936)
4.6 PRP poster for the 1955 election
4.7 Revolutionary Integralist Action poster
4.8 Tupã Rooster, symbol of the MIL-B
4.9 Integralist Brigades flag
4.10 Campaign material for Paulo Fernando da Costa
4.11 A MIL-B protest against “gender ideology”
4.12 Nationalist People Insurgency Command, of the Brazilian Integralist Family
4.13 Neointegralists claim authorship for the attack on Porta dos Fundos
4.14 Objects seized from Eduardo Fauzi
4.15 Graffiti on the front wall of the Consulate of China
Preface to the English Edition
Federico Finchelstein
There is no more opportune moment than the present to better understand the historical place of
fascism in Brazil. The mix of authoritarianism, illness, and death caused by President Jair Messias
Bolsonaro urgently presents us with the need to think about the danger of fascism in one of the
world largest democracies. And this danger has a history.
In recent years, Brazil has gone from being an example and leadership for the region, and even
the world, to being a leader in disease and a bad example of political leadership in democracy. In
fact, Bolsonaro used a dual political and health crisis to improve his political position to the
detriment of democratic functioning and the health of the population. This is not by chance, nor
is it new. Like Donald Trump in the United States and many others, Bolsonaro denied the
electoral legitimacy of their opponents. Leaders like him used falsehoods about systemic
deception to create an alternative reality where they can rule, now or in the future, without
democratic procedures. In this sense, Bolsonaro is not the typical populist but rather a wannabe
fascist. Fascists destroy democracy. Populists, in contrast, used elections to stress their own
democratic nature even when they advanced other authoritarian trends.
Like the United States, the Philippines, El Salvador, or much of Western Europe, democracy is
in danger in Brazil. We cannot be sure that the admiration for dictatorships Bolsonaro expressed
so many times will not eventually become a reality. As the history of fascism shows, if this type
of project failed, it was not because of a lack of totalitarian will but because of the resistance of
democratic sectors, independent media and also of all political sectors, including the non-fascist
right wing. It is necessary to remember that while this would not be the first Brazilian
dictatorship, it would not be the first fascist project for Brazil either. In this sense, it is necessary
to read and learn from this new and excellent book on the history of Brazilian fascism written by
two great experts on the subject: professors Leandro Pereira Gonçalves and Odilon Caldeira Neto.
This book is an essential text to understand that the danger of fascism and dictatorship in the
most important country in Latin America is not new.
Brazilian integralism was rooted in Brazilian ideas and global influences. The leader of this
Brazilian variant of fascism, Plínio Salgado, met Benito Mussolini in the mid-1930s and then
accepted the money that Italian fascists sent him, but this does not imply that when he formally
founded integralism two years later, Brazilian fascism was an imported product or a mere
imitation of European trends. Rather, it was the opposite. Integralism was an attempt to
reformulate fascism in national terms. In this sense, the Brazilian fascists are indistinguishable
from the Indian, Argentine, or Japanese fascists. They all created fascisms tailored to their
countries and national traditions, and so did the Italians and the Germans. As in almost all
countries, in Brazil, fascism was fanatical and irrational. It was a political cult that was violent
and racist but also presented itself as an attempt to merge religion, politics, and mythical and
anti-democratic leadership with the reality of Brazil. For this reason, unlike other places, the
Brazilian fascists tried to incorporate, or rather to appropriate indigenous traditions, their ritual
greeting “Anauê!” (whose meaning in Tupi was “Voce é meu parente”, “You are my relative”) was
a symptom of this attempt. They also tried to incorporate Afro-Brazilian citizens into their ranks
but they also were racist in terms of their deep anti-Semitism.
As the authors point out, fascism was very successful in Brazil, becoming the largest and most
visible form of fascism in Latin America. Like in other fascisms, loyalty to the leader was central
to Brazilian fascism. For the faithful, Plínio Salgado was considered a political leader but also a
religious one. He was a living myth that required limitless fidelity. This deep religious fanaticism
implied that there were marriages and also funerals ordered around the figure of the leader. As
we learn in the book, life and death were deemed meaningful only insofar as fascism
substantiated them through the sovereign person of the leader. Fascism gave a deep sacred
meaning to its believers. At this point, Plínio behaved more like a divine king than a democratic
politician. And that was exactly his proposal: the dictatorship of a man better than the rest and
above all else. This myth personified in Salgado the Brazilian nation and Christianity as a whole.
In this ideological framework, the dictatorship was obvious and a necessity. After plotting against
the Getúlio Vargas regime, the integralists were repressed and Salgado went into self-exile in
Portugal, where he first played with the idea of a stellar role for Brazil in the new Nazi order of
the world but then retreated into religion. Especially after the war, Salgado tried to dress in
democratic costumes and Christian ornaments that clearly did not suit him. Upon their return, the
integralists and their leader tried to engage in party politics with limited and even corrupt results.
They did better with the military dictatorship, influencing areas such as education and culture.
When Salgado died in 1975, neo-integralism tried to align with skinheads and neo-Nazis to
occupy a space on the extreme right. This position only succeeded later with Bolsonarism.
Like the Brazilian integralists, i.e., the fascists of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro believed that religion is
intrinsic to politics. He also presented himself as a messianic leader who knows everything,
ignores science and rational thought, glorifies violence, turns his image into a myth, and proposes
lies to understand and change reality. Unlike Plínio Salgado, Bolsonaro is not an intellectual but
rather the opposite. Also unlike the integralists and their corporate economic model, Bolsonaro
promoted investor-friendly austerity measures and deregulation as economical solutions. This
mix of economic neoliberalism and authoritarianism is not new, but Bolsonaro is so far its most
extreme advocate in the region. The neoliberal economy has previously coexisted with
dictatorships admired by Bolsonaro, such as those of Augusto Pinochet in Chile and the military
junta of the Dirty War in Argentina in the 1970s. Later, in the 1990s, right-wing leaders such as
Peronist President Carlos Menem in Argentina and Fernando Collor de Mello in Brazil proposed a
mixture of neoliberalism and populism. These populists were not post-fascists like Donald Trump
and his ally Bolsonaro are. Indeed, in many ways, Bolsonaro and Trump could be closer to
dictatorships like those of Pinochet and Argentine generals rather than their populist
predecessors. At this point, his project has a clear antecedent in integralism, and Pereira
Gonçalves and Caldeira Neto explain this well in this incisive book that allows us to think about
the present. Indeed, their book is an essential work to understand the current situation in Brazil
from a historical point of view.
Like Trump and his European counterparts, Bolsonaro wants to close the historical gaps
between fascism and populism. This key book allows us to understand the gravity of the situation.
In short, it helps us understand how much there is in common between Bolsonarism and fascism.
Preface to the Brazilian Edition
Octavio Guedes (GloboNews Journalist and Commentator)
For the generation that witnessed the slow and gradual agony of the dictatorship and for the ones
born breathing the air of democracy, studying the Brazilian version of fascism was merely
visiting a past that supposedly would never come back. Alongside nazism, integralism was such a
dark subject that young students thought it could never be resurrected. The puny posture of Plínio
Salgado in his most famous depiction corroborated this false impression. His worn-out features
gave him an air of cave figures forever trapped in the depths of the past.
Christmas 2019: a bomb explodes at the headquarters of video production company Porta dos
Fundos. A neo-integralist group claims ownership of the attack; people who call themselves fine
citizens and advocates of what they consider to be God, the homeland, and the family.
How come? Who let out the characters from my history book? How did these beings escape
from the cave?
The work of notable historians Leandro Pereira Gonçalves and Odilon Caldeira Neto is proof
that history is not chained to the past, encased in books, or forgotten in the depths of olden times.
History is alive, whether we like it or not. It is a walking metamorphosis.
When authors talk about the past (especially with such apt words, capable of transforming a
thorny topic like this into a pleasant reading), the readers become more prone to interpreting the
present. The ambition of the extreme right to control the Ministry of Education to indoctrinate
new generations, the strategy of occupying the streets in a show of strength, and the unrelenting
way of holding a political leader as their Messiah are things that sound both current and old at
the same time.
The conflicting relationship between integralism and party politics, or better yet, the eternal
“old politics,” is a topic similar to an open ticket—it travels through time. The birth certificate of
the movement, the Manifesto de outubro, criticizes political parties and praises authority.
However, it is party politics that led integralists closer to power and its benefits. Plínio Salgado’s
son-in-law, deputy Loureiro Júnior, took advantage of a federal law that allowed members of the
parliament to import luxury cars without paying taxes. He bought a Cadillac and resold it to keep
the profit. This raised several criticisms, but soon you will learn the outcome. Hint: no matter how
moral the discourse is, the best is always reserved for family members.
This book teaches us that fascism not only wears a green shirt but it also plants jabuticabas.
How curious for the extreme right to admonish Santa Claus, and even more so because it was not
on the grounds of his red (a.k.a. “communist”) garments. But I will stop now, lest I spoil the rest.
Leandro and Odilon’s book is even more valuable when it goes past the re-democratization
process and documents the trajectory of neo-integralism, which is less known and is yet to garner
due attention from democratic institutions, despite its explosive potential. From allying with
skinheads and nodding toward neo-Nazism, the extreme right gained more notoriety and showed
its fangs once more after the election of Jair Bolsonaro.
Therefore, the work you are holding is not just a history book but a beautiful investigation
work and a guide to understanding what Brazil is today.
1
The Formation of the Sigma
The Brazilian Integralist Action
DOI: 10.4324/9781003224570-1
Plínio Salgado, fascist Italy, and the formation of integralism

In 1930, Pallazo Venezia, Roma, at 6 PM of a summer afternoon, on June 14, after spending the
day getting his bearings around the Italian capital, Plínio Salgado, the future leader of the green-
shirts, found himself before Benito Mussolini, the leader of Italian fascists. He excitedly described
this moment as being face-to-face with the genius behind the future of politics, the prophet of the
contemporary world.
Plínio, then a thin 35-year-old man, son of a colonel/pharmacist and a primary teacher, was
born in São Bento do Sapucaí, a city in the state of São Paulo, on January 22, 1895. He was a self-
taught journalist and writer from São Paulo who was immediately seduced by the person
standing before him. He faced a blue-eyed man of medium height with confident gestures and a
firm voice, movements that seemed to express a proper perspective on life.
As part of a euphoria-ridden entourage of Brazilian intellectuals that managed to book a 15-
minute appointment in the Italian leader’s schedule thanks to some journalists in the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, Plínio Salgado consolidated his idealization of integralism, the largest extreme-
right movement in Brazilian history. Salgado and Mussolini’s meeting was marked by mutual
praise. The Italian leader welcomed the Brazilian entourage and presented the glorious spectacle
that had overtaken Italy. It was a moment of collaboration and support from the Duce, who
advised Salgado to develop an initial set of ideas to guide society in alignment with a new
conscience, to later act as the basis for a political party.
Plínio Salgado also offered some advice and, from then on, established a relationship of mutual
support. This meeting profoundly affected Salgado, who vehemently believed to be the Brazilian
version of that Italian man he so profoundly admired. With this in mind, he decided to develop a
plan to achieve realize his vision. Meeting with Mussolini was significant because it enabled
Salgado to consolidate political and intellectual elements that were taking form in the previous
decades.
Amidst the transformation caused by the Revolution of 1930 in Brazil, Plínio Salgado, who had
agreed to act as the Director of Propaganda for the Júlio Prestes-Vital Soares campaign (against
Getúlio Vargas’ Liberal Alliance), left Brazil for a nearly four-month-long trip to the Old World.
During this electoral process, a friend invited Plínio Salgado to travel to Europe with his brother-
in-law, Joaquim Carlos, or Calu, who had just gone through a sad love experience.
This was a very expensive trip for Plínio Salgado and was only possible because he had a good
patron: São Paulo banker Alfredo Egídio de Souza Aranha, ascendant of the first Viscountess of
Campinas, cousin of Getúlio Vargas’s Minister Osvaldo de Sousa Aranha and founder of Banco
Central de Crédito (which over the 20th century would come to be known as Banco Itaú after
some mergers).
He was also the most prominent supporter of Plínio Salgado’s political endeavors. The trip cost
approximately 1000 pounds sterling. Plínio visited several countries: Egypt, Palestine, Turkey,
Greece, Italy, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Denmark, Spain, Portugal, England, several
countries in the Middle East, and, of course, the main destination, Italy, during the time of the
black-shirts.
From his youth, Plínio Salgado had always been involved in journalistic activities and followed
an intellectual path. He soon started attending the places that would be central to the Brazilian
modernist movement. It was in fact due to a group that emerged in the 1920s, the verde-
amarelismo, that Plínio Salgado consolidated some elements of his political actions. This group
represented the idea of nationalism, as did the Anta, a group that adopted a more radical thought
and which he curiously defined as the left-wing part of this movement.
Plínio was always a socially captivating actor in intellectual circles. One of the names that
constantly appeared alongside him was writer Ribeiro Couto, author of the famous novel Cabocla,
later adapted to two telenovelas by Brazilian national broadcaster Rede Globo. While Plínio
traveled around Europe, he sent Couto, chair number 26 at the Brazilian Academy of Letters
(ABL), an emotional letter expressing his fascination with Italian politics. He stated his
admiration for Italy, a place where the streets exuded enthusiasm and which he believed had
some similarities to Brazil: a country of people who know how to place the nation’s interests
above those of the classes.
The Brazilian version of Mussolini would certainly be Plínio Salgado, a self-proclaimed genius
who assigned intellectuals a prominent role in this new Brazil: “We, the intellectuals, need to take
control of Brazil. Definitely. We have to break from the mediocre tradition of politics. We, the
intellectuals, are tired of living under the shadow of the powerful. We want to rule.”
Therefore, he advocated for the participation of intellectuals in politics, especially those
connected to his nationalist project. The appeal of a fascist regime and the criticisms toward
democracy—which was associated with liberalism and communism—fueled his euphoria
surrounding Italian politics.
Despite his admiration for Italian politics and its evident influence on him, Plínio was in
search of a prominent position on the Brazilian political scene. Salgado’s goal was to be a kind of
ground-zero, hence the denial of any fascist influence: his ideas were already formed. He
considered being influenced by another person a big mistake. Instead, he professed to have his
own thoughts, which were original and unrelated to any other politician or writer. However, this
proved to be quite the opposite.
Various signs point out the relationship between Plínio, Brazilian integralism, and other
conservative and fascist organizations. One of them was Lusitanian integralism, a conservative
movement inspired by the Action Française—one of the precursors of organized conservatism.
Both were inspired by the social organization model proposed by Pope Leo XIII in the 1891
encyclical, the Rerum Novarum.
Italian fascism was appealing to the integralist leader, and this fascist image moved crowds
toward integralism. One of its most prominent activists, Roland Corbisier, clearly stated: “Of
course it was fascism!”
Plínio Salgado’s success in the 1920s inside the cultural movement—especially after releasing
novels such as O estrangeiro, which was very well received by critics and sold out its first edition
in 20 days—was enough to turn him into the leader of a social group thirsty for power. Plínio
Salgado presented himself as a modern man. He sought to break with old political traditions by
proposing a new policy that employed an authoritarian, anti-liberal, anti-democratic, and anti-
communist discourse based on a nationalist, radical, and conservative Christian framework. These
elements became even more potent after he saw how this model was practiced in Italy, which
enabled him to identify the path toward a new Brazil.
The relationship between Plínio and Mussolini lasted for years, mainly through financial
agreements between the Italian fascist government and the Brazilian integralist movement.
Mussolini sent him money periodically because he considered the Brazilian movement to spread
his politics and doctrine in the Americas. Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano, Mussolini’s
son-in-law, sent 40 contos every month directly to Salgado. In more strategic moments, the
amount was even higher.
Plínio Salgado returned to Brazil on October 4, 1930, on the eve of the movement that
overthrew President Washington Luís and prevented the inauguration of Júlio Prestes, who had
been elected president and was a former ally of Plínio Salgado. The event that led Getúlio Vargas
to power was followed by a series of conflicts in which Vargas undertook various groups
frustrated with the oligarchic government of the First Republic. That was when Plínio, who kept
his support of Júlio Prestes, returned to Brazil. After the trip, he was eager to put his theory into
practice.
Formation and principles of the Brazilian Integralist Action

Plínio Salgado soon started an intellectual project, the newspaper A Razão, funded by banker
Alfredo Egídio de Souza Aranha. This newspaper served as a medium to discuss and consolidate
the elements that would form a new group, the Society for Political Studies (Sociedade de Estudos
Políticos, SEP), which can be characterized as the beginning of integralism.
The goal behind the creation of the SEP was to organize a group to discuss a new political
movement based on strong, conservative, and revolutionary nationalism aligned with Mussolini’s
model. The SEP was the result of several other preceding Brazilian movements that can be called
pre-integralist or proto-fascist.
These organizations characterize the rise of the right in the 1930s and included several fascist-
inspired movements: the Brazilian Social Action (Ação Social Brasileira, a national fascist party),
the Cearense Labor Legion (Legião Cearense do Trabalho), the National Syndicalist Party (Partido
Nacional Sindicalista), and the neo-monarchic movement Brazilian Patriotic Imperial Action
(Ação Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira). At that time, Plínio Salgado had consolidated his image
as a conservative intellectual.
The place where Plínio Salgado chose to discuss Brazilian politics and that later became the
headquarters of the SEP was located in downtown São Paulo, at Vale do Anhangabaú, on the
corner of Avenida São João and Avenida Prestes Maia. The Portuguese Club of São Paulo was
located at a majestic building that held balls and various cultural activities. Its main goal was to
spread Portuguese culture in São Paulo. In addition to libraries, ballrooms, and sports halls, there
was also a gallery with gun exhibitions.
The third meeting of the society took place on May 6, 1932. This was when Plínio Salgado
suggested creating a new group. Not all intellectuals agreed with this. Cândido Motta Filho, for
example, Plínio’s partner in the verde-amarelismo, did not accept the creation of a political entity.
Even so, the support of intellectuals and students from the São Paulo Faculty of Law (Faculdade
de Direito de São Paulo) for Plínio Salgado’s proposal meant he had the majority of SEP members,
thereby making official the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB, Ação Integralista Brasileira).
Despite being officially formed in May, the movement only gained nationwide notoriety in
October. Due to the Constitutionalist Revolution that started on July 9, Plínio Salgado and the
other members took the prudent and calculated move to postpone the official event to a more
opportune moment. The confrontation between São Paulo and the federal government ended on
October 2. The AIB was officially founded five days after.
On October 7, riddled with anxiety and anticipation and supported by a large part of the
nationalist intellectuals and admirers of fascism, Plínio Salgado went to the Municipal Theater of
São Paulo. There, he read the Manifesto de Outubro, a document he wrote after heated debates at
SEP meetings and which defined the ideological guidelines of the movement. Twenty thousand
copies of the Manifesto were published and distributed around the capital of São Paulo and in
several regions of Brazil.
The document consists of ten chapters and represents the birth of Brazilian integralism. At the
Manifesto, the integralists criticized political parties and advocated for the principle of authority.
Furthermore, they denounced a conspiracy against Brazil and proposed a social program to
defend the conservative family and a fascist state, the Integral State.
Religion thereby became one of the main pillars of the integralist movement. The motto “God,
homeland, and family” fit perfectly with the doctrine principles stated in the Manifesto: God (who
guides peoples’ destiny), homeland (our home), and family (the beginning and end of everything).
The first line of the document, “God is the guide of peoples’ destiny,” made it clear that religion
and spiritualism were central to the integralist discourse and imaginary. It also showed the
messianic character of the movement around the image of Plínio Salgado, who was considered a
prophet. In his words: “They say I’m a prophet. I am not a prophet. I am a man who reasons. I
say: ‘this is going to happen,’ and it happens. There is logic.”
Following the fascist models, the integralist organization named Plínio Salgado their National
Leader. With the role of guiding, indoctrinating, and executing, he had complete and undivided
control of the movement. His power was centralized, whole, and permanent. The nature of his
power can be aptly described as unattainable, perpetual, and with unrelenting loyalty. This
resulted in a cult of personality: he was simultaneously a political and a religious leader.
The AIB reached unprecedented visibility in Brazil, to the point that it can be considered the
most successful Latin American fascist movement. This growth followed an intense campaign
that included a very well-crafted symbolism. It was not a fascio nor a swastika. The symbolic
portrayal of integralism was the Greek letter Sigma–∑–, a mathematical symbol representing a
single and integral State and the sum of infinitely small numbers, an analogy of the AIB members.
Every integralist had to wear national uniforms. The green shirts were made of denim or
cotton, whereas the tie consisted of plain black fabric. The integralists wore white or black
trousers with a green two-cornered hat. Khaki-colored pieces were allowed in rural areas. The
women, the so-called green-blouses, wore the same shirt and a black or white skirt. This
symbology fascinated the activists.
FIGURE 1.1 Integralist activists
Source: Arquivo Público Histórico de Rio Claro—Fundo Plínio Salgado
The shirt was considered a sacred symbol. If any integralist wore the shirt to drink alcohol,
dance, play games, or even if it were not fitted correctly, they would be punished severely. Under
no circumstances should the green shirt be worn as a Carnival costume. This was strictly
prohibited. If an integralist were arrested, they should ask permission to remove their shirt, except
in the case of a political arrest, when it then became a symbol of pride. The green shirt and its
wearer were moralizing elements. The uniform suppressed any difference, grouping all members
into an ordered, integral bloc.
Rui Arruda, a member of the SEP who lived during the AIB consolidation period, considered
this symbology very important for the movement. He also believed that the green shirts were a
tool that forced aggregation. Olympio Mourão Filho, leader of the integralist militia, often
questioned the need for symbology, arguing that it garnered more visibility than the doctrine
itself. Nonetheless, Plínio Salgado was categorical: he considered ending this symbology would be
the end of integralism. He proudly wore the green shirt because he considered symbology a way
of motivating the population (which he deemed ignorant and incapable of understanding the
doctrine).
That was the very reason why the AIB valued this symbolic action. With his well-fitted
uniform, the integralist waved a blue and white flag. Blue symbolizes the integralist attitude: a
movement with no political limits. White suggests a sense of purity, a mixture of all colors. It also
symbolizes the goal of the movement, a united country.
And, of course, the Anauê!, the integralist greeting, which in Tupi means “You are my
relative.” This greeting was used to characterize the movement while also reinforcing the
hierarchy inside integralism. It is a word of affection used to establish integralism as a large
family of green-shirts and a nationalist, heroic movement. It is the exclamatory version of the
integralist greeting. It can also be used to exalt, affirm, consecrate, and manifest joy. Individuals
pronounced it naturally, whereas, in groups, it was pronounced in a clear, strong chorus. As the
main leader, Plínio Salgado was greeted with three Anauês! With the person’s right arm stretched
and raised sternly to the front, this gesture was considered an expression of the nationalist ideal.
The movement spent a great deal of effort on symbolism. Initially, many intellectuals and
extreme-right representatives from various Brazilian regions joined the movement due to its
strong nationalist appeal. Besides the group from São Paulo, in the state of Minas Gerais, one
person was critical to the AIB: Olbiano de Melo. In Pernambuco, the most prominent names were
Jeová Mota and Father Helder Câmara, who later joined a progressive movement as a human
rights advocate during the civil-military dictatorship.
Following the urge to become a national movement, the AIB established its headquarters in
São Paulo, at Avenida Brigadeiro Luís Antônio 12, and expanded to all regions of Brazil. This
even included international endeavors, such as integralist centers in Montevideo, Buenos Aires,
Philadelphia, Geneva, Zurich, Porto, Berlin, Warsaw, and Rome. There were also activities in New
Orleans, Washington, Paris, Tokyo, Santiago de Chile, Las Palmas, and Lisbon. Conservatism was
the base to advocate for nationalism. The integralists considered property a form of social
organization, hence their repulsion of cosmopolitanism. To implement an authoritarian structure,
they advocated for a solid and organized society.
Amidst an intolerant and fearful society, integralism presented itself as a new alternative.
Based on fascist and conservative European movements and with the support of the Pope Leo XIII
encyclical, the AIB took on a spiritualist character of social harmonization and denial of class
struggles by identifying liberalism and communism as two sides of the same coin: materialism.
Following the classic model of fascism, Plínio Salgado stated that both sought to dominate
governments and the State by economically controlling their people.
For many integralists, the main reason to join the movement was undoubtedly anti-
communism, which was further intensified by the panic overtaking Brazil. Many Brazilians
joined the AIB movement fueled by a massive wave against the “red scare.” After 1935, when the
National Liberation Alliance (ANL) and the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) of Luís Carlos
Prestes and Olga Benário attempted to start a revolution, the danger of communism gained even
more notoriety in the Brazilian social imaginary. For the elites and parts of the middle class,
Brazil was prey to communism.
The press added to this sense of fear. Many newspapers such as O Estado de S. Paulo portrayed
revolutionary actions as violent, destructive, and barbaric. “The hellish communism! Set it on
fire!” was printed on Jornal do Brasil in 1936. Plínio Salgado himself reinforced this discourse in
newspapers associated with integralism, often to incite riots that could be used as a pretext for an
authoritarian coup.
The integralists leveraged this sense of insecurity to increase the movement’s funding even
further. Economically privileged groups considered communism a real threat and therefore
donated considerable sums to the AIB to help fight it. Jeová Mota, the only integralist elected for
the National Constituent Assembly in 1933, said the reach of integralism depended on the middle
classes who were firmly against what they deemed demonic.
Integralism always encompassed religion and politics. The election of Jeová Mota marked the
entry of the AIB into politics despite it not constitute a political party since it was initially created
as a civil association. Jeová Mota’s victory was also the result of Alceu Amoroso Lima’s support
of integralist candidates. Lima was the most important lay leader in Brazilian Catholicism and
general secretary of the Catholic Electoral League (LEC, Liga Eleitoral Católica), an association
created for mobilizing the Catholic electorate to support candidates committed to the Church’s
social doctrine.
Even though integralism was strongly associated with Catholicism, it was not linked to any
specific religion. Despite the Catholic majority, there were also numerous Protestants and
Spiritists. Green-shirt Protestants were very active both as representatives and leaders. For
example, Dario de Bittencourt, a Lutheran, reached the position of province leader in Rio Grande
do Sul. At the same time, Oscar Machado, a Methodist, was the pioneer of the movement in Juiz
de Fora, Minas Gerais.
Jayme Ferreira da Silva, a prominent member of the movement, stated communism does not
admit the existence of God or the spirit; consequently, it does not accept life after death nor its
existence before birth, which meant Kardecist spiritists should be integralists. The AIB had a
specific concept of life post mortem: according to the movement, nobody died. When a green-shirt
lost their life for the cause, they were transferred to the Militia from Beyond to be under God’s
command.
Catholicism was the main religious branch inside integralism. Members of the Catholic clergy
were close to the movement. The so-called green-cassocks included canon Tomaz de Aquino,
priests Leopoldo Aires and Ponciano Stenzel dos Santos, the archbishop of Porto Alegre, Dom
João Becker, and the then presbyter of Ceará, Dom Helder Câmara. These names represent the
intimate relationship between the Church and the AIB.
Anti-communism provided integralist ecumenism, uniting the movement on religious grounds.
“Integralism is formidable. You are a devout Spiritist, and I am a Catholic priest, and we
understand each other well, don’t we? The time has come for all those who glorify the name of
God to unite,” said Dom Helder to Spiritist leader Jayme Ferreira da Silva at the AIB.
Lay members were also very close. In addition to supporting the AIB at the LEC, Alceu
Amoroso Lima constantly demonstrated how integralism was important for Brazil. His affiliation
never became a reality due to internal pressures of the Catholic Church, mainly led by Dom
Duarte Leopoldo e Silva, the first archbishop of São Paulo, despite his enormous admiration for
the AIB and, above all, Plínio Salgado.
Three leaders and some enemies

By the end of 1932 and early 1933, two people who would later become essential leaders alongside
Plínio Salgado joined Gustavo Barroso and Miguel Reale. Together, they formed the integralist
triad of leaders. These three leaders also had some enemies in common: communism,
international capitalism, Judaism, and freemasonry. Reale and Salgado wrote texts attacking
capitalism and international communism, whereas Barroso wrote books primarily on anti-
Semitism.
FIGURE 1.2 Plínio Salgado
Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.3 Gustavo Barroso
FIGURE 1.4 Miguel Reale
Gustavo Barroso became the second major name in the movement. He was a renowned
intellectual from a generation before Plínio Salgado. Born in Fortaleza in 1888, he was president of
the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL, Academia Brasileira de Letras) and the founder of the
National Historical Museum. Given his prominence in Brazilian literature, Barroso imbued
nationalist elements in his folkloric writings and brought several novels into Brazil with his
translation work and discussions surrounding the nation.
Regarding the integralist movement, he was appointed commander-general of the militias and
member of the Supreme Council. He authored approximately 70 books, many on the topic of anti-
Judaism. He considered his interest in this topic to be rooted in his contact with the integralist
social circle. More specifically, his contact with Madeira de Freitas (leader of the AIB in
Guanabara and editor-in-chief of the most important integralist newspaper, A Offensiva), who
lent Barroso a French edition of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, one of the cornerstones of
anti-Semitic literature.
The plot of this anti-Semitic pamphlet, commissioned by Tsar Nicholas II, is based on the
pretense that the Jews are to blame for all evils of modernity. After reading the book, he sought
out Plínio Salgado. After a long conversation, he decided to develop his studies on anti-Semitism
and translate the text into Portuguese. In 1936, he released the national edition of that untruthful
work that spread the theory of a Jewish plan to achieve world domination.
Due to the broad support for this translated work in authoritarian and conservative circles,
Gustavo Barroso became the main face of Brazilian anti-Semitism. He accused the Jews of having
a negative influence on Brazil (especially economically) since its independence by associating the
precarious national scenario of the 1930s to past debts and loans from Jewish bankers.
Aligned with the global context, Barroso received support from several activists, who
compared his book Maçonaria, judaísmo e comunismo with The International Jew from 1920, by
American businessman Henry Ford. Ford developed a discourse against the role of black people in
culture and society. In Brazil, Barroso’s racist discourse could not be aimed against black people,
much less used to defend a pure race; so, he centered it around the defense of a Brazilian race.
Given its electoral and political character, integralism had an idealized and paternalistic view
of indigenous peoples, allowing black members. Without mentioning the country’s past regarding
slavery, the integralists spoke about miscegenation to defend the value of black people in building
the nation. The AIB had a close relationship with the Brazilian Black Front (FNB, Frente Negra
Brasileira), a movement founded by black intellectuals from São Paulo that brought together
thousands of activists from various Brazilian states. The FNB had several elements of convergence
with the integralists, including their defense of strong nationalism and a rigidly hierarchical
organization.
Many black activists were members of the AIB, and some reached the position of regional
leaders. Dario de Bittencourt (the first province leader of the AIB in Rio Grande do Sul), Alberto
Guerreiro Ramos, Abdias do Nascimento, Ironides Rodrigues, and Sebastião Rodrigues Alves are
some of the names that were part of the movement. Undoubtedly, the main black representation
came in 1933: “The integralists welcomed me as a superleader, with the same privileges as officers
and marshals,” said João Cândido, the Black Admiral, leader of the Revolt of the Lash from 1910.
He states Plínio Salgado—for whom he began to nurture admiration and respect after joining the
AIB—contacted him personally.
FIGURE 1.5 Activist from the Engenho Novo Integralist Center, Rio de Janeiro
Source: Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
The third name in the integralist hierarchy had a different view of racism. Having studied the
theorists of Italian fascism and being the closest to Salgado, young lawyer Miguel Reale was born
in São Bento do Sapucaí in 1910 and was responsible for the movement’s doctrine and for
organizing the integralist youth. He is considered one of its leading ideologues. After the AIB, he
became a reference in the law field and is considered the father of the New Brazilian Civil Code
of 2003 for having been entrusted with developing the new code. The juridical and political
reflections of Miguel Reale were essential to the integralist movement due to his perspectives on
Brazilian problems and specificities.
Even though integralism had intellectual force, its underlying thought was not unique, and the
three leaders had their particularities, especially on how to lead Brazil. Conservatism and political
action united them. The three leaders formed groups and gathered followers. Plínio Salgado’s
strength stood out compared to the others, but internal disputes caused several tense episodes. At
the peak of integralism, Gustavo Barroso subtly criticized Plínio Salgado’s speeches for weakening
the leader’s image.
At an event, Plínio surprised the audience after his speech by declaring his resignation as the
leader of integralism. It was utterly chaotic—shouts, screams, violent threats, and cries. Everyone
was appalled. The leader went backstage. Soon afterward, a teary Gustavo Barroso apologized,
but the air was still unsettling. Their rivalry was public and notorious, so much so that several
newspapers reported the possibility of the National Leader ordering Gustavo Barroso to be shot.
Plínio Salgado denied this and blamed the newspapers for sowing turmoil in Brazil (because of
their supposed allegiance to Moscow).
Plínio constantly needed to show his strength and authority before the movement. The three
leaders were indispensable for forming integralism: Plínio Salgado’s social Christianity; Gustavo
Barroso’s anti-Semitism; and Miguel Reale’s more social, political, and economic framework.
Expansion and growth

After the official foundation, the AIB expanded. Integralism spread over letters and telegrams as
well as articles and newspaper pieces from different locations, enabling it to reach a wider
audience. Miguel Reale led the first AIB march in São Paulo on April 23, 1933. The third name of
the movement was a candidate in the election for the Constituent Assembly. He lost the election,
but the march gathered around 40 activists dressed in the traditional green shirts.
Street gatherings became a trademark of integralism. In all regions of Brazil, men, women, and
children occupied the streets in a show of the movement’s strength. Some were indeed impressive.
In June 1935, during a congress in Blumenau, Santa Catarina, a crowd gathered around Rua XV de
Novembro to demonstrate against the government.
FIGURE 1.6 Meeting of the Brazilian Integralist Action in Blumenau, Santa Catarina
Public activities were of utmost importance to increase the force of integralism. Another
strategy for promoting and enlisting new members was the integralist excursions, trips by leaders
Salgado, Barroso, and Reale to various regions of the country to spread integralism. North and
Northeast-ward excursions were led by Gustavo Barroso, who was well received given his
popularity. As the president of the ABL and adorning a well-fitted green shirt and an elevated
posture, he spoke and raised activists for the movement.
Given its growth, the AIB needed to become an official movement. On a February morning of
1934, at Estação Mauá in Rio de Janeiro, the integralists occupied two railroad cars holding Sigma
flags. The “green train” destination was the city of Vitória, the capital of the state of Espírito
Santo. On February 28, the group was warmly welcomed by the people preparing the First
National Congress of the AIB. The main leaders present, Plínio Salgado, Madeira de Freitas, Jeová
Mota, Olbiano de Melo, and Miguel Reale, were welcomed by Arnaldo Magalhães, the local
integralist leader.
Singing the national anthem, shouting slogans, and marching along the city with their green
shirts, the integralists were preparing to make official the regiment that would guide the AIB
activities. The next day, the green-shirts occupied Teatro Carlos Gomes in Vitória, and, at 9 PM,
Plínio Salgado was greeted with loud shouts of Anauê!
The integralists gathered in Vitória to welcome the supreme leader of the AIB, who officially
started the ceremony. The First National Congress of the AIB included the sanctioning of the by-
laws that would define the AIB as a national association under private law, with its civil
headquarters in the city of São Paulo and the political headquarters wherever the national leader
was.
According to official data, the AIB expanded significantly between 1933 and 1934: from 24,000
to 160,000 members. But how many integralist activists were there in Brazil in the 1930s? 500
thousand? 1 million? Late in life, Plínio Salgado was asked how many Integralists existed in the
1930s, to which he replied without hesitation: “1 million!” The AIB Department of Propaganda
repeated that number. In 1946, he confided to his son-in-law, Loureiro Júnior, the difficulty of
counting the number of activists; however, they undoubtedly never surpassed 200 thousand.
Although that data might be questionable, the reach of integralism in different parts of the
country and its importance and role in Brazilian political life is undeniable, making it one of the
main political movements of the country. The AIB had a very well-organized bureaucratic
structure, including support organizations for its leader, Plínio Salgado. The Chamber of the 40
(Câmara dos Quarenta) consisted of “people of high intellectual value.” The Supreme Council
encompassed the national secretaries, and the Chamber of the 400 (Câmara dos Quatrocentos)
consisted of activists from different regions of Brazil. The latter would be a corporate body after
the victory and consolidation of the Integral State.
FIGURE 1.7 Brazilian Integralist Action-Organization
Source: The authors. Data from “Integralismo: o fascismo brasileiro na década de 30” (Hélgio Trindade, 1979).
Amidst political growth, the search for power was further developed on March 7, 1935, when
the integralists raided Petrópolis for the Second National Congress of the AIB.
The city was the stage for rivalries and polarizations. On June 9, 1935, integralist activists
repressed some members of the ANL (the National Liberation Alliance, Aliança Nacional
Libertadora, a left-wing movement supported by the PCB) when they were putting up posters
about the rally. The event was scheduled for 4 PM at D. Pedro II, the main square downtown.
About 5,000 members participated in the rally. After the event, they marched through the city’s
streets and, upon arriving at the integralist center, Roberto Sisson, a member of the ANL, spoke to
the public.
The integralists reacted. Shots were fired in the crowd, injuring several people and killing 29-
year-old worker Leonardo Candu. A strike began the following day. Candu’s funeral had vast
repercussions throughout the city and turned into a protest against the integralists, further
intensifying the polarization. During the Integralist Congress of Petrópolis, the movement
officially became a political party. The organizational structure of the AIB was set out, and the
partisan framework was put in place. In 1936, a significant number of city councilors, mayors, and
state deputies supporting the AIB were elected.
The integralist family

To attract and indoctrinate new members, the AIB leveraged its strength and impact on Brazilian
society and its broad ideological framework.
Dentist Aurora Wagner, a resident of Porto Alegre and Professor at the Faculty of Dentistry,
was so enthusiastic about integralism that she taught in a green uniform, expressing her belief in
the movement. She was one of the thousands of women who considered integralism a means to
have a voice in a male-dominated political field. Women’s participation was based on a
patriarchal framework, with well-defined roles and boundaries.
Many women joined integralism influenced by their husbands. Some had a family history in
the movement. Carmela Salgado, Plínio’s second wife, had a prominent role in women’s
organizations, as did the sole daughter of the AIB leader, Maria Virgília Salgado, who adopted the
name Maria Amélia Salgado in honor of her mother, who died in 1919 during her birth.
The movement considered sports a fundamental tool for healthy physical and mental
development; the boys were encouraged to practice military drills from an early age through
games, competitions, and camping. Many centers had sports teams, e.g., the Bolão do Futuro
Soccer Team from Porto Alegre. The movement even included nationally renowned athletes such
as the pioneer of Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu, Hélio Gracie, a member of the integralist center of Ipanema in
Rio de Janeiro.
FIGURE 1.8 Integralist soccer team “Bolão Futurista” (Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul)
FIGURE 1.9 Integralist athletes
Since they were perceived as frail and less physically capable, the girls performed only
lightweight activities, such as stretching and low-intensity exercises. Plínio Salgado used to say
that women who worked outside the home and the inconsequential search for material
satisfaction were responsible for destroying the family. In this sense, even the professions
considered adequate for women under integralism, e.g., nursing, were considered extensions of
the role of women at home, i.e., safeguarding femininity, the gift of motherhood, female
sensitivity, and the role of the woman before the State: preparing and educating future
generations of the homeland.
Integralist women were not only accepted in the movement; they were encouraged to
participate. They had to be part of the nation by raising children on solid religious grounds.
Furthermore, they were the ones who would give birth to the new integralists.
The National Women and Plinianos’ Regiment Department (Secretaria Nacional de
Arregimentação Feminina e dos Plinianos) was responsible for developing activities aimed
exclusively toward women involving childcare, typing, home economics, good manners, as well
as literacy. In fact, literacy was a vital endeavor of the AIB and its National Social Services
Department (Secretaria Nacional de Assistência Social). At a time when illiterate people had no
right to vote, this department transformed citizens (especially non-integralists) into voters. Other
support initiatives with similar goals were the integralist schools, Green Cross clinics, lactation
services, and soup for the poor.
The general recommendation of the AIB was for each center to have a classroom with a library
filled with books recommended by Plínio Salgado himself. The AIB even established some
primary and technical schools. Female integralists, the green-blouses, were instructed to take care
of their children, the Plinianos, to grow up strong and healthy to be adequate representatives of
integralism.
FIGURE 1.10 Integralist associativism
FIGURE 1.11 Integralist march

As soon as a child was born, they were inserted into the AIB ideological framework. There
were integralist baptisms. Families wishing to baptize their children under the movement were to
communicate it to the leader of their center, who was responsible for performing the ceremony.
Parents and godparents were to attend a Christian temple wearing a green shirt. During the
ceremony, the children gathered around the baptismal font while two of them held the Sigma
flag. When the child was sacramented by the priest, all Plinianos and integralists present raised
their arms in silence. The child was then wrapped with the AIB flag and shown to the entire
community in the arms of their father or godfather. The ceremony ended with a shout: “To the
future Plinian, the first Anauê!”
FIGURE 1.12 Plinianos
When they were strong enough to march, the children joined the integralist youth, which
followed a specific categorization: children, vanguards, cubs, and pioneers. Due to its military
character and the value awarded to civility, it was possible to adapt the entire structure of scout
formation to the integralist context. The activist was led to seek new members in his social circle,
starting with his own family, which integralists considered one of the nation’s cornerstones.
Therefore, weddings were also very important events. Like for the baptisms, they
complemented a traditional Christian ritual with an AIB protocol. For the civil ceremony, which
could be performed in the integralist center, the bride would wear a green blouse; in the temple,
she was allowed to wear the traditional white dress. The groom traditionally wore the green
uniform, like all the guests who were members of the AIB.
Upon joining the movement, all activists were to take oaths confirming their unrelenting
obedience to the leader and the superiors, as well as their commitment to the norms and doctrines
of integralism.
FIGURE 1.13 Integralist wedding
Protocols and rituals

In April 1937, the Monitor Integralista, the official AIB news outlet, published a document that
had an essential role in regulating activists, Protocolos e rituais, literally “protocols and rituals.”
These guidelines listed various elements of the movement, such as the oath taken by every
activist. The ritual needed to be performed inside a ritual room at the local center, in front of the
portrait of the National Leader, Plínio Salgado, and at least ten other integralists.
The local leader asked the soon-to-be integralist to raise their right arm vertically and say: “I
swear on God and my honor to serve the Brazilian Integralist Action by resolutely executing the
orders of the National Leader and my superiors.” The authority would reply: “Integralists!
Another Brazilian joined the green-shirts. In the name of our National Leader, I welcome and
invite the people present to greet the new member as our ritual commands.” The leader would
then shout: “To our new companion, Anauê!” And the people present replied: “Anauê!”
The integralist headquarters were standardized: they followed mandatory protocols that
encompassed what pictures were allowed to be displayed as well as the routine activities that
made them social spaces for the members to interact in. The headquarters displayed a picture of
the National Leader—in such a way that he was overlooking the people gathered—and a wall clock
engraved with the sentence “Our time will come.” The main hall was to be adorned with a poster
stating “The integralist is a soldier of God and the homeland; he is the new Brazilian man that
will build a great nation.” A space should be dedicated to a picture gallery honoring integralist
martyrs who died defending the Sigma.
The Protocolos e rituais determined integralist dates and events. There were three main
celebrations: The Nation Watch, the Night of the Silent Drums, and the April Mornings.
The Nation Watch (Vigília da nação) was a celebration in honor of the first Brazilian
Integralist Congress in Vitória, held in 1934. During this date, the leader would invite participants
to remain silent and ask God to inspire their National Leader, Plínio Salgado, and protect all
integralists.
The Night of the Silent Drums (Noite dos tambores silenciosos) was celebrated on October 7,
when the Manifesto de outubro of 1932 was published, in remembrance of the sorrow from the
extinction of the militia after the National Security Law of 1935, when Getúlio Vargas demanded
changes to some elements of the AIB. The event began at 9 PM, with the poorest and most
humble activist sitting as the center’s chairman, representing Salgado. The martyrs were called
upon with oaths, readings, and sermons alongside the integralist anthem. At midnight, the
integralists went silent for a few minutes before joining in prayer.
FIGURE 1.14 The Night of the Silent Drums
On April 23, the first green-shirts march was held on the streets of São Paulo in
commemoration of the April Mornings (Matinas de abril). In this event, activists met silently in a
square with their arms raised before sunrise. The sound of the trumpets joined them as the
sunrise shed its light upon the victory of the Sigma.
Like European fascist movements, integralism valued political anthems and songs. In fact, the
second part of the Brazilian national anthem was abolished because of the passage “deitado
eternamente em berço esplêndido” (“forever lying down on a splendid cradle”) because the
integralists did not accept Brazil being described as “lying down.”
Penned by Plínio Salgado, the official anthem of the AIB, Avante (“Onward”), conveyed the
main elements of Brazilian integralism as a movement seeking to “awaken the nation”:
Onward! Onward!
For Brazil, it’s time to march! Onward! Onward!
Our Brazil will awaken!
Onward! Onward!
Another crimson sky is rising! To march! The Spring of the Homeland awaits:
It’s the new Sun!
Hey! Onward, Brazilians, the manly youth!
Under the blessings of the Cross, Anauê, for Brazil!
Onward! Onward!
For Brazil, it’s time to march! Onward! Onward!
Our Brazil will awaken!
Onward! Onward!
Another crimson sky is rising! To march! The Spring of the Homeland awaits:
It’s the new Sun!
Behold the awakening of the homeland, manly youth!
March!—March and shout, vigilant:—Anauê, for Brazil!
The green-shirts also had rituals for when a member neared death. The funeral honors were a
deeply spiritualist ritual. As an existential practice, it represented an honorable farewell that
engraved on the movement’s history the existence of a person who, outside of it, would be born
and die in anonymity and fall into oblivion, devoid of any value as a human being. Thus, the AIB
promised a life beyond death, one of the highest hopes among Christians.
Upon being sent to the militia from beyond, the coffin was covered with the Sigma flag. A
Brazilian flag was also allowed according to the status of the deceased. Integralists walked
alongside the funeral procession and performed the call of the dead in the cemetery. Lined up and
silent, the green-shirts stood by the grave, watching the coffin. In the end, the highest-ranking
member said: “Integralists! The body of our companion [name] will now be lowered into the
grave so they can be transferred to the Militia from Beyond.”
Symbology became a key characteristic of the movement’s unity. Several items were created to
help propagate the movement, including plates, cups, dishes, cigarettes, toothpaste, and many
sweets that were served on Christmas Eve, welcoming Vovô Índio (literally “Indigenous
Grandpa”). And what about Santa Claus?
Eager children would wait for an older man who cared deeply for the trees, dressed in colorful
bird feathers, and gave out presents to Brazilian kids. For the integralists, the image of Santa
Claus popularized by Coca-Cola had to be avoided at all costs because it helped spread
imperialism.
FIGURE 1.15 Integralist candy wrapper
Source: Authors’ personal archives
FIGURE 1.16 Integralist tableware

FIGURE 1.17 Integralist belt buckle
FIGURE 1.18 Anauê! magazine cover
Vovô Índio was not created by integralists. There are indications that this figure originated
from other nationalist intellectual groups and was appropriated by the green-shirts. The main
hypothesis is that the person who imagined this character was Christovam de Camargo, a
journalist friend of Mário de Andrade who described Vovô Índio in the Correio da Manhã issue
for December 25, 1934, as a character who disapproved of naughty children.
As we know, Vovô Índio was not a hit—Santa Claus is still the one who welcomes children to
take pictures in shopping malls.
The integralist symbology and rituals compelled individuals into joining the mystical cycle of
repetition every day of their lives. Protocolos e rituais introduced magical words that symbolized
the movement’s strength when repeated during the rituals.
Green-shirt propaganda
Your perfume, beloved!… – in your letters,

it is reborn, blue… – your hands are felt!…
My memory of them is white, light, withered
Hanging on voluminous corollas.
This is the final stanza of Sonnet to Katherine Mansfield, written by the poet who years later
(alongside Tom Jobim) would become renowned as the author of Girl from Ipanema: composer
Vinicius de Moraes. The poem was published in 1937 in the Anauê! magazine. Like many
Brazilian celebrities from culture and politics, the poetinha (“little poet”), as he was known, lived
in Rio de Janeiro during his youth and was a supporter of the Sigma.
Vinicius de Moraes commented on this: “He was not so Catholic, but he was a very spiritual
guy, not only because of his upbringing but also because of the group he was a part of, especially
Otávio de Faria. They were all right-wing guys, many of whom joined integralism. I am not sure
how I managed to get out of it.”
Influenced by the author of A tragédia burguesa, Vinicius de Moraes used to say he received
training to be a right-wing intellectual. In the 1930s, he was a renowned poet. His turning point
came years later, after meeting American novelist and political activist Waldo Frank: “I left a
right-wing man and came back a left-wing man.”
He wrote compulsively and was a frequent collaborator of the integralist press. The Anauê!
magazine had an innovative layout for the time. The magazine received a large amount of
funding to create various photographs, drawings, and cartoons, thereby spreading the doctrine
and communicating with non-literate citizens, who were not the focus of the green-shirt press
before.
Its primary goal was to promote the integralist doctrine and attract new activists, making it an
apt space for disseminating reflections on Brazil. The integralist press was where Luís da Câmara
Cascudo, a folklorist who later became the leader of the AIB branch in Rio Grande do Norte,
published his illustrations of integralism.
Creator of the Dicionário do folclore brasileiro (“Brazilian Folklore Dictionary”), Cascudo was
an adamant anti-communist journalist for A Offensiva, a newspaper from Rio de Janeiro.
“Bolshevism without violence is a fangless hound–harmless and noisy. The truth is that Soviet
Russia is a paradise all angels want to escape from…”
Under the guidance of Plínio Salgado, the newspaper was the primary platform for making the
movement’s doctrine reach a wider audience. As an official element of integralism, it was
responsible for taking Plínio Salgado’s words to integralist centers and activists’ homes. All
members of the AIB had to subscribe to the newspaper.
The AIB and the press were very intertwined, with the latter being a major tool to spread the
movement’s ideas on society. The AIB developed strategies to unify their publications, ensuring a
specific standard, wide receptivity, lower cost, and easily understandable content. This was the
goal of Sigma-Jornais Reunidos (“Compiled Sigma Newspapers”)—a journalistic consortium that
gathered 138 newspapers from various parts of the country. This notable number of newspapers
was controlled by the National Press Department (SNI, Secretaria Nacional de Imprensa), the
institution responsible for censoring and selecting the articles.
The press became an indoctrination tool in the early years of the AIB. In December 1932,
students from the São Paulo Faculty of Law (Faculdade de Direito de São Paulo) organized the
newspaper O Integralista. Soon nationwide publications became part of the daily life of
Brazilians.
“From the woman, to the woman, by the woman.” This was the subtitle of a women’s
magazine, Brasil Feminino. The AIB sought to increase the number of women and girls by
employing a discourse to attract not only mothers and wives but also female workers fighting for
their political rights.
FIGURE 1.19 Brasil Feminino magazine cover

The integralist women’s magazine was not a feminist magazine but rather a publication that
provided a political mold for the 1930s woman. Female integralist activists were to split their time
between the house and the political association. Their roles in these spaces were similar:
reinforcing the movement’s vision of motherhood, wifeliness, and the role of women around the
house.
The magazine was key in this regard. The pages of Brasil Feminino showcased the
consequences of modern women’s education. By equating women to men, it risked unleashing
one of the alarming dangers of the time: “the imminence of communism entering the homes of
good families.” The magazine blamed the communist infiltration on women because, by rejecting
their actual role as dedicated housewives, they left the way open for this threat.
Integralist magazines and newspapers were aimed at the general public and reached various
corners of Brazil, while books and Panorama magazine published the ideas of the movement’s
theorists. Newspapers and magazines were not restricted to sharing news about the movement;
they also involved culture, entertainment, film reviews, fashion, hobbies, i.e., a wide range of
materials that informed and entertained.
FIGURE 1.20 Anauê! magazine cover

Like every newspaper and magazine, advertising was prominent and constituted a means of
funding the publishing, printing, and distribution of periodicals. Sigma-Jornais Reunidos was a
profitable company that caught the attention of integralist and non-integralist brands. To achieve
commercial success, the AIB encouraged activists to acquire the products and determined which
behaviors were acceptable for integralists and, consequently, for others interested in reading their
newspapers and magazines.
Integralism imposed a way of living, behaving, dressing, speaking, keeping silent, walking,
getting married, dying, and presenting oneself, i.e., a very specific way of being an integralist.
These included advertisements for doctors and lawyers, clinics that promised painless treatments
for ladies’ disturbances, medical services for venereal diseases, illnesses in the urinary or the
reproductive systems, and various medications, e.g., Minancora ointment Scott Emulsion, and
Xavier Cocoa Liquor.
FIGURE 1.21 “Sigma” cigarette advertisement
The food industry joined the movement to associate their products with the image of healthy,
strong, vigorous, beautiful, and happy men and women. Aymoré pasta, which is sold in Brazilian
supermarkets to this day adorning the brand’s signature muscular Indigenous man, had large ads
showcasing dishes full of delicious pasta that made Brazilians (even the skinniest ones) well-
nourished and robust.
The newspapers, magazines, radio, movies, and a wide range of literature made the AIB
expand significantly across the country throughout the 1930s. The main means of mass
communication of the time, the radio, was an important tool for spreading AIB propaganda.
There was no radio station capable of reaching the entire country. The integralists paid for inserts
in specific time slots of major stations, e.g., Mayrink Veiga, Vera Cruz, and Record. The AIB even
had regional radio stations, such as Rádio Sigma, in Maranhão, and Rádio Voz D’Oeste, in Bahia.
The integralist cinematographic society, Sigma-Film, was created to keep up with
technological innovations. Its director, Fritz Rummert Júnior, was head of the National Film
Department and used his lenses to capture events, congresses, and ceremonies.
In 1933, families wearing green shirts walked along Avenida São João in São Paulo to the doors
of Cine Broadway. The highlight of the day was watching a documentary on the last integralist
marches in São Paulo. This was the first screening of an integralist production. One of the main
green-shirt films from 1935 was the feature O integralismo no Brasil, screened at Cine Theatro
Capitólio, in Porto Alegre, and at Cine-Theatro Rialto, in Rio de Janeiro. The film showed various
integralist marches in several Brazilian cities, and its goal was not just to entertain. There are
testimonies from Cine Glória, Rio de Janeiro, that tell of a screening during which the spectators
sprung up and sang along to the song of the movie, which depicted an integralist march. With a
powerful discourse encouraging national culture, the movies were considered an important means
for sharing propaganda since the footage would be projected in integralist centers throughout the
country.
Fundamentally, the integralist press and propaganda were considered indoctrination. The
opposition manifested through the press, and the ensuing polarized national politics of time made
clashes inevitable.
Opposition and conflict: the flock of the green-chickens

In a short time, the integralists and especially their leader, Plínio Salgado, began to be publicly
ridiculed by opposing intellectual groups, including comedian Aparício Fernando de Brinkerhoff
Torelly, also known as Apporelly and the mocking noble title of Barão de Itararé. The newspaper
from Rio de Janeiro A Manhã nicknamed the integralists the green-chickens.
Chronicler Rubem Braga, an anti-integralist who used the press very well to attack Plínio
Salgado, spared no words to discredit their leader. Braga, who ridiculed Salgado’s mustache and
gauntness and called him dishonest and rampant, founded Folha do Povo, a newspaper from
Recife with close relations to the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB, Partido Comunista Brasileiro).
This newspaper was often used to question what Brazil would be like under Plínio Salgado’s
power: “In this man’s skinny hands, Brazil would be the kingdom of stupidity, obscurity,
oppression, and exploitation. I have no doubt that Plínio is a hateful charlatan. His moral
weakness, nonsensical doctrine, and petty purposes are evident.”
FIGURE 1.22 Green-chicken cartoon
These attacks were not solely verbal. In line with the European fascist models, the AIB created
a paramilitary framework, the Integralist Militia (Milícia Integralista), which after the National
Security Law became the Department of Education (Moral, Civic, and Physical).
FIGURE 1.23 AIB gun apprehension (Gamboa Center, Rio de Janeiro)

The Integralist Militia consisted of four departments: the first dealt with mailing and
organizational governance (statistics, staff, discipline and justice, inquiries, and promotions); the
second department was responsible for information services; the third controlled military
training, operations, and planning; and the fourth dealt with materials and services. It was
subdivided into command and troop. The National Leader was at the top of the hierarchy,
followed by the National Secretary of the Militia Department, Gustavo Barroso. Then came the
Protection Troop and the Leader of Estado-Maior, Olympio Mourão Filho, a captain of the
Brazilian army who was a key player in two political coups (in 1937 and 1964) when he was a
general.
Every integralist aged between 16 and 42 years was required to enlist in the Integralist Forces.
After enlisting and participating in a 60-day training, the activist took an oath to give his life for
God, the homeland, and the family, if so needed.
FIGURE 1.24 Integralist march
These fascist advances toward revolution motivated a reaction from the left-wing. Two groups
were organized to weaken the AIB. Shouting “Down with fascism and long live freedom,”
anarchists, syndicalists, independent anti-fascists, and various other groups, such as the Black
Socialist Front, the Brazilian Socialist Party, and the Socialist University Association, gathered
around the United Antifascist Front (FUA, Frente Única Antifascista). The National Liberation
Alliance (ANL, Aliança Nacional Libertadora), a united front against fascism aligned with some
political perspectives from the former USSR, branched out from the PCB.
The period also included some political tension between the left and the right concerning the
authoritarian government of Getúlio Vargas. The stark polarization in Brazil inevitably led to
conflicts, struggles, and deaths.
The year 1934 was marked by armed conflicts between anti-fascists and the integralist forces.
On Wednesday, October 3, integralists from Bauru, a large town in the state of São Paulo, threw a
big party to welcome Plínio Salgado. It was a celebration of the 1930 Revolution anniversary, and
the leader of the green-shirts was one of the speakers. Major local newspapers reported on the
celebration as a major event given its month-long planning. The integralists of the city were very
excited to welcome the National Leader to Bauru at 8 PM.
On the same day, at 7 PM, the Northwestern Brazil Railroad Worker and Employee Union
(Sindicato dos Empregados e Operários da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil) scheduled a Special
General Assembly. At the same time, the local green-shirts marched with their snare drums out of
the local integralist center toward the hotel where Plínio Salgado was staying.
After greeting their leader—Anauê! Anauê! Anauê!—the followers left the hotel following
Plínio Salgado to where he was supposed to speak. Along the way, the march was reprimanded
by people shouting anti-integralist slogans. Fascists and anti-fascists were occupying the same
streets of a city in the state of São Paulo. This boiled up to a violent conflict with firearms and one
major target: Plínio Salgado. Shops closed, and the conflict lasted for about 1 hour—integralists
from the militia and unionists on the other. The commotion had one casualty and four wounded,
all integralists.
Nicola Rosica, a married father of two, was a railway assistant. He was shot in the chest,
protecting the integralist flags in front of the National Leader, leading to his death. Integralist
activists were not only part of the middle class or the urban financial elite: there was an
expressive number of members in the labor movement and unions.
After the conflict, Plínio Salgado was taken for a deposition. In the police inquiry, he heard
cries of “death to integralism” and “long live communism.” Despite the militia, the integralist
leader assured the police that the green-shirts were all unarmed.
Confusion ran amok, and there were many versions of the events. According to the account of
the Railroad Worker and Employee Union, the conflict started on September 30, when a speaker
from the integralist rally violently attacked union organizations. Union members also claimed
that integralists activists caused the injuries themselves.
The death had nationwide repercussions. Nicola Rosica became the first martyr of the
integralist movement who died defending nationalism, hierarchy, order, and social discipline. His
death intensified disputes and rivalries.
Four days later, on October 7, the integralists organized a big celebration for the second
anniversary of the AIB. There were plans for a march of 10,000 green-shirts in São Paulo toward
Praça da Sé, where Plínio Salgado would hold a rally and the activists would make an oath to
their leader. Days before, when the United Antifascist Front became aware of this event, they
requested a permit for a peaceful occupation of Praça da Sé. The permit was denied, and the AIB
held the event.
In response, a commission of FUA activists held a meeting with Governor Armando Salles de
Oliveira and threatened to occupy Praça da Sé as a type of counter-manifest. Tensions grew even
further. All left-wing organizations in São Paulo were invited to participate under the leadership
of João Cabanas, former Lieutenant of the Public Forces.
There was a three-point combat strategy: members of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB,
Partido Socialista Brasileiro) occupied the roads from Palacete Santa Helena in Praça da Sé up to
Rua Wenceslau Braz; the communists held the backside of the square, close to Rua Direita; the
third group, composed of Trotskyists and anarchists, occupied the space between streets Senador
Feijó and Barão de Paranapiacaba.
To avoid a tragedy, the government sent 400 officials to downtown São Paulo. They were
soldiers from the Infantry Battalions of the Military Police, the Fire Department, the Cavalry
Regiment, and the Civil Guard. With the permit in hands, the AIB published the march itinerary:
starting from the intersection of Avenida Brigadeiro Luís Antônio and Rua Riachuelo, heading
toward Praça da Sé.
The population was excited about the demonstrations. The press reported for days on this
major integralist event, which brought together 10,000 green-shirts. At the same time, anti-fascists
flooded the city with manifestos and pamphlets: “Are you a friend of freedom? Do you want
Brazil to march towards peace and progress? Are you disgusted by crime and wrongdoers? Are
you a lover of the arts, science, and philosophy? Then, fight against integralism with all your
energy.” Like the anarchist-based São Paulo Worker Federation (Federação Operária de São
Paulo), everyone was eager for the event.
In response to the integralist itinerary, the FUA positioned itself strategically with 40 snipers
along the route instructed to kill the movement’s leaders. Facing the potential conflict, the
integralists published an official statement about the presence of 500 armed officers. The
integralists changed course and momentarily frustrated the plans of the anti-fascists. As a result,
the decision had to be made on the fly.
The march with bustling slogans and Anauês! finally arrived at Praça da Sé for the grand
finale. However, the green-shirts were caught off guard by the São Paulo labor movement booing
and shouting, “Down with fascism! Death to integralism! Away with the green chickens!” After a
momentary commotion dispersed with warning shots from the police, the integralists occupied
the steps of the Sé Cathedral, where the anti-fascist speeches began.
Mounted police officers were positioned strategically and were given the order to charge,
making people around Praça da Sé run amok. Amidst the commotion, a civilian ran along the
back wall of the cathedral in an attempt to escape the horses and tripped over a police tripod-
mounted machine gun. The involuntary shots wounded three officials, and one of them died
instantly. A soldier jumped on the gun and grabbed it by the barrel, managing to stop the
shooting, but it was too late. The civilian’s slip started the conflict. The silence of the machine gun
was soon broken by the sound of new shots. People opposing the activists tried to take the square
by force and teased the green-shirts—“Anauê! Anauê! Prepare to run away!”
A hail of bullets descended from the top of one of the buildings aimed in all directions and at
all groups. The integralists responded by firing at the facades of the buildings. At the same time,
the soldiers shot aimlessly. The people present hid behind cars and sought safety inside buildings.
Journalism mogul Assis Chateaubriand was an accidental witness to the conflict and hid in one of
the cathedral buildings seeking protection from the bullets.
The intense four-hour-long shooting at the Battle of Praça da Sé resulted in six casualties and
50 wounded. Three official were shot—Hernani Dias de Oliveira, José dos Santos Rodrigues
Bonfim, and José Nogueira Cobra. Integralists Jaime Barbosa Guimarães and Caetano Spinelli
received posthumous honors and became martyrs of the AIB. As per the Protocolos and rituais,
they were enlisted into the Militia from Beyond.
Many were wounded on the communist side, including Trotskyist political activist Mário
Pedrosa, who was later one of the first intellectuals to support the establishment of the Workers’
Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores), becoming the holder of the first membership card of this
same party. There was one casualty, law student Décio Pinto de Oliveira, an activist of the
Communist Youth (Juventude Comunista). He was shot in the back of the head near Rua Barão de
Paranapiacaba while hanging from a lamppost and speaking to the crowd. He became an icon of
the anti-fascist struggle.
Like in any polarized setting, different versions of the event were construed. “In Praça da Sé,
the unarmed integralist militia were adorning their green shirts for the first time when they were
shot from the top of the old Santa Helena building, resulting in the death of two workers. There
has been no police investigation on these murders as of now,” pointed out Miguel Reale. On the
other hand, actress and unionist Lélia Abramo stated: “We faced the integralist fascist
organization commanded by Plínio Salgado with weapons in our hands or without them. The
integralists were all in uniform, well-armed, positioned, and ready to show their force under the
protection of Getútio’s political and military institutions, willing to take control of power.”
Reports show that the green-shirts were seen running through the streets during the conflict,
and the following day hundreds of shirts were found abandoned on the floor. This episode
contributed to the name of The flock of the green-chickens, alluding to enemies scattering during
the shooting.
Aparício Torelly, the self-proclaimed Barão de Itararé (a mock title), once confessed that he
almost joined integralism. He jokingly described slipping on a green shirt believing the
movement’s motto to be “Farewell, homeland and family!” Integralism was the perfect target for
the comedian. For this reason, the first page of the Jornal do Povo, edited by Torelli, stated:
“Integralists do not run… they fly.” This issue, from March 10, 1934, also included a photo of an
integralist hiding behind a lamppost with many others lying down in the center of Praça da Sé.
After the Battle of Praça da Sé, conflict broke out in several cities, including São Sebastião do
Caí, in Rio Grande do Sul, Campos dos Goytacazes, in Rio de Janeiro, among others. Every one of
the 20 casualties from these various conflicts became a martyr for integralism.
The anti-communist element of the AIB gained more visibility from that moment on, which
coincided with the new political endeavors of the movement: to make the party legal for running
in the presidential elections of 1938. However, we must remember that integralists were not the
only ones opposing communism. There was another enemy that was much more prominent: the
president of Brazil, Getúlio Vargas.
The support for the Estado Novo coup

In May 1937, the integralists left their homes wearing the traditional green shirt to vote for the
first time to define who would represent the AIB in the presidential elections of January 3, 1938.
Who would be chosen? To the surprise of no one, the National Leader. With 846,354 votes
according to official statistics from the integralist press, Plínio Salgado was nominated with
Gustavo Barroso coming in second place with 1,397 votes, followed by Miguel Reale with 164
votes. It was an open vote, so other leaders such as Dom Hélder Câmara were mentioned with no
real chance of winning.
The 1934 constitution established a four-year presidential term. In 1936, the atmosphere of
succession took over the streets with the candidacies of Armando de Sales Oliveira under the
Brazilian Democratic Union (UDB, União Democrática Brasileira), the governor of São Paulo at
the time, and José Américo de Almeida, author of A bagaceira, who was also Minister of
Transportation and Public Works and of the Federal Court of Accounts during the Getúlio Vargas
government.
Nonetheless, their campaigns were in vain. After the Estado Novo coup of November 10, less
than two months before the elections, Getúlio Vargas remained in power until 1945. This new
regime made integralists question whether this would be the ideal moment to seek power. Since
some were part of the dictatorial framework of 1937, Plínio Salgado and his followers set their
eyes on gaining more power.
The fact that integralists helped implement the Estado Novo gave some hope for the green-
shirts. The integralists and Getúlio Vargas grew closer because of their common enemies, never
due to a convergence of political ideas. Their search for supreme power consequently led to
disagreements. In his pursuit of victory, Vargas skillfully managed to manipulate the green-shirts,
especially Plínio Salgado.
Many green-shirts began to defend the new regime because they understood that the ideals of
the Estado Novo aligned with the doctrines the AIB had been defending since 1932, such as
suppressing political parties and organizing work by implementing national policies. At first
glance, some integralists deemed the new government a step forward, but this perception did not
last long.
The integralists began to support Varga’s government in their demonstrations. On November
1, 1937, activists donned their green shirts and occupied the streets of Rio de Janeiro. According to
calculations by the AIB, the march on Guanabara brought together between 35,000 and 50,000
activists and officials from the Armed Forces. They gathered orderly at Praça Mauá and marched
along Avenida Rio Branco to Hotel Glória, where the integralist leader overlooked the activists.
They continued the march up to the Catete Palace, where Getúlio was with his daughter,
Alzira, the Head of the Presidential Military Hoouse, General Francisco José Pinto, and the
guarantor of integralism, General Newton Cavalcanti, Commander of the Military Borough.
Integralists met the president with their arms raised and vibrantly shouting Anauê!
This was the symbol of Salgado’s inquestionable support for Vargas’ coup. This relationship
also relied on the collective paranoia around communism that took hold of Brazil, the Cohen Plan.
This conspiratorial hoax leveraged the red scare that supposedly threatened Brazilian institutions.
Integralist and army captain Olímpio Mourão Filho was appointed responsible for the plan
and, in turn, accused General Góes Monteiro, Head of Estado-Maior, of being the mastermind:
“Góes came up with it. It never existed. It was a study of what a communist revolution would be
like. We were supposed to make copies and hand them out to the bourgeoisie to read and come to
our aid because our bottom line was not good. It was a stratagem.”
The aim was to unite the anti-communists using a highly conspiratorial discourse. Thus, Góes
Monteiro used the radio broadcast Hora do Brasil to report the discovery of a plan to overthrow
President Getúlio Vargas. All were adamant in claiming the document had been written by
members of the PCB and international communist organizations. After the radio broadcast, fear
turned into terror and panic. Hysteria took hold. But the population did not know the plan was a
fraud.
The document, supposedly seized by the Armed Forces, disclosed a new armed insurrection
similar to the one from 1935. The communist invasion would involve workers and students,
freeing political prisoners, burning houses and public buildings, demonstrations that would end in
looting and depredation, eliminating civil and military authorities that stand against the new
power, in addition to the disrespect for the honor and the most intimate feelings of the Brazilian
woman. The communist threat became a common element between the government and the AIB.
The period leading up to November was one of great turmoil and political maneuvering. The
main point was to make Plínio Salgado be officially nominated for a position in the government.
According to the president’s diary, Vargas had promised Salgado that, after the coup, the
integralists would be responsible for the Ministry of Education, thereby officially joining the
Estado Novo: “I coincidentally met with Plínio Salgado, and we talked about the dissolution of
integralism and political parties, as well as him joining the Ministry. He agreed but noted that,
given the difficulties he would face, he needed to consult with his people and provide an answer
afterward.”
However, Getúlio Vargas declared the coup and did not go through on his end of the deal,
arousing a feeling of betrayal and igniting a desire for revenge among integralists. Despite
supporting the political endeavors that led to the Estado Novo dictatorship, the integralist
movement did not forgive Vargas’ betrayal. Therefore, the green-shirts rebelled against and,
ultimately, raised their weapons against the government.
Vargas postponed any official decision on this matter as much as he could. It was clear that the
president would not grant power to Plínio Salgado and was only using the integralist activists to
support the consolidation of the Estado Novo, which also involved dissolving all political parties,
banning civil militias, and restricting the use of uniforms and symbols, including those of the AIB.
Time passed, and it was increasingly visible that the agreement, mediated by Justice Minister
Francisco de Campos, would not be fulfilled. As a result, in January 1938, novelist Rosalina
Coelho Lisboa, a friend of Plínio Salgado who had close connections with Getúlio Vargas, used
her prestige to advocate for integralism and its leader. But this was all in vain; the decision was
final.
The president did everything possible to avoid contact with the integralists. Plínio Salgado
publicly stated his refusal to accept this but also kept seeking a position in the Ministry. On
February 16, 1938, Vargas said: “Mrs. Rosalina met with Plínio Salgado and sent me the conditions
his son-in-law [José Loureiro Júnior] demanded for him to join the Ministry. I asked her to return
them and said I would not give them consideration.”
Plínio Salgado believed in Vargas and was deceived. The latter’s decision to shut down the AIB
gave rise to a new government opposition. The integralist leader had been manipulated. His
contacts were not enough to prevent the worst-case scenario for the green-shirts. By going
against General Newton Cavalcanti, who was sympathetic to the integralist movement, Vargas
ensured that the Estado Novo would not spare integralism. Therefore, it was essential to center
the movement around its leader, who started being portrayed as a victim in the hands of the
villainous Getúlio Vargas, and thereby justify how and why there would be no more conflicts to
defend the AIB.
With the intent of maintaining the movement’s organization, Plínio Salgado created the
Brazilian Culture Association (ABC, Associação Brasileira de Cultura). This institution followed
the ideals of integralism as much as possible, given the law of the time. The idea was to continue
integralism under legal means, as stated in article 21 of the association’s by-laws: “All integralists
of both sexes from the Brazilian Integralist Action are founding members of the Brazilian Culture
Association.” Despite his efforts, Plínio was unable to register this “new” organization.
The search for a legal way of perpetuating integralism occurred at a time riddled with
frustrating negotiations, as it was clear that Vargas’ coup had deceived the integralist leader. The
betrayal was evident. Strictly speaking, the integralists considered that Vargas had betrayed them,
a fact that Plínio Salgado believed was worse for Vargas’ image than theirs. For example, one
group was seeking positions in the Ministry of Education, while another, led by the head of the
National Finance Department of the AIB, Belmiro Valverde, was contemplating a more radical
conspiracy.
On January 10, 1938, weapons were seized in the integralist center of Juiz de Fora, a city in the
state of Minas Gerais. On January 19 and 20, there was a shooting followed by another seizure of
weapons and the arrest of 24 integralists in Rio de Janeiro. In Niterói, the Vargas police force led
by Filinto Müller arrested the bakery owner who was storing weapons and uniforms. There was
an atmosphere of instability and uproar among the green-shirts.
The integralists did not forgive Vargas and began to raise arms against the government. This
involved the movement’s main leaders, such as Plínio Salgado—who denied his participation until
his death—Gustavo Barroso, and Belmiro Valverde, who played a central role in the actions.
Plínio Salgado’s residence on Rua Voluntários da Pátria became a makeshift headquarter for
integralism. Other segments that opposed Vargas also joined this alliance, including politicians
Otávio Mangabeira and Flores da Cunha, military personnel such as Euclides Figueiredo and
Severo Fournier, and officers like General João Cândido Pereira de Castro Jr.
A chain of conspiracies and failed actions on March 11 and May 11 marked the last breath of
the AIB and the last moments of freedom for many green-shirts.
The integralist uprising of 1938 and the Getúlio Vargas assassination

attempt
Conspirators wanted to arrest Getúlio Vargas. One of the goals was to overtake the Mayrink
Veiga radio station, which had a signal capable of reaching the entire country. There was a set
date: March 10, 1938. However, the attempt was unsuccessful because the police managed to
arrest the ones plotting it before they had a chance to act—Otávio Mangabeira and Colonel
Euclides Figueiredo were arrested alongside hundreds of integralists. Plínio Salgado’s house was
searched. Police found weapons and ammunition, but the leader went into hiding.
Despite the failure, integralists continued to plan a new action. Plínio Salgado transferred the
management duties to Belmiro Valverde, who had the support of Raymundo Barbosa Lima, head
of the province of Guanabara. Former Lieutenant Severo Fournier and Colonel Euclides
Figueiredo (who were not integralists) formulated the new plan, which again shows how varied
the supporters of this new action were.
These were targets: the Guanabara Palace, the Civil Police, the Special Police, the Army, and
the Military Police Headquarters. The homes of many authority figures were also targeted. The
conspirators had two headquarters: Estrada da Gávea, where they manufactured bombs, handled
dynamite, and cleaned weaponry, and Avenida Niemayer 550, where Belmiro Valverde rented a
house with the 100 thousand cruzeiros that the former Rio Grande do Sul governor, Flores da
Cunha, had sent to the conspirators.
The plan was massive. Despite the massive plan, only part of it was carried out on May 11. The
main target was Guanabara Palace, the presidential residence, to immediately depose Getúlio
Vargas.
At 11:30 PM on May 10, liberal-leaning Lieutenant Severo Fournier ordered the militia to put
on the marine uniforms and white scarves, a signal for the insurgents. It was a complete mess.
The people involved planned on meeting at Avenida Niemayer, from where they would leave in
two trucks, but some did not show up. Upon arriving at the palace, the people inside one of the
trucks did not get off and, instead, drove away carrying a lot of ammunition.
Regardless, the palace guards were taken hostage, and an intense firefight broke out in the
gardens. Lieutenant Júlio Nascimento, an integralist who supported the rebels, was waiting inside
the palace. They cut the power and phone lines to isolate and control the palace but forgot the
presidential hotline.
In the bedrooms, the Vargas family woke up to the sound of shots and asked for
reinforcements. Police Chief Filinto Müller arrived minutes later. After learning about the
episode, War Minister Eurico Gaspar Dutra left Forte do Leme on foot, and singlehandedly
gathered twelve men for combat, being the first to arrive at Guanabara. Two of Dutra’s officials
were killed; a gunshot hit Dutra’s ear.
The rebel troops were late, and, at a certain point, Severo Fournier gave up on the attack and
fled with other members through the back of the palace. The police shot other people involved on
the spot. The police also managed to apprehend Fournier’s car, parked near Laranjeiras with all
the conspiracy plans.
After getting the situation under control, the police discovered some integralists hiding in the
palace gardens and shot them. Other actions took place simultaneously, such as an assault on the
Navy Ministry, the attack on the Bahia cruiser, and the taking of some radio stations, which were
used to broadcast the Manifesto by Plínio Salgado and announce the alleged deposition of Getúlio
Vargas.
In São Paulo, Plínio Salgado followed the plan from a distance, trying to dissociate himself
from any rebellious action. It is unlikely that the National Leader was not aware of this
conspiracy against the government. After these events, repression came down hard on the green-
shirts. About 1,500 suspects were detained at the correction facility of Ilha Grande. Many of them
were prosecuted by the National Security Court. The arrests and the need to go underground
shook the integralist structure even further.
The deceased integralists were denied funeral rites and buried in shallow, unidentified graves
at the São Francisco Xavier Cemetery (Caju) in Rio de Janeiro. Also in 1938, a group of activists
broke into the cemetery at dawn and laid granite nameplates on the martyrs’ graves. They were
not removed and are there to this day.
On May 11, 1973, 35 years later, the integralist organization founded the Instituto Carioca de
Estudos Brasileiros, which was presided over by General Jayme Ferreira da Silva: a mausoleum
honoring the martyrs of the uprising. The tomb houses the ashes of integralist activists and has
become a meet-up and pilgrimage destination for neo-integralists.
The events of 1938 lacked order and preparation, putting to rest any pretension the integralists
had at the time. Many activists were arrested and placed in the same cells as communists, with
harsh sentences. Marine Sergeant Luís Gonzaga de Carvalho received the highest sentence
possible: 40 years in prison for the murder of a palace guard who had surrendered.
In this context, Getúlio Vargas had no other option than to contain Plínio Salgado. That
happened on January 26, 1939. “Mr. Plínio Salgado has been arrested! This happened in São Paulo
at 1:00 AM today,” as reported by newspaper A Noite. Due to lack of evidence, the leaders of the
AIB were not prosecuted for the uprising of May 11, 1938.
Plínio went into hiding for several months. He was never pointed out as the leader of any
uprising, but it was quite clear that the punishments were aimed at him. His wife, Carmela Patti
Salgado, said the period was full of instability: “We never stayed in a single home. For two years
we spent one week in one house, one week in another, one week in the countryside, and one week
in the capital. Until his arrest at dawn.”
Despite the illegal status of the movement, the episodes surrounding Salgado’s capture are a
testament to the enduring strength of the integralist leader. According to the newspaper Correio
da Manhã, the police searched for many months. A man who claimed to be an enemy of Salgado
made several complaints regarding the whereabouts of the integralist leader: “This man
investigated around various regions of the state with police officers. When a search failed, he
would immediately come up with a new lead.” Police Chief Carneiro da Fonte grew suspicious of
the man and asked for his arrest as a kind of test. The man then confessed that he did not know
Salgado’s whereabouts and was intentionally derailing investigations.
The search continued, and the case was solved with the help of a young man who believed his
girlfriend had an affair. Plínio Salgado became very ill and needed medical care in his hiding
place—França Street 336, in the Jardim América neighborhood of the capital of São Paulo. Dr. João
Baptista, from Hospital Umberto I, was hired to provide care for the integralist leader, who was
weak and needed injections. This, in turn, required the assistance of a nurse.
The young woman in charge of this had a very jealous boyfriend, who asked for explanations
about how close she was to the doctor. To demonstrate that his accusations were void, she
revealed the reason behind the meetings. Unfortunately for Plínio Salgado, the young nurse’s
boyfriend was a police officer and brought the case to his bosses. DOPS investigators immediately
organized a search that led to the arrest of the leader of the then extinct AIB.
Henrique Salgado, brother of the integralist leader, was also arrested. When he saw the police,
Loureiro Júnior ran into his house and locked himself in the bedroom. When the police entered,
they found Loureiro trying to set fire to some papers. The three prisoners were taken to the police
station.
In his testimony, Plínio Salgado claimed that he was not involved in any violent acts, much
less ordered them. He concluded by saying that the violence erupted from the government’s delay
in complying with the agreement from the 1937 coup. He intended to erase any hints of his
participation in both attacks and demonstrations against the government, blaming Getúlio Vargas
for the political instability of the time.
From February to mid-May 1939, Plínio Salgado was free but was later permanently
imprisoned. He was taken to Rio de Janeiro and arrived at the Fortaleza de Santa Cruz on May 30,
1939. He remained in prison until June 22 of the same year, when he was exiled to Portugal,
where he stayed until 1946.
2
Integralism Between Democracy and
Dictatorship
DOI: 10.4324/9781003224570-2
The clandestine period of integralism

“Communists were the ones who prepared me for this. They are plotting, and I am a nuisance to
their plans,” said Plínio Salgado as he was arrested along with other green-shirts, victimizing
himself. Like in previous times, the urge to fight communism spoke louder and was used to justify
the arrests, the persecution, and the new political projects.
Many integralists fled into exile due to the intense Estado Novo-mandated police repression
against the furtive activities of the AIB. Some people were co-opted by Vargas, many remained
silent, and others—mainly anonymous green-shirts—were prosecuted by the National Security
Court (Tribunal de Segurança Nacional). A solidarity network, the Green Help (Socorro Verde),
was created to support integralists in prison.
Adding to the pressure from the government, there were major internal differences concerning
Plínio Salgado’s appointment of Raymundo Padilha (the integralist leader for Rio de Janeiro) as
his representative for the period when integralism was illegal. He thereby rested on Padilha’s
shoulders the task of reorganizing the movement. Disputes arose mainly between Gustavo
Barroso and Miguel Reale.
There was also a small group, the Appolo Sport Club, which organized some clandestine
integralist activities. It operated under a simple structure in Rio de Janeiro, at Rua do Propósito 20,
and gathered many integralists for cultural and sports events. It was also under the constant
watch of government police forces; its foreman, Jader Medeiros, was an outspoken integralist
activist.
The Good Press Youth Crusade (Cruzada Juvenil da Boa Imprensa), at Rua do Ouvidor 27, had
the purpose of rebuilding connections between integralists in Rio de Janeiro amidst its illegal
status. They met spontaneously on commemorative dates but, it must be noted, had a significant
role in maintaining the integralist activism that would later act as the foundation for Plínio
Salgado’s project for the People Representation Party (Partido de Representação Popular).
After the attack at Guanabara Palace that dismantled the AIB, integralists were scattered and
lacked strong leadership. Miguel Reale fled to Italy. He left in July 1938 by infiltrating a group of
high school students at the Instituto Médio Dante Alighieri. He lived in Rome for close to a year
with other integralists involved in the Guanabara Palace attack, such as Lauro Barreira and the
man who later became Plínio Salgado’s private secretary during his self-exile in Portugal, Hermes
Lins de Albuquerque, as well as his wife, Rosa.
Miguel Reale was open about his dissatisfaction with fascism and his lack of hope regarding
the survival of the AIB. He considered reorganizing the integralist movement would pose a threat
to the peaceful solutions for national problems. These statements sealed Reale’s rupture with
integralism. He then focused on theoretical and academic reflections, earning him a full professor
position at the University of São Paulo (USP) in 1941; this coincided with him also attaining a
prominent role within the Estado Novo framework.
Gustavo Barroso’s close connections to intellectuals allowed him to move freely during the
Estado Novo, despite his markedly anti-Semitic discourse and radical political stances. Moreover,
he leaned on his status as an immortal of the Brazilian Academy of Letters alongside Getúlio
Vargas (who, from 1941 onward, held chair number 37). Given this, his integralist activities were
strictly formal, and his relationship with Plínio Salgado lasted until 1945.
Plínio Salgado received harsher treatment. General Eurico Gaspar Dutra himself said he did
not believe Plínio had a part in the attack on the Guanabara Palace, but the haze of doubt never
cleared. Especially given the various versions in the press, the proper solution would be to erase
his existence from Brazil to prevent the integralists from rallying around him.
During his imprisonment at Fortaleza de Santa Cruz, he got a visit from his banker friend
Alfredo Egídio de Souza Aranha on June 7, 1939. Through his cousin Osvaldo de Sousa Aranha,
then Minister of Foreign Affairs, the banker informed the integralist leader that soon he would be
sent into exile. The Estado Novo had a definite plan for Plínio Salgado.
The integralist leader was sure he would settle an agreement with Getúlio Vargas, making his
arrest and exile temporary. He also had plans to self-exile in Argentina. Because it was closer to
Brazil, it would be easier to establish connections and potential political agreements in Argentina.
However, these plans fell through. Plínio’s exile in Portugal was the result of a negotiation
between the governments of Getúlio Vargas and António de Oliveira Salazar, facilitated by the
Portuguese ambassador in Brazil, Martinho Nobre de Melo, and the Chancellor himself, Osvaldo
Aranha.
Near the end of his time in Brazil, Salgado began to prepare for his exile. Having been
imprisoned since May 30, he requested a last goodbye from all his relatives. Personal issues
needed to be addressed because all indications pointed out that his stay in Portugal would be long.
On June 16, a tailor visited him to provide a stylish outfit for his landing in Lisbon. On June 20, he
was already sure of the trip: “I was told that a police officer will come on the morning ferry to
bring me my passport, the ticket, and vaccination certificates.”
People in exile commonly live in uncomfortable situations, far from their country, and with
limited relationships. Portugal was an open space for the integralist leader. There were many
amicable relationships among the conservative nucleus. Getúlio Vargas did not consider Plínio
Salgado a threat to the current order if he lived under a dictatorial government like that of
António de Oliveira Salazar.
Thus, together with Dona Carmela, Salgado left Brazil on June 22, 1939, and landed at the
Alcântara pier in Lisbon on July 7. The exile of the integralist leader was not officially political,
even though he referred to himself as a hostage of the Vargas dictatorship when he spoke to other
activists. However, Salgado had to provide a reason when filling the resident permit request from
the Portuguese government. He wrote by hand that he was in Portugal accompanying his wife for
tourism and health care. He remained in self-exile until 1946 when the new structure of Brazilian
integralism reached a pivotal moment.
FIGURE 2.1 Plínio and Carmela with secretary Hermes Lins e Albuquerque in Lisbon
Source: Arquivo Público Histórico de Rio Claro—Fundo Plínio Salgado.
The three leaders were no more; Plínio was the only one who remained. This marked the start
of a new phase for integralism. Hermes Malta Lins e Albuquerque, an integralist activist and
Salgado’s private secretary, was fundamental during his stay in Portugal. His role was to solve
issues related to Salgado’s private life and help him find political allies. Plínio confirmed this in a
letter to his daughter Maria Amélia, who stayed in Brazil: “Lins and Rosa introduced us to several
men of the new Portuguese generation. We are getting used to this country and steadily making a
new network.”
In numerous letters, Salgado exchanged information and debated the future with his son-in-
law Loureiro Júnior and several family members and activists, including Raymundo Padilha,
Gustavo Barroso, Genésio Pereira Filho, his nephew Genesinho, his sister Irene, and various other
people who were part of his plans during his period away from Brazil.
For Plínio Salgado, there were three possible courses of action: attempting to settle a quick
agreement with Vargas, ensuring his return to Brazil; allying with Nazi Germany in the context of
World War II; and carving a “new path” by employing a religious discourse while also
maintaining political undertones.
In his first months in Portugal, Salgado formed relationships with the Portuguese and
negotiated with Brazil to ensure his quick return. He was looking for contacts in all kinds of
groups. He talked with various members of Portuguese conservatism, whether they were for or
against the Salazar government. This made him a target of the Portuguese political police, the
PVDE (Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado, Police for the Surveillance and Defense of the
State), and the Portuguese Legion (Legião Portuguesa), a militia-like national organization that
performed extremely organized investigations. Despite this, he did not pose a threat to the
stability of the Salazar regime. On the contrary, his conservative, anti-communist, and Christian
discourse was aligned with the Portuguese events from 1933, when the Estado Novo was
implemented.
Plínio was so sure he would quickly find common ground with Vargas that he lived in hotels
and furnished houses for many years, not having to worry about what to do with the furniture if
he had to depart for Brazil on short notice. At first, his life in Portugal was marked by some
health issues that made him leave Lisbon and, consequently, the political and cultural capital of
the country: “I was truly ill with a pulmonary congestion.” He lived initially in Abrunhosa do
Mato and then went to the central part of the country, Mangualde, in the District of Viseu.
His absence halted the integralist movement. Plínio Salgado was in no position to point any
direction for the group. His actions became more discreet. He tried in every way to bargain with
the Brazilian government. He said he would accept an agreement, but Vargas had no interest in
welcoming Plínio Salgado in Brazil. As a result, he focused his efforts elsewhere: the nazis. The
relationship between integralists and the nazis was not new. When the AIB was legal, there was
some proximity between the two groups based on their many connections and similarities.
FIGURE 2.2 Rio do Sul (state of Santa Catarina), where the headquarters of the AIB and the Nazi Party were built side by side
Source: O punhal nazista no coração do Brasil (Antonio de Lara Ribas, 1944).
With the advance of nazism from 1933 onward, Adolf Hitler sought to expand his territorial
and political reach, culminating with World War II in 1939. Portugal was a target of this
expansion project mainly because of the large number of Germans residing in the country,
including Erich Emil Schröder, who lived in Estoril, was a delegate of the German police in
Lisbon, and had a strong social influence in Portugal. This was enough to get Plínio Salgado’s
attention. Because extreme discretion was mandatory (since making connections with nazism
would mean siding against Brazil), he delegated this to his private secretary, Hermes Lins de
Albuquerque.
At the end of 1941, two German journalists, known as Bragard and Baron, introduced Erich
Schröder to Plínio Salgado and Hermes Lins de Albuquerque. There was great interest in
establishing a connection with Hitler. In a conversation with his confidant and friend Ribeiro
Couto, Plínio stated that this was “the beginning of universal salvation.” He believed nazism had
the potential to seize power in Brazil. After a series of secret reunions between Erich Schröder and
Plínio Salgado, they scheduled a meeting in Portugal with a representative of the SS, the
paramilitary organization linked to the nazi party and Adolf Hitler.
During a work trip to Berlin, Schröder talked about this with SS officer Walter Schellenberg,
who had met Salgado in spring 1942. Amidst wines and beers, they had a secret meeting about a
potential collaboration between the integralist leader and the nazis. Plínio suggested that the
integralists and the nazis could strongly support one another after Germany won the war. The
intent was clear. They sought to recognize Salgado as the greatest political force in Brazil
associated with the victory of the Axis—Germany, Italy, and Japan—since Vargas started siding
with the Allies after some agreements with the United States. This was a risky bet, so he kept it
secret.
Schellenberg showed great interest in this and saw it as a means of exporting nazi politics to
Brazil and, consequently, South America. He promised to provide full support to the integralist
movement after the German victory. With this in mind, he nominated an agent for his dealings
with Salgado: Adolf Nassenstein, who arrived in Lisbon in summer 1942. His goal was to gather
as much information as possible on integralism and its leader and send it back to Berlin. In the
meantime, however, Plínio Salgado’s plans changed widely. In 1942, Nassenstein was denounced
to Salazar’s government by the British embassy in Portugal. The embassy claimed some
Portuguese and Germans were acting as nazi spies in Portuguese territory.
When the connections between integralists and nazis became public, Plínio Salgado did not
hold back. He immediately shut down the project and denied any action in favor of the Axis since
this position would make him an enemy of both Brazil and Portugal. With no agreement between
Vargas and Hitler, Salgado tried to establish a safe and indisputable discourse for the
reconstruction of integralism: Christianity and the use of the word of God to justify political
practices.
He had always leaned on Catholicism as a source of comfort and support. In difficult times,
religion provided the support Plínio Salgado needed to find his strength. As a fugitive in 1939, he
began writing his main spiritual work, Vida de Jesus, which was also the start of a new political
phase grounded on Portuguese Christianity. With this, Salgado realized he could find a new, more
elevated space in the country’s intellectual circles.
He sought a new way to develop the integralist discourse in Portugal. It was the time for a
political “renewal.” With World War II, he needed to find a new means of survival in the
Portuguese and Brazilian political society. Plínio Salgado became known as a theologian that
promoted Christian reflections. He gave many lectures and wrote dozens of books. However, his
political content was still alive underneath his search to establish a religious image and propagate
peace. Religion enabled Salgado to find a new audience and gain recognition in Portugal. This
new approach contributed to a reformulation of integralism since the actions in Brazil had
diminished severely under the relentless Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas.
When referring to Plínios Salgado’s period in exile, the green-shirts and green-blouses often
used terms such as “apostle,” “prophet,” and “evangelist.” “Whoever is imprisoned for defending
God, the homeland, and the family while being faithful to the Catholic Social Teaching
undoubtedly deserves to be called an apostle!” said Father Luiz Gonzaga do Carmo in 1999.
Green-blouse Augusta Garcia Rocha Dorea was even more emphatic: “Plínos’s religious
apostolate was more intense in Portugal during his seven years of exile, the Portuguese even
considered him the fifth evangelist.”
Count Alberto de Monsaraz, one of the leaders of Lusitanian integralism and a blue-shirt of
the National-Syndicalist Movement (Movimento Nacional-Sindicalista), a Portuguese fascist
group, publicly exalted Plínio Salgado:
Vox Dei
(to a fifth evangelist)
By the Count of Monsaraz
How is it, Lord, after two thousand years,
That thus arises, in a hellish century,
Preaching Love and Good by hating Evil,
New gospel over new meridians?
A man, Plínio, a Roman name,
Rooted in the equatorial jungle,
Brought him now, in a sign of peace,
To the men of these inhuman times.
Jesus called him, like John and Peter,
And told him: – Where my spirit has no fear,
Go, sow the magnificent seed…
You are my disciple today, in this hour
When only those who do not love me can hold back tears
“Make them cry and love everyone!”
During his exile, Salgado’s political-religious thought and the relationships he established in
Portugal thanks to his use of Christian discourse were fundamental for crystallizing this “new,”
heavily Christian-based indoctrination that masked the integralist and fascist content.
Late 1944 is a critical period to understanding the future of integralism because this was when
the defense of politics based on Portuguese Christian Democracy began to emerge. This became
the main idea behind Plínio Salgado’s discourse: there was a need to adopt a more democratic
tone. The 1940s showed he had to distance his public image from the one he had in the previous
decade, but without radicalizing his political stance. The answer was a doctrine developed in
Portugal, based on Christian democracy and advocating for the Salazar regime’s precepts;
however, it was only democratic in name, but not in fact.
This was a rebrand. The main enemies of integralists were the communists and liberals; now,
they had a new one: fascism. It was a very convenient discourse in a society that, like Brazil,
sought democracy against authoritarian practices, especially with the crisis of the Estado Novo.
As the end of the Getúlio Vargas regime approached, so did Plínio Salgado’s return to Brazil.
There was a need to maintain the Christian groundwork and establish a “post-war version of
Plínio,” representing a new version of Brazilian integralism.
FIGURE 2.3 Plínio Salgado and António de Oliveira Salazar
Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS.
His intellectual endeavors were centered around a Christian framework, aiming at

consolidating his political image in support of Christian Democracy, which also involved forming
a new integralist party, the People Representation Party (PRP, Partido de Representação Popular).
He already had a successful example to follow: António de Oliveira Salazar.
The return of Plínio Salgado and the formation of the PRP

After his period in Portugal, Plínio Salgado restructured integralism and enacted a new project to
gain power. Despite not having the same strength as before, the PRP enabled him to have limited
national projection. At that time, Brazil was leaving a dictatorship and heading toward an
unknown democracy. The Estado Novo held a strong campaign against integralism. Reorganizing
integralism was not a simple task, especially given the markedly hostile climate against the green-
shirts. The Brazilian press frequently published accusations, criticisms, and mockery while
constantly seeking anti-integralist support.
With Brazil joining the Italian campaign in World War II, opposition to fascism gained
unimaginable proportions, mobilizing intellectuals, social movements, and even liberals,
communists, and socialists. “Down with the PRP! Long live the workers!” was heard in
demonstrations in defense of democracy and freedom.
Plínio believed that it would be possible to transfer the success he achieved in Portugal to his
new political and Christian project. The integralists were not the only ones that employed religion
as a political tool. Former ally turned opponent, Alceu Amoroso Lima, was a solid supporter of
the Christian Democratic Party (PDC, Partido Democrata Cristão), an alternative to the PRP.
In exile, Raymundo Padilha gained the autonomy to take action without prior consultation
with Plínio. Padilha thereby became one of the leading articulators of the integralist return to
Brazilian politics. Salgado sent the instructions, which were then followed in Brazil. In 1945, he
sent the Manifesto-diretiva that exposed the doctrinal reorientation of integralism, highlighting its
spiritualist and anti-communist tone while also opposing fascism.
The press was attentive to these events, as shown by the Diário de Notícias in their analysis of
Plínio Salgado’s instructions to activists: “let us put aside the symbols that identify the Sigma
components, as well as abolish the notorious Anauê, but let us maintain the principles–God,
homeland, and family.” This document marks the new direction for Plínio Salgado and,
consequently, integralism.
The PRP was founded 15 days after the Manifesto-diretiva was published in the Brazilian
press, in September 1945, 50 days before the elections. Despite the First National Convention of
the PRP in early November in Rio de Janeiro, there was no consensus over who would be the
presidential candidate. Then, 15 days before the elections, the party settled on General Eurico
Gaspar Dutra, although it did not oppose the candidacy of Brigadier Eduardo Gomes of the
National Democratic Union (UDN, União Democrática Nacional). Supporting Dutra was part of a
strategy to help make the PRP legal. This deal was curious because Getúlio Vargas supported
Dutra, who represented the legacy of the Estado Novo, i.e., the same movement that helped
dismantle the AIB.
Due to its status as a new party and the absence of Plínio Salgado, the PRP did not have a vast
influence. The party launched 147 candidates for federal deputy and supported the candidacy of
Goffredo Silva Telles from the Social Democratic Party (PSD, Partido Social Democrático) in a
coalition with the PRP. He was the only one elected. His campaign was mainly based on attacks
on communism and established deals to participate in 11 slates of 22 states.
With the foundation of the PRP and the elections, Brazil was considered safe for Plínio
Salgado’s return. However, the climate was not ideal for welcoming the integralist leader. The
political and social groups did not forget his past and direct association with fascism, which
caused difficulties—furthermore, Salgado’s severed connections with former leaders.
“It is reported that Plínio Salgado, who has lived in Portugal for many years, will return to
Brazil. Possibly taking up residence in São Paulo.” This article from Diário de Notícias caused an
uproar in the capital of São Paulo. It continues:
The population of São Paulo is completely indignant with Mr. Plínio Salgado’s upcoming
return to Brazil. If the arrival of the former leader of the Brazilian Integralist Action is
confirmed, the people are ready to demonstrate their discontent. It is even said that São
Paulo students are already planning several protest rallies.
His rejection was intense, and all his actions were criticized. Amidst this, Plínio Salgado
returned to Brazil very discretely with his wife Carmela Salgado. On their return, Carmela states:
We returned on August 16, 1946. We returned to the country eight years after being exiled.
With me always at his side, Plínio started traveling around Brazil, telling our friends what
had happened during that period. We traveled all over Brazil. From Amazonas to Rio Grande
do Sul. That’s when he organized the PRP.
Plínio was never the same again. The man who returned was scarred by anguish. The
integralist led the movement at its height in the 1930s. After this period of fascism-based
nationalistic euphoria, he could not reach the same splendor and became an ordinary and often
forgotten, solitary politician. The new party had the purpose of rekindling “the glories of the past”
by gathering activists around its leader. Still, Brazil did not show much empathy toward Plínio,
unlike Portugal, where the departure of the fifth evangelist was a reason for sadness.
Plínio Salgado and the PRP: a democratic-fascist construct

Renegaded by the people from São Paulo, Plínio Salgado took up residence in Rio de Janeiro. After
living for a short time in Alto da Boa Vista, next to Carmela, he rented an apartment at Rua São
Clemente 158, in Botafogo. He often drank coffee and ate sweets at Casa Imperial, a traditional
pastry shop in the neighborhood. But political activities were always part of his life. Plínio was
the central figure of integralism and had ambitious projects for the PRP.
On October 27, 1946, after living a few months in the state capital, he left his home in the
southern area of the city and headed to the region around Cinelândia to speak at the Municipal
Theater alongside other integralists at the party’s Second National Convention. The ceremony
also included the approval of the Carta de princípios (Charter of principles). The PRP followed a
similar set of principles as the old integralism: the role of the family in providing an
organizational framework for society and the role of God as the highest possible hierarchy.
Despite publicly denying his leadership role (which was also part of his political strategy),
Salgado could not distance himself from his image of former leader. There was no alternative. He
was appointed foreman of the PRP and made the transition from national leader to party
chairman. He clarifies:
I truly intended not to accept this post because I wanted to cooperate as a simple voter.
However, when I left my house to do my morning prayers in the nearest church, I had the
deep spiritual comfort of meditating a little on the date of the party election and the
inauguration of the board. My friends, that was the date of Christ the King!
The internal structure of the PRP was centered around Plínio Salgado, and his control over the
party would not allow any contest. He was the sole candidate of all party elections until its
extinction in 1965. The PRP thereby positioned itself as the heir of the integralist legacy. The party
sought internal consolidation and needed to demonstrate a democratic character to erase its past
image.
In addition to a new political doctrine, the symbols were changed and the rituals were
abandoned because they were a prominent part of the AIB routine. These aspects were part of
every activist’s daily life. “The AIB was all about order. But not now, things are more democratic,
more Brazilian-style,” said Mário Maestri, leader of the PRP of Rio Grande do Sul, one of the main
hubs of the party. Guido Mondin, elected senator by the PRP for the state of Rio Grande do Sul,
provides more insight on this. “What did the PRP bring together? The integralists. If the doctrine
were not the same, it would not be as strong as wide; the PRP is undeniably the result of
integralism. So much so that when people refer to the PRP, they are, in fact, referring to the
integralists.”
The PRP got approximately 300,000 votes in parliamentary elections, around 3% of the
electorate, enough to elect some deputies. The profile of these voters remained the same as the
ones from the AIB: middle class, merchants, and liberal professionals. Like in the 1930s,
nationalism remained, but with a significant difference: connections and associations with
international currents, mainly from the United States, were driven by the Cold War. Nationalism
was more restricted to patriotic stances and symbolic actions.
The PRP got modest electoral results compared to the main national parties—PTB, PSD, and
UDN. Despite its meek electoral impact, the party had a few notable moments in Brazilian
politics.
In the middle of the Cold War, speaking out against communism led to good results, even
more so when aligned with spiritualistic undertones. However, society was still hostile toward
integralism. Plínio Salgado’s challenge was to show he was willing to comply with democracy
and the new order, which was done by forming new political alliances. This change was often
frowned upon by activists, especially those who were part of the AIB. This is clear in a
declaration of a former leader of the AIB and the PRP, Emilio Otto Kaminski: The party became
more similar to a proper party. It had to follow the law, so certain things that were part of the
AIB, such as the militia, of course the PRP would have no militia. So much so that Plínio Salgado
often said: ‘The PRP is not the Brazilian Integralist Action.’”
Plínio Salgado himself saw the need for new alliances and a new party image: “These alliances
demonstrate that, in the depths of their consciences, parties such as the PSD, UDN, PTN, PR, PSP,
and PDC consider the PRP a party of true democrats, patriots that can roam free in the Republic.”
As the presidential election approached, the PRP wanted to have the upper hand in the
negotiations regarding which candidate the party would support. The party was deep in the
political game. In this context, Plínio Salgado chose to support Brigadier Eduardo Gomes, the
UDN candidate, who, according to him, was “a Brazilian who was most worthy of his
compatriots’ suffrage.” The political negotiations included Gustavo Capanema, on behalf of the
PSD, who approached Plínio with a proposal he had heard on other times. The plan was for the
PRP to lead a ministry in case they sided with Vargas. However, Plínio Salgado learned from his
experience in 1937 and promptly declared his support for the UDN candidate.
1950 was a remarkable year for the PRP. For the first time, Plínio Salgado would be a candidate
for the new party and, above all, political allies. In Rio Grande do Sul, a conservative alliance
between the PSD and UDN, supported Plínio Salgado’s candidacy for the Senate of Rio Grande do
Sul.
But the past was relentless. Salgado’s candidacy was heavily criticized by political opponents,
especially the PTB. The opposition focused their criticism on the PRP’s past relations to the AIB
fascism. The PTB published the following manifesto in Diário de Notícias: “The Rio Grande that
fights […] for reintegration […] against shameful political conspiracies […] that appoint Mr. Plínio
Salgado, leader of the Brazilian 5th column, as a candidate for senator of the Republic.” This
criticism elicited reactions from the PSD, which resorted to Salgado’s Christianity and
nationalism: “We from the PSD will fight for Plínio Salgado’s victory on the ballot. We also
defend the Christian, nationalist, and democratic ideas our senate candidate advocates for.”
Plínio Salgado lost the elections. Alberto Pasqualini, from the PTB, won the election with a
wide margin, in alignment with the presidential election that resulted in the victory of Getúlio
Vargas. Plínio Salgado obviously held strong anti-Vargas sentiments and associated the new
government with the old Estado Novo. This was the time when the party was most organized.
Plínio Salgado knew very well that there was one way to keep activism alive: idolize and obey the
PRP’s national leader while also fostering anti-communism.
Party members paid for photographs of Plínio Salgado. Rituals were held in honor of the PRP
chairman. There were ceremonies very similar to those of the AIB when Salgado’s portraits were
installed in the party headquarters. On that specific occasion, a former integralist gave a speech,
and new PRP activists unveiled the image of Plínio Salgado, hung under the national flag.
There were several similarities and differences between the AIB and the PRP. Regarding
symbolism, Plínio Salgado abandoned the Anauê!, the green-shirts, and other symbols to instead
adopt a silver bell as the main symbol of the PRP, representing a warning against the evils
surrounding Brazil.
FIGURE 2.4 Plínio Salgado presents the Silver Bell, the symbol of the PRP
The bell was also used at the start of party meetings. It served as a thread that connected both
institutions. Creating this mystique around the PRP was one of the main goals of the National
Secretariat of Propaganda (Secretaria Nacional de Propaganda), a highly prominent section of the
party. The party symbols were rigidly defined: how the party meeting tables were arranged, the
decoration of all the PRP headquarters, the greeting on letters exchanged between party members
(which had to start with For Christ and the Nation and end with For the well-being of Brazil), as
well as performing Onward! and the Brazilian anthem at the start of each meeting, like during
AIB meetings, but now limiting the performance to only the first part of the anthem.
Like the AIB, the PRP used the press to spread its ideals. There were several newspapers,
including the Reação Brasileira from between 1945 and 1946, the weekly Idade Nova, from 1946 to
1951, and the main one, A Marcha, which was more focused on informing while also
indoctrinating. To ensure the publication of its 473 editions from 1953 to 1965, Plínio Salgado
sought funding from the Social Service of Industry (SESI, Serviço Social da Indústria) in São
Paulo. He argued that this financial aid would be worth it due to the publication’s anti-
communism tone. Despite not receiving the funds, the campaign was successful among activists.
A Marcha, edited by integralist Gumercindo Rocha Dorea, became the leading voice of
integralism in this period.
Before having “A camera in hand and an idea in mind,” filmmaker Glauber Rocha, director of
God and the Devil in the Land of the Sun and Entranced Earth, was one of many young white-
eagles, the nickname for members of the Cultural Youth Centers Confederation (CCCJ,
Confederação dos Centros Culturais da Juventude), led by Gumercindo. The PRP encouraged the
creation of non-partisan organizations aiming to convene and indoctrinate members. The Youth
Cultural Centers (CCJ, Centros Culturais da Juventude) were launched publicly in 1952 and
constituted the largest non-partisan organization created by the PRP. The hubs also held activities
such as civic celebrations and lectures on doctrinal and political matters, sports groups, debates
between student bodies, in addition to developing courses to fight against communism.
Lectures and study meetings were among the main activities and included even
nonintegralists, such as General Eurico Gaspar Dutra and some former activists, including Miguel
Reale. The foundation of the CCCJ marked the 20th anniversary of the Manifesto de outubro,
which Plínio Salgado considered an integralist response to the indoctrination strategies and
institutions the communists used during his youth.
FIGURE 2.5 Plínio Salgado at a meeting of the Brazilian Agricultural Workers Union
Many other groups in the PRP, such as the Brazilian Agricultural Workers Union (UOBC) and
the Patriotic Brazilian Women Action (Ação Patriótica das Mulheres Brasileiras), were
unsuccessful. The integralists also created the Service, Press and Propaganda Organization (Osip,
Organização de Serviço, Imprensa e Propaganda) to spy on communists and infiltrate left-wing
movements, parties, and organizations. The Osip developed reports to further add to the red scare.
There was a structured project against communism, on top of the polarization every activist faced
in their daily lives: “Because the real enemy was communism and integralism. These were
completely incompatible. No connection was allowed, not even friendships.”
Bankers and industrialists were actively engaged in the publishing house and the anti-
communist project as a whole. In 1949, they created the Livraria Clássica Brasileira publishing
house, which had Plínio Salgado as one of its shareholders. The founder of Banco Mercantil de
São Paulo, Gastão Vidigal, and the founder of Senai and Sesi, Euvaldo Lodi, were some of the
great supporters of Plínio Salgado’s project. The publishing house was one of Plínio’s primary
weapons of integralist indoctrination after his exile. Until 1955, it released 41 titles, nine by Plínio
Salgado, 12 translations of European and North American anti-communist works, and 20
miscellaneous works.
In 1956, the Livraria Clássica Brasileira published Doutrina e tática comunista, in which Plínio
proposed an analysis of communism aimed at combating and destroying by the force of will, an
anti-communist project that was extensively debated with other conservative groups, and which
even resulted in alliances and funding.
The main project of the Livraria Clássica Brasileira, the Enciclopédia do integralismo, was
released between October 1957 and March 1961 with a sales price of Cr$150.00 (one hundred and
fifty cruzeiros) for the brochure and Cr$200.00 (two hundred cruzeiros) for the hardback version.
It was an ambitious project with 25 volumes but was shut down after the 12th volume for
financial reasons. The compilation was intended to present what the Integralists called “a
summary of the movement’ opera.”
In November 1962, the publishing house storage was hit by a major fire caused by a short
circuit in a refrigerator from a slaughterhouse on the floor below it. Moreover, the increase in
paper prices led to a difficult financial situation for the publishing house. Therefore, the tragedy
solved the issue of unsold books, an event that Plínio Salgado considered divine intervention.
The integralists used all possible means to reach society, mainly to demonstrate the supposed
democratic side of the movement. A PRP radio program broadcasted anti-communist and
spiritualist messages in long waves at Tupi Radio and short waves at Tamoio Radio, both from
Rio de Janeiro. Their peak in radio broadcasts was in 1955 and, later, in 1957 and 1958, when
Plínio Salgado had a program at Globo Radio. He discussed topics concerning anti-communism,
Christianity, nationalism, and some issues related to legislative elections. He had a program again
in 1961 on Difusora de São Paulo do Assis Chateaubriand Radio, which paved the way for
Salgado to become a columnist at Diários Associados.
Plínio Salgado controlled and was the supreme leader of the party. The integralists openly
defended democracy during this period, but this was not so visible within the party. The need to
portray a democratic facade forced Plínio Salgado to speak on this subject frequently.
From 1951 to 1961, journalist Arnaldo Nogueira hosted Falando Francamente at TV Tupi in Rio
de Janeiro, the first Brazilian talk show in which the audience could ask questions live by
telephone. In the 1950s, one of the guests was the chairman of the PRP, Plínio Salgado.
It was particularly difficult to green-light the program because Plínio’s connection to fascism
drove sponsors away. The journalist received a sponsorship from the director of Casas Olgas, a
women’s socks store, and it was a success: 70% of viewers approved the interview. He received
various questions, many about his past at the AIB. One viewer tried to put him in a tight corner:
“In your opinion, which is the greatest: Hitler, Mussolini, or Roosevelt?” In his reply, he did not
exempt any of the world leaders and highlighted the post-war propaganda of integralism as an
anti-totalitarian, anti-liberal, anti-communist, and democratic movement.
This constant need to convince others about his stance on democracy and the nationwide
political changes made the party unstable. Despite the efforts of Plínio and the PRP, many
activists criticized their strategy of forming alliances, and internal oppositions grew gradually
stronger. After the crisis that resulted in the suicide of Getúlio Vargas in August 1954, Plínio
Salgado sent kind and cordial telegrams to Café Filho. Still, the new president ignored the
integralist’s offers and support.
During this period, Plínio traveled all over Brazil. He visited approximately 200 cities and gave
speeches on events as varied as high school graduations, meetings of agricultural societies,
women’s associations, and law schools. The goal was to communicate proposals and consolidate
his self-image as an advocate of the poor and a politician who did not limit himself to a political
party. This contact with the people had the purpose of further spreading Salgado’s anti-
communist doctrine and ideals. It was a well-crafted strategy to unite activists around a bold
project: his candidacy for President of the Republic.
For President of Brazil: Plínio Salgado—the 1955 elections
Here comes the man

It’s time to change
Here comes Plínio Salgado
To set Brazil straight
It will be a landslide
At the tipping point
The garoa man
He rocks but doesn’t fall
With this jingle, the PRP reached its peak. Plínio Salgado ran for president and got 714,379 votes
(equal to 8.3% of the total votes), the highest amount of votes in integralist history, to the delight
of his supporters. The candidacy was used to unite activists, especially those who were unhappy
with the new political alliances. The candidacy was officially announced during the National
Convention of the PRP in Rio de Janeiro, on March 19–21, 1955, at Palácio Tiradentes. There was
no consensus, and a crisis ensued after one of the party’s leading members, Raymundo Padilha,
disagreed with the candidacy and left the PRP.
FIGURES 2.6–2.8Campaign material

Despite denying this crisis within the party, Plínio failed to hide it from the press: “The
internal struggle threatens to undermine the fragile internal unity of the PRP, which has split in
two: those for Plínio and those for Padilha.”
Even though the candidacy had been Salgado’s long-lasting desire from the time of the AIB, it
had been defined since 1954, as he explains:
My intent to become the candidate is even prior to the support I started receiving since late
1952. I had this firm conviction since I set foot on Brazilian soil on my return from exile in
1946, although I waited until much later to reveal it. It was a logical consequence of the 1937
presidential campaign.
Jararaca and Ratinho, a sertanejo duo famous for their political takes, took the opportunity to
make a parody and criticize the integralist’s candidacy. Inspired by the jingle of a constipation
drug advertisement sung by a baritone from the Municipal Theater choir with a deep and solemn
voice—“Doctor Ross’s life pills, they are good for the livers of all of us”—the duo sang: “Plínio
Salgado’s loud voice, it’s bad for the livers of all of us.”
It was a new political climate, and Plínio Salgado needed to adapt to the democratic reality.
Due to the limited campaign funds (compared to larger parties), the PRP did not have a Vice
President candidate. Internally, they knew they had no chance of winning, but Plínio Salgado’s
nomination was very strategic in the political game.
The intent behind it was to promote the growth of the party and his own image. Christian
Democratic discourse was the basis for this new political phase. The purpose was to strengthen
the integralist doctrine. He stated: “A party like mine is based on doctrine and convictions, it is a
programmatic party. When the matter of presidential succession arises, the situation is as follows:
to be coherent with the party doctrine and its program, it needs to have its own candidate.”
After his candidacy announcement, the press began to conjecture on the consequences of a
potential victory: the headline of O Cruzeiro for September 1955 was “If Plínio wins.” His
candidacy drew attention for the absence of the Sigma and the Anauê!, especially at a time of
political crisis following Getúlio Vargas’ suicide. The election included three other candidates:
Juscelino Kubitschek, for the PSD/PTB/PR/PTN/PST/PRT coalition, Juarez Távora, for the
UDN/PDC/PL/PSB alliance, and Adhemar de Barros, for the PSP.
During the campaign, the search for the conservative vote put the PRP and the UDN head to
head. Furthermore, the campaign was emotionally charged. After attempting to land on a clay
runway in Jacarezinho, in northern Paraná, the single-engine plane carrying candidate Adhemar
de Barros overturned and crashed on the runway with its tail up in the air. With a cut on his
forehead, but generally unharmed, he said: “Only the turkey dies on the eve.”
On his way to a rally, Plínio Salgado’s car overturned while traveling around the state of São
Paulo. The candidate left Piracicaba and, as scheduled, headed for Rio Claro—one of the main
integralist cities in Brazil—where a rally was scheduled for 8 PM. Running very late, at 9:30 PM, at
the entrance to the city, the car overturned and was left with its wheels in the air. Plínio fractured
his nose and his right jaw, with a deep cut on his tongue. “The integralist leader will not need
further medical care. However, Mr. Plínio Salgado will have to rest for three days,” reported the
Correio Paulistano. Nothing severe.
His candidacy garnered some mobilization. The closing rallies of the campaign drew a
significant number of people: 90,000 in Belo Horizonte and 80,000 in Curitiba. The campaign had a
populist element. It stated: “Plínio Salgado is the poor candidate.”
Like in all elections, there were many political articulations and movements. The conservatives
proposed a single candidacy that brought together the PSD, the UDN, and the PRP. Plínio Salgado
opposed this, arguing that it could weaken the Brazilian democratic process and recognized the
legitimacy of Kubitschek’s candidacy. In addition to consolidating the democratic credentials of
the PRP, he managed to secure an agreement with Juscelino Kubitschek, who asked Plínio to
maintain his candidacy because it would help him split the conservative votes with Juarez Távora.
Newspaper Tribuna da Imprensa, presided by Carlos Lacerda, was responsible for the uproar
in the UDN: “Plínio lies, libels, slanders, and drags General Juarez Távora into his lies, libels, and
slander. Mr. Plínio Salgado, the Brazilian fascist leader, has conduct deserving of psychiatric
attention.” During the campaign, there were several accusations of an agreement between Plínio
Salgado and JK. Despite the denials, the election results revealed that the conservative votes for
the PRP candidate sealed the defeat of the UDN, which received 30.27% of the voters. The winner
got 35.68% of the votes, and Adhemar de Barros got third place, with 25.77%.
FIGURE 2.9 Plínio Salgado and Juscelino Kubitschek
The party leadership considered the election outcome as positive, despite their candidate
getting last place and the frustration of some more optimistic activists. With the new government,
the PRP strengthened their ground with the PRP deputies entering the Majority Parliamentary
Block (Bloco Parlamentar da Maioria). In addition, JK’s agreement with Plínio involved
negotiating positions and an alleged financial compensation. After the victory, the government
entrusted the integralists with the National Institute of Immigration and Colonization (Inic,
Instituto Nacional de Imigração e Colonização) and the Social Security Institute for Public
Servants (Ipase, Instituto de Previdência dos Servidores Públicos).
The prominence the PRP gained thanks to Plínio’s candidacy revived some ghosts from the
past: its association with fascism. Despite this reasonably successful participation, some activists
were unsatisfied with the party’s lively engagement in the institutional policy arrangements. This
discontent with an alleged denial of the PRP’s integralist roots had been present since Plínio
Salgado’s return from exile, but it intensified in the 1950s. PRP senator for Rio Grande do Sul,
Guido Mondin, reflected on the party at the end of his life:
The PRP has an acronym that means nothing: the People Representation Party, everyone is a
representative of the people, right? This was not a good decision. It was a blunder by the
founders of integralism. Because: the PRP–People Representation Party. Well, all parties are
representation parties, they represent the people in Congress.
Jair Tavares, one of the people who took part in the May 1938 episode and a member of the
National Council of the PRP, supposedly left the party because the PRP denied some of its
integralist principles. Other activists proposed creating new entities that embraced the integralist
ideal to take the place of the PRP.
In 1956, during a National Convention, some people suggested changing the party’s name to
the “Brazilian Integralist Party.” Demonstrations like these became more frequent in 1957,
demanding some action from Plínio Salgado. Because the PRP was able to gain some confidence
after the results of the 1955 election, the decision was to readopt the integralist symbology.
Alliances and the integralist symbology in the parliament

“I can’t stand the toxic environment filled with petty personal and electoral interests dominating
the party anymore.” These statements show how dissatisfied integralist activists were with the
political and institutional arrangements proposed by the PRP. Despite their allegiance to Plínio
Salgado, the alliance policy was highly criticized, making partisan independence one of the PRP’s
main priorities for the next elections.
The disbandment was notorious. The absence of certain integralist principles weakened the
movement and could lead to disagreements and losses at the ballot. The headquarters at the city
of São Paulo was dissolved in 1957 with massive repercussions, demanding the intervention from
the National Directory (Diretório Nacional).
Another interesting fact happened after a law that allowed all federal deputies to import a
luxury car for personal use without paying taxes: the Cadillac Law. Loureiro Júnior, a deputy and
son-in-law of Plínio Salgado, bought a car and resold it to massive profit. The PRP was one of the
main parties opposing and denouncing the immoral aspect of the law, so Júnior’s action received
enormous criticism. Plínio Salgado did nothing against his son-in-law and even punished his
critics.
1957 marked the 30th anniversary of the AIB’s foundation, the Silver Jubilee of the Manifesto
de outubro. This was a special and remarkable moment to calm and strengthen the movement.
Typically, the national PRP congresses were centered around bureaucratic debates. Most of the
time, the goal was to discuss internal and daily aspects of the party, but this was not the case for
the 16th National Congress of the PRP.
Held on July 26-28, 1957, in Vitória—the same city where the First Congress of the AIB was
held in 1934—the 16th Congress brought integralists together in the Palace of the Legislative
Assembly of the state of Espírito Santo. It was the first step into a new phase for the movement.
With trembling hands and a serious tone, Plínio Salgado read aloud a proposal to the activists
present. The return of the 1930s symbology was widely praised: “The National Political Council is
asking for approval to replace our current party emblem with the Sigma, a symbol of a doctrine
that neither time nor circumstances have erased.”
FIGURE 2.10 The return of the Sigma
The National Congress mobilized other activists. The return of the Sigma as the official
emblem represented an attempt to change PRP’s profile. This was a preparation for a new political
phase. Plínio Salgado announced his candidacy for federal deputy amidst Anauês! and optimism.
With wide press coverage, the leaders of the PRP planned another major moment for
integralism. To celebrate the 25th anniversary of the 1932 Manifesto de outubro, several activities
were scheduled for September and the first week of October, including integralist exhibitions and
many public events.
Rio de Janeiro, October 7, 1957. Teatro João Caetano was fully packed when an elderly man
and a female teenager holding a black torch and wearing green uniforms crossed the aisle of
the theater lobby. The torch was a bastion representing the passage of power between
generations of the movement that came together to celebrate its anniversary. Everyone went
to see the integralist rhapsode flaunt his rhetoric. The theatre was filled with supporters,
passers-by, and enemies of Plínio Salgado, who, at age 62, raised his right arm from the top
of the stage and shouted, causing a widespread catharsis among the audience. More than a
thousand right arms were raised. The people shouted three Anauês! in unison. A greeting
that only their leader deserved! It was the celebration that would mark the return of
integralist postwar symbolism.
Tribuna da Imprensa and several other media outlets gave the event immense coverage. The
activists were filled with excitement. This allowed activists to take their green shirts out of the
drawer and take home various objects such as trays, badges, flags, combs, mugs, rulers, cups, tins,
and many other souvenirs with the Sigma and Plínio Salgado’s signature.
FIGURE 2.11 The Integralist Silver Jubilee
The integralists realized they needed to readopt a solid symbology to support themselves,
strengthen the movement and increase its representation. The integralists were confident and
tried to show they were more capable of organizing than at the time of the AIB.
The year 1957 was quite turbulent. Plínio Salgado bought an apartment in Flamengo, a
neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro, and often spent late nights writing while Carmela and the cook,
Maria, were sleeping. At the dawn of Sunday, June 2, he was startled by a noise in the kitchen
that made him leap from his chair. It was a shot being fired toward the apartment. The bullet
broke the window glass and lodged into the bookcase near Plínio Salgado’s office. O Dia and
several other newspapers reported on the episode: “Attack against Plínio Salgado. The integralist
leader was shot in his residence, on the 9th floor of a building on Rua Samuel Morse for political
reasons.”
The attack was reported but denied shortly after by Plínio Salgado himself: “The bullet hit my
office window at night when I was not in the room. All residents in the neighborhood are very
good people. Even so, the matter must be investigated. It is always good to clear up any doubt.”
After the investigation, the forensics team concluded that it was a stray bullet. It was a very
worrying and strategic period. Regardless of cause and origin, episodes like this contribute to
political gains, especially because Plínio was starting his campaign for federal deputy. In the
movement’s 25th year, the activists greatly appreciated these changes; however, they were short-
lived. The politics of alliances resumed in the following year.
There were efforts inside the party aiming at forming a caucus around Plínio Salgado. With
great optimism and led by Plínio himself as a candidate for Paraná, the PRP planned to have 30
federal deputies elected, but only four were. Despite all the mobilization, the party chairman
considered running for federal deputy a step below his historic leadership. He also tried (and
failed) to win support to run as senator for the Santa Catarina state. He spoke to the activists
about possibly running for president in 1960, which did not come to fruition.
To the dissatisfaction of many activists, there were several agreements, mainly with the PSD.
Their alliance with the PTB and Leonel Brizola in Rio Grande do Sul certainly got the most
repercussion inside and outside the party.
FIGURE 2.12 Plínio Salgado in a meeting with Leonel Brizola
An unusual deal. A hard pill to swallow for the activists. The mutual support was not enough
to convince integralist activists. This agreement was both praised and condemned by both sides,
and the integralist’s support to the state government took the headlines of the state press. In a
message to the integralists from Rio Grande do Sul, he tried to convince the activists to advocate
for the coalition between Brizola (running for governor) and integralist Guido Mondin (running
for senator): “Leonel Brizola: a new mindset with the potential to lead a government suited to the
needs of our time! Guido Mondin: a candidate that clearly represents the populist nature of the
PRP.”
The PTB also struggled to justify its relationship with the people who represented Brazilian
fascism. One question was constantly aimed at Brizola: “I do not consider the PRP a right-wing
party. Instead, I focus on its agenda and political action, which anyone may analyze and examine.
I consider other national right-leaning political forces to be more reactionary, such as the UDN
and Lacerda.” And the integralist leader clearly stated the need for mutual support:
For the good of Rio Grande, we hope in October are elected: Leonel Brizola, as state
governor; Guido Mondin, as a senator; and the caucus around Plínio Salgado for the State
Assembly and the Chamber of Deputies. That is my message to the faithful companions and
generous people of Rio Grande do Sul.
Political negotiations ended with the election of Guido Mondim for senator and Leonel Brizola
for state governor. Thus, there is some ambiguity in the relationship between the PRP leaders,
which became increasingly prominent as supporters of the Juscelino Kubitschek government, and
the activists’ discontent.
In the election of October 3, 1958, Plínio Salgado finally got a federal victory while also
complying with the democratic norms. His inauguration as federal deputy took place on February
2, followed by a series of political negotiations.
FIGURE 2.13 Reconstitution of the First Integralist March
The caucus around Plínio Salgado consisted of him and three other deputies: Abel Rafael Pinto,
an integralist from Minas Gerais who had been a member since the time of the AIB, Oswaldo
Zanello, a young coffee farmer from Espírito Santo, and a doctor from Rio Grande do Sul, Arno
Arnt. As the first alternate, he replaced the elected deputy Alberto Hoffmann, who was appointed
Secretary of Agriculture during the Brizola government. Just two days after taking office, Plínio
received a visit from Vice President João Goulart, who promised to give the PRP a prominent
position in the federal administration. The PRP played a vital role at the beginning of the JK
government, seeking support and maintaining stability for the new president.
Anxiety took over. The press and a large share of politicians were waiting for the integralist
leader in the National Congress. Plínio Salgado was pointed out as one of the deputies who,
alongside Jânio Quadros and Carlos Lacerda, were undoubtedly going to start heated debates. His
opening speech on the Chamber floor was surrounded by turmoil. Everyone was keen to hear the
integralist’s version of history, especially regarding his views on fascism, in addition to the coups,
alliances, betrayals, and his exile.
The integralist leader entered federal politics on April 15, 1959, speaking to a packed audience.
The press covered Plínio Salgado’s debut in the National Congress extensively:
O Estado de São Paulo: “History punishes Plínio Salgado”

Diário Carioca: “The integralist leader’s debut: turmoil”
O Globo: “Plínio Salgado debuts in the Chamber amidst turmoil”
Folha da Manhã: “Frequent interruptions during the PRP leader’s speech in the Chamber lead
to turmoil”
Plínio Salgado was known for his opulent oratory and lack of effectiveness. Riddled with
abstractions, historical theories, and nostalgia, the speech Presence of integralism in Brazilian
political life and the roots of the contemporary crisis was a preview of four subsequent terms. He
was elected twice as deputy under the PRP (1959–1963 and 1963–1967) and twice under the Arena
(1967–1971 and 1971–1974). Since the first months of his mandate, Portugal had a noticeable
influence in Plínio Salgado’s speeches and projects. He defended the country on the topic of the
colonial wars of the 1960s when he became of the foremost advocates for the Portuguese overseas
policy.
Portugal was part of his integralist project for Brazil. The PRP advocated for a political-
administrative reform, similar to Salazar’s Portuguese Estado Novo. Despite his eloquence, this
proposal was just a mere political wish. The share of PRP members in the National Congress was
minimal, and implementing projects to change the system was not a priority (nor a wish) of most
deputies and senators. They had a relatively active role within the party, including actions on
various fronts, such as education; Plínio Salgado himself had relevant activities in the Education
and Culture Commission.
In the 1960 elections, the Integralists continued to act in the institutional sphere. When the
capital moved to Brasília, Plínio Salgado took up residence at Planalto Central, in a building by
Companhia Urbanizadora da Nova Capital (Novacap). He explained: “I’ll be staying with
Carmela, living here not only because my mandate demands it but because of my sertanejo spirit
of adventure.”
A month before the elections, the PRP officially supported Marshal Henrique Teixeira Lott, the
PSD candidate. He lost to Jânio Quadros, who ran under the small National Labor Party (PTN,
Partido Trabalhista Nacional), which the integralists labeled as communist. This victory was
enough for the PRP to change positions. The press, which closely followed the integralist activities
and goals, highlighted: “It seems that Mr. Plínio Salgado will remain in government. The price
will be the same one demanded from Mr. Kubitschek: Ipase and Inic, which should remain in the
hands of the green-shirts.”
Despite having a part in the government, the PRP criticized Jânio Quadros’ independent
foreign policy. Deputy Oswaldo Zanello stated he did not accept establishing diplomatic relations
with Cuba: “The principle of non-intervention does not apply to the specific case of Cuba. The
PRP intensified the anti-communist campaign.” Jânio’s contradictory government made it difficult
for integralists to keep their positions and secure nominations. At the same time, activists were
questioning the government’s relations with Cuba and the former USSR. Despite their opposing
views, the PRP chose to support the government in exchange for benefits.
With Jânio Quadros’ resignation, the party supported Vice President João Goulart. The
integralists defended his integrity (mostly because he was not a communist). After forming the
first cabinet, headed by Tancredo Neves, the PRP once again negotiated their positions in some
institutions. To prevent larger parties from occupying all positions, Plínio formed the Small
Parties Parliamentary Caucus (Bloco Parlamentar dos Pequenos Partidos) comprising the PDC,
PRP, MTR, PST, PRT, and PTN. It included 41 federal deputies and three senators. With an
ambitious list of several requests, the PRP only managed to remain in the Inic. After a few
months, they secured the nomination of integralist Raimundo Barbosa Lima as chairman of Ipase.
After a long trip to Portugal where he met Salazar, Plínio Salgado found Brazil under an
intense institutional crisis with a potential referendum on the horizon. During the Jango
government, Plínio Salgado undoubtedly adopted a more active political stance regarding the
parliamentary system issue in order to benefit from the new regime, which aimed at
strengthening the legislature.
In June 1962, when a crisis overcame Tancredo Neves’ cabinet, the PRP attacked the
government with harsh criticism: “There is talk of a revolution–evidently against the
parliamentary system and the existing institutions. We also have the right to call for another
revolution to restore order to our country.” Plínio had already established his stance concerning a
Brazilian “revolution” two years before the civil-military coup of 1964, when the integralists’
euphoria was particularly evident.
During 1962, the integralists severed relations with the Jango government and started
preparing for the October state elections. They were part of the conservative caucus and received
funding from anti-communist institutions, such as the Brazilian Institute for Democratic Action
(Ibad, Instituto Brasileiro de Ação Democrática) and the Institute for Economic and Social
Research (Ipes, Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas e Sociais). At this time, the integralists were
negotiating with the United States Information Agency (Usia), with Edições GRD (owned by
Gumercindo Rocha Dorea) acting as their facilitator. Dorea was also the editor of newspaper A
Marcha, director of Livraria Clássica Brasileira, and president of the CCCJ. This collaboration
between the US agency and IPES sought to oppose the Brazilian left and destabilize the João
Goulart government.
After the referendum of January 6, 1963, João Goulart, who had full powers thanks to the
victory of presidentialism, started debating groundwork reforms. The proposals included
structural changes in the educational, fiscal, political, and agrarian fields. The agrarian issue was
undoubtedly a top priority for the PRP, which consequently opposed the reform in the format the
government submitted for voting.
My alliance submitted a bill for the creation of the National Fund for Agrarian Reform. We
intended to take money from where it is and put it where there isn’t any. Where is the
money? Industries, banks, horse races, public work contractors. Who doesn’t agree? The
government.
Jango’s presidential year was marked by political and, above all, institutional crises. That
culminated in the fall of the president, who was wrongly accused of being a kind of Brazilian
communist. He surrendered power to the military, who were applauded by the integralists. The
PRP played a relevant role in the process that led to the civil-military coup of 1964. In the months
preceding the coup, the party’s public demonstrations and speeches paved the way to concrete
collaborations with other groups supporting the coup around one common element: anti-
communism.
It was the end of Brazilian democracy, and the integralists were partly responsible for it. This
marked the start of the dictatorship, which coincided with the end of the People Representation
Party; however, many individuals—including Plínio Salgado himself—expected 1964 onward to be
the ideal moment for Brazilian integralism to finally create a genuinely nationalist political-
cultural framework.
Dictatorship, the death of Plínio Salgado, and the end of integralism

The great family parades alongside God and in defense of freedom, which have showered the
streets of Brazilian cities with the clamor of a crowd faithful to their Christian traditions and
willing to fight to prevent their enslavement, are a testament to the power women have when
they see the foundations of the home, religion, human rights, and national sovereignty under
threat. What more do Brazilians expect? The destruction of the Family? The dominance of
atheism, a belief in the state, and the persecution of all religions, especially when the faithless
thrown them on countries dominated by communism, or by the so-called mind cleansing which is
systematically adopted today alongside other inhumane processes, in Red China and now in
Cuba?
In this speech, Plínio Salgado called the women of São Paulo to take part in the Family March
with God for Freedom. The event was organized by parts of the clergy and women’s entities as a
reaction to the rally in Rio de Janeiro on March 13, 1964, in which President Jango announced the
Groundwork Reforms.
The PRP had a relevant role in consolidating the coup. Abel Rafael Pinto, Aníbal Teixeira, Ivan
Luz, Oswaldo Zanello, Sebastião Navarro, and, of course, Plínio Salgado, planned the immediate
fall of President João Goulart with the help of other conservative groups. The candid anti-
communists took to the streets in celebration of Jango’s deposition. The headline of Diário de
Notícias: “Brazil on the streets: living only with God and freedom.”
Days after the end of democracy, Plínio Salgado insisted on making a formal statement
regarding the support of the PRP for General Castello Branco. It was clearly intended to garner
some political benefit, especially after they supported the coup. The Chamber frequently served as
the stage for praise and exaltation of General Olímpio Mourão Filho (one of the coup’s idealists, a
former member of the AIB, and one of the creators of the Cohen Plan) and other national political
representatives, such as the president of the Chamber of Deputies Ranieri Mazzilli, who was
decisive to the fall of democracy.
The PRP hoped that 1964 would be the moment for integralists to take hold of power. With a
nationalist discourse in defense of national sovereignty and a strong Brazil, some aspects of the
military doctrine converged with long-standing stances of integralism. Plínio Salgado repeatedly
spoke in favor of the regime, despite also criticizing it on occasion. In January 1965, he refused to
support a military-based revolutionary act. The reason was very simple; the 1964 movement was
not integralist:
I cannot call the March 31 episode a revolution. It was just a patriotic movement intended to
stop the dissolving demagoguery of President João Goulart. A revolution has an ideology, it
carries a doctrine. Once victorious, the March movement (itself) was taken by surprise in the
face of national problems that should have been its responsibility from that moment
onwards.
The difficulty became even more apparent after October 27, 1965, when the military
government approved Institutional Act n. 2 (AI-2), extinguishing all political parties, including the
PRP. That caused instability and irritated the integralists. This dissatisfaction with the
dictatorship remained even after the AI-2. However, Plínio had no choice: he was either on the
side of the government, the National Renewal Alliance (Arena, Aliança Renovadora Nacional), or
on the side of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB, Movimento Democrático Brasileiro), a
viable opposition.
There was no doubt that the integralists would side with the Arena. The task was not easy.
Many PRP members and state leaders did not accept the move, mainly because they would be a
minority in the new party. This dissatisfaction with bipartisanship was public. The Arena
representatives’ lack of credibility was strongly criticized.
Plínio and other members of the PRP, such as senator Guido Mondin, constantly complained
about siding with the government but never receiving anything in return, stating that loyalty
could not be turned into subservience: “None of the party members appreciated that. We develop
a love for our party, which is our flock, our community. So we are not pleased, it gives us a bad
impression. But we complied, we complied.” The integralists’ participation in the Arena was
discreet. They assigned only two members, Plínio Salgado and Oswaldo Zanello, which kept an
unofficial unit of the PRP in the Arena. The integralist activists received their leader’s directives
by mail. There was still some mobilization.
The integralist had little impact in the 1966 elections, the first they ran under Arena. There
were also plans for an integralist caucus, which were unfruitful because only four federal deputies
ran for election—the state of São Paulo elected Plínio Salgado. With the radicalization of
Institutional Act n. 5 (AI-5), the integralists tried to expand their power inside the government.
After the removal of General Costa e Silva, they got hold of the Military Junta (Junta Militar). It
consisted of three military ministers, two of which were integralists—Brigadier Márcio de Melo e
Souza and Admiral Augusto Rademaker.
The integralists had a glimmer of hope, especially when General Albuquerque Lima’s name
was suggested as a potential presidential candidate. The official candidate ended up being General
Emílio Garrastazu Médici; despite the defeat, the integralists kept the hope of actually reaching
the government, which never happened.
Unable to take action, Plínio Salgado continued being a major integralist name in the military
regime. Still, he put congressional activities aside to use his time as a rapporteur in the Education
and Culture Committee. That allowed him to move freely around the Ministry of Education and,
consequently, add nationalist, conservative, and ufanist content in school books.
Education and morality projects were top priorities for the integralists. During this period,
Salgado published Compêndio de instrução moral e cívica. This ongoing idea resulted in the
Decree-Law n. 869 on December 12, 1969, which established the mandatory subject of Moral and
Civic Education in all school grades and education systems nationwide. Backed by the success of
this work, he released a two-volume textbook titled História do Brasil.
The integralist activities in the government were increasingly fewer and far between. Plínio
Salgado stood out in projects based on morality and the conservative spirit, such as Project n.
135/70 of the Education and Culture Commission, which proposed prior censorship to prevent
eroticism and pornography in Brazil.
The Chamber of Deputies sanctioned Decree-Law n. 1077 on January 26, 1970. It establishes
prior censorship to protect the country from harmful, immoral, and pornographic material,
avoiding a true wave of social disintegration caused by the morbid imagination of the so-called
international eroticism agents.
Plínio Salgado considered eroticism an invention of international communism and used this to
justify this censorship on moral grounds: “It is necessary to know the techniques and tactics of
international communism to understand the reach of its most recent initiative against the
Western world: the demoralization of customs.” By imposing mandatory restrictions on the
media, this project was his contribution to the dictatorship. Over the years, the military
dictatorship became more consolidated and blocked the initial intents of the PRP. Plínio’s choices
rested between influencing education or remaining dormant.
“The return of the ghost.”; with this expression, the press published on May 1970 Plínio
Salgado’s decision to run again for a seat in the National Congress under Arena. At age 75, the
integralist leader received only 31,646 votes and almost lost the election. At the time, the
integralists were trying to rekindle the movement despite Plínio Salgado’s signs of weakness. In
the early 1970s, there were three main organizations actively seeking to reposition and maintain
the integralist doctrine: the Crusade for National Renewal (Cruzada de Renovação Nacional), the
Youth Cultural Centers Confederation (CCCJ), and the newly-reformed Brazilian Agricultural
Workers Union (UOCB).
The Crusade brought together and managed various integralist organizations. It was officially
founded in 1972 to commemorate the 40 years of integralism. Despite losing a large chunk of its
strength, the CCCJ had not disappeared during the dictatorship period. The UOCB was primarily
maintained with personal funds from Plínio Salgado and little attention from Jader Medeiros.
Plínio Salgado and the integralists were always fixated on grandiosity. In 1973, they claimed to
have 700,000 combat-ready integralists—a figure they never reached even in the 1930s, the
movement’s most successful period. For them, an order from the leader was enough to start
mobilizing. At various times, Plínio tried to demonstrate his strength in the present based on past
relationships.
For many activists, the representatives were not the only integralist aspects of the 1964 regime:
it also embraced integralist concepts. In his speeches, Salgado tried to highlight his friendships
with influential people, such as Generals Médici and Geisel, as well as point out that many
governmental acts, such as the Brazilian Literacy Movement (Mobral, Movimento Brasileiro de
Alfabetização), the National Housing Bank (BNH, Banco Nacional de Habitação), and the
integration of the Amazon, were inspired by integralism. The integralists had some say on the
federal government during the period, mostly by leading autarchies, including the
Superintendence for the Development of the South Region (Sudesul, Superintendência de
Desenvolvimento da Região Sul).
Despite having no direct relations with the PRP, some integralists even occupied high-ranking
government positions, such as the Médici’s Vice-President and head of the Military Junta (Junta
Militar), Admiral Augusto Rademaker Grünewald; the Minister of Aeronautics, Brigadier Márcio
de Souza e Melo; the Minister of Justice under Médici, Alfredo Buzaid, and the Minister of
Planning, João Paulo dos Reis Veloso. It also held some influence over a few former activists who
were part of the Arena but whose powers were limited due to the dissolution of the PRP.
Moreover, despite his candidness, Plínio Salgado’s public speeches no longer had the same impact.
In various instances, he was no longer taken seriously.
In 1974, Plínio Salgado announced his new candidacy in a heated speech before the congress.
There were some plans for his re-election, but they were short-lived. In the same year, he retired
from public life. With a speech purporting a life full of victories, he gave farewell to the Brazilian
political scene.
With his health depleting, he started writing articles for newspapers and assisting with the
activities of the CCCJ. This small group became the most prominent remaining integralist
organization in the 1970s. At the end of his life, he stated that integralism would be a long-lasting
movement, a doctrine for men of the 21st century. His retirement caused a few changes in
integralism. Mobilization drew weaker. Few were still loyal to their leader, who was experiencing
personal problems.
FIGURE 2.14 Plínio Salgado alongside activists near the end of his life
He had to deal with the weight of time and the death of friends who lived by his side in recent
decades. His main shock was in 1971 with the death of Loureiro Júnior, his son-in-law whom he
considered a son. Furthermore, reports tell that Plínio Salgado suffered from alcoholism in his last
years, which further added to his physical weakness.
He lived in Brasília for 13 years on a farm with his wife, dogs, cats, chickens, roosters, ducks,
and parrots. He spent his retirement taking care of his plants and animals. It was a refuge, and he
had little contact with other people. He seldom received visitors. While coexisting with nature, he
was bitten by an insect that weakened him even further and resulted in a serious injury, followed
by a severe gastric problem. With no precise diagnosis, Plínio and Carmela decided to move to
São Paulo, to their apartment in the Paraíso neighborhood, on Rua Teixeira da Silva.
His health depleted after a few months, and the integralist leader was admitted to Hospital São
Camilo. After a month-long treatment, he improved slightly and moved in with his daughter,
Maria Amélia. Days later, in December 1975, he was hospitalized again at the Hospital de
Moléstias Digestivas. He died from a cardiac arrest on December 8 and was buried in the
Morumbi Cemetery, joining the Militia from Beyond.
Exalted and idolized by some, forgotten by others, the death of Plínio Salgado hindered the
movement. The integralists lacked the unity they once had. They no longer had their leader to
guide them. It might have been the end of an era for integralism.
3
The Death of Plínio Salgado and the Origins
of Neointegralism
DOI: 10.4324/9781003224570-3
Farewell to the leader

The dominant feeling during Plínio Salgado’s funeral was one of consternation. Several media
outlets, such as Globo and Folha de São Paulo, reported the last Anauê! from the activists to the
former leader of the green-shirts. The wake was held at the Legislative Assembly of the state of
São Paulo and gathered approximately two thousand people. Amid family members, civilians,
political leaders, and activists, everyone wanted to pay their respects to Plínio Salgado.
Some historic integralists were present, such as Miguel Reale, jurist and one of the AIB’s
leaders; Raimundo Padilha, former governor of Rio de Janeiro and a central figure for post-war
integralism; Alfredo Buzaid, Minister of Justice of the Medici government; Guido Mondin,
Minister of the Federal Court of Accounts at the time; and Alberto Hoffmann, a federal deputy for
Arena in Rio Grande do Sul. Other political and intellectual leaders also attended, such as Menotti
del Picchia, Salgado’s collegue during the Modernist movement; Aureliano Leite, president of the
Historical and Geographical Institute of São Paulo; Jarbas Medeiros, state deputy for Arena in
Minas Gerais; Franco Montoro, senator for the MDB; Olavo Setúbal, mayor of São Paulo, and
Ulisses Guimarães, leader of the MDB, who stated that Brazil lost “a notable writer and a
prominent congressman.”
In Brasília, Salgado’s political and intellectual trajectory was remembered by congressmen
from both parties. Petrônio Portela, the Arena leader in the Senate, said: “A person who played an
utterly important role amidst a dramatic moment for Brazilian political institutions has just
passed away.” The leader of the MDB in the Federal Chamber, deputy Laerte Vieira, commented
on Salgado’s actions as a congressman, and Alberto Bitencourt Cotrim Neto, former secretary of
justice during the Negrão de Lima government, even cried while reminiscing about Salgado, who
was one of his greatest friends. Brasil Vita, city councilor for Arena in São Paulo, suspended his
ordinary session in honor of Plínio Salgado.
At Salgado’s burial, Holanda da Cunha, a prominent AIB activist, raised his right arm and
shouted: Anauê! Anauê! Anauê! Approximately three dozen integralist activists attending the
funeral joined in unison. There was no more doubt: the integralists had lost a writer, a
congressman, and their main leader. Plínio Salgado would now overlook them as part of the
Militia from Beyond.
His death had devastating effects on the integralist movement. What followed would be called
neointegralism, a new chapter in the movement’s history. Neointegralists started wondering: who
would be their new leader? What path should the movement take? Should integralism be a study
group, a civic and religious movement, or a political organization?
Neointegralism is characterized mainly by absence and dispute, i.e., the absence of Plínio
Salgado, the main leader and the incarnation of the integralist doctrine, and the dispute over
Salgado’s empty seat. Both of these characteristics motivated the creation of several groups
between 1975 and 2001. Each of these groups had a particular understanding of the integralist past
and a specific vision for the movement’s future after Salgado’s passing.
FIGURE 3.1 Main integralist groups (from 1975 to 2001)
Source: The authors.
Salgado’s death immediately caused a kind of collective mourning among integralists. Grief
took over and enshrouded the movement’s green-tinted hope. After all, Plínio Salgado was not the
leader of any organization: he was the National Leader of integralists.
After the end of the Brazilian Integralist Action, the People Representation Party, and many
other integralist organizations, Plínio Salgado was the one who dictated the movement’s direction
and guided its activists. Between 1932 and 1975, he was undoubtedly the main integralist leader.
On several occasions, integralism was more than a political movement; it was a doctrine that
inspired several organizations. Integralism was an idea that was now up for grabs among the
remaining activists and their newly-founded groups.
At first, Carmela Patti Salgado, Plínio Salgado’s widow, was a link between the movement’s
past and present. After all, who better than the leader’s widow to point new directions to the
movement? After a mournful and inoperative period that lasted about a year, the activists started
reorganizing themselves.
The Plínio Salgado Brazilian Studies Association
There were 200 people in São Paulo on Avenida Brigadeiro Luiz Antônio, at 7 OM on December 7,
1976. The mass at the Church of the Immaculate Conception was packed full of memories and
longing of Plínio Salgado on the one-year anniversary of his death. Afterward, about 80 people
gathered in the parish hall. In addition to Carmela Patti Salgado and Maria Amélia Salgado, there
were also some political figures present, such as Guido Mondin and federal deputy Antônio
Henrique Cunha Bueno (Arena), known for staunch conservative views. This moment marked the
foundation of the Plínio Salgado Brazilian Studies Association (ABEPS, Associação Brasileira de
Estudos Plínio Salgado).
Carmela Salgado was responsible for the ABEPS, an association designed to honor and exalt
the former integralist leader. In a letter sent to João Ameal, a Portuguese politician and friend of
Plínio during his self-exile, Carmela stated: “Seven months after Plínio Salgado’s death, we have
finally created an association that can, initially, help spread my husband’s work through research,
courses, conferences, books, and other means. It will be called the ‘Plínio Salgado Studies
Association’ and will be the seed for the future ‘Plinio Salgado Foundation.’ That will help us
perpetuate the historical role that integralism has been playing in Brazil for nearly 50 years. And
now, without its creator and leader, we must show, more than ever, that we have internal
cohesion and are capable of carrying forward his ideas, which are never outdated and are always
present.”
During a meeting led by Carmela Salgado and organized by young members of Grêmio
Jackson de Figueiredo—a student organization from São Paulo that was part of the Cultural Youth
Centers Confederation—the people present sang the integralist anthem Onward accompanied by a
piano. Menotti del Picchia, Plínio Salgado’s former colleague from the Modernist movement, was
also invited to the event. However, he was not able to attend due to his frail health condition.
Genésio Pereira Filho, Plínio Salgado’s nephew, read a support message the writer sent.
At the end of the event, Damiano Gullo, a former integralist, was sworn in as president, and
Genésio Pereira became treasurer of the Association. All attendants were considered founding
members. In concrete terms, the ABEPS brought together the integralists who were still
recovering after losing their leader. In fact, the group meetings were rare and mainly served to
bring the remaining activists together rather than to propose actual political initiatives.
Perhaps that was the group most significant purpose and contribution: keeping the memory of
Plínio Salgado alive and providing alternatives for the near future. That was the case of a group
coordinated by Jader Medeiros, who later became the leader of the National Renewal Crusade
(Cruzada de Renovação Nacional), one of the first neointegralist organizations.
The National Renewal Crusade

During the 1970s, the integralists scattered into small groups. Jader Medeiros, a lawyer from Rio
de Janeiro, was an active member of the Brazilian Agricultural Workers Union (UOCB, União
Operária e Camponesa do Brasil), where Plínio Salgado was the honorary chairman. The
organization had a union- and class-oriented approach coupled with a very specific objective: to
hinder leftist groups’ advancement on key issues in rural and urban areas. If the left proposed an
agrarian reform model, the UOCB would oppose it. The Union was formed in the 1950s and
became an enduring integralist organization that lasted long after the dissolution of the PRP.
In the 1960s, the UOCB launched its integralist newspaper Renovação Nacional, headed by
Jader Medeiros, who had joined the PRP in the 1950s. Regarding function, Renovação filled the
role A Marcha played for the People Representation Party: a media outlet that spread integralist
politics. It included texts by various integralists who used it to voice their opinion on the
movement’s history, everyday themes, and the political climate of the time. It acted as the stage
for integralists to share their thoughts and political actions during the dictatorship.
After the death of Plínio Salgado, Jader Medeiros became a crucial player in the fight for
leadership among the integralist. Therefore, Renovação Nacional became an important political
tool. Jader Medeiros described it as the “newspaper of all integralists” and boasted about some
fortunate coincidences: Jader was born on January 22, which meant that he and Plínio Salgado
shared the same birthday.
On October 7, 1972, the day of the 40th anniversary of the AIB, Jader Medeiros planned to
create a more active integralist organization named the National Renewal Crusade. It would
symbolize the return of integralism to the format of an organized group; however, Plínio Salgado
discouraged him. At the time, the leader of the green-shirts avoided welcoming new integralist
groups because that could be interpreted as insubordination to the military regime. Everything
changed after Salgado died.
In the first edition of Renovação Nacional published after the leader’s death, the attempt to
form the Crusade was confirmed and presented as an initiative by Plínio Salgado. The Crusade
was described as a major civic-cultural movement; its first chairman was Alfredo Chrispim,
former secretary of Plínio. Although Jader Medeiros was not the de facto chairman of the
organization, it was clear that he was interested in using the news reports to dictate the direction
of integralism. Some reports even state that Medeiros, a spiritist, hired a medium to channel
Plínio Salgado to strengthen his relationship with the integralist leader.
In the following months, the newspaper reported on the forming of the Crusade, which would
later have nationwide reach. However, some signs of rupture started to emerge. Alfredo Crispim
left the group and was replaced by retired military officer Jayme Ferreira da Silva, an AIB
integralist who founded another group in the 1940s: the Good Press Youth Crusade (Cruzada
Juvenil da Boa Imprensa). That lasted for about a year. In a matter of months, newspaper
Renovação Nacional reported that Alfredo Crispim was once again chairman of the Crusade.
“Dead, but even more active.” The Crusade members used the Renovação Nacional news
reports to showcase the legacy and presence of Plínio Salgado. Furthermore, it was a show of
strength: although it was less active, its members wanted to demonstrate the movement’s force
despite the signs of weakened articulation.
In 1978, the Crusade defined its own symbology. It was a tribute to the two most critical
integralist organizations up to that moment: a bell inside a black circle representing the People
Representation Party, with the Southern Cross constellation inscribed on its side, symbolizing the
Plinianos, the youngest members of integralism. This relationship between past and present was
the guiding thread that would lead to the future of integralism, a hypothetical future in which
Jader Medeiros would play the central role as the leader of neointegralism.
FIGURE 3.2 Symbol of the National Renewal Crusade
However, these plans were never fully realized. Alas, far from it. The Crusade never managed
to hold the title of leading neointegralist institution for various reasons, ranging from the format
of the organization to its interpretations of the integralist past. That was an apt representation of
neointegralism itself: a space riddled with conflicts over power and representation. Thus, there
was still space for new groups to emerge.
Between the AIB, the ABC, and the democratic transition: which path to
follow?
With the Crusade showing clear signs of failure, other initiatives became more prominent in the
neointegralist scenario. In 1979, the first attempt to refound the Brazilian Integralist Action took
place. After the AIB was extinct at the beginning of the Estado Novo, the acronym became legally
available. In practical terms, it was possible to register an organization with the same name as the
AIB of 1932 without any legal obstacle. Three activists were responsible for this attempt to
refound the AIB: Holanda da Cunha, Walter Povoleri, and Gumercindo Rocha Dórea.
Holanda da Cunha, who was present at Plínio Salgado’s burial, was willing to maintain the
actions led by integralist organizations so far. Walter Povoleri was a former white-eagle who was
a member of the National Cultural Youth Centers Confederation since the 1950s. In turn,
Gumercindo Rocha Dórea was a long-standing and important integralist activist dedicated to the
cause and with close ties to Plínio Salgado. The initiative was not effectively successful but can be
used to analyze two significant characteristics of integralism from 1975 onward.
The first characteristic is that neointegralism has a generational component. Several
generations of integralist activists have or had varying relationships with the integralist past,
from 1932 to 1975. These activists forged their political identities alongside organizations such as
the AIB, PRP, Cultural Youth Centers, and so on. Each in their own way, these activists and
organizations established an intense relationship with the integralist ideal.
The second characteristic is that, in terms of articulation, there is not merely a reference to the
past in general, i.e., there are, in fact, several integralist organizations that define the perspectives
that current activists take when looking at the integralist past, in order to legitimize its current
actions. Still, the AIB will always be the primary reference. After all, from a fascist perspective, it
was during the AIB that integralism was created. It was also when integralism had the highest
number of activists, was closer to grasping power, and achieved the most success in the political
field. 1930s integralism also followed the organizational model that motivated activists to have a
more intense relationship with politics.
When neointegralists pay homage to the integralist past, the AIB is usually at the forefront. It
is no surprise that one of the first attempts at articulation tried to recreate the main integralist
organization. As much as Plínio Salgado claimed that the movement was more than an
organization, the remaining activists usually wanted to revive the very specific molds of the AIB,
including the green-shirts and Sigma.
Other endeavors sought to revives different episodes in the movement’s history. In 1980,
shortly after the failed attempt to refound the AIB, a group of activists proposed the re-creation of
the Brazilian Culture Association (ABC, Associação Brasileira de Cultura), the first integralist
organization founded after the end of the AIB, in 1937. Carmela Salgado organized the second
ABC in 1980 after meeting with activists from various states in the country.
Weeks after this meeting, Carmela Salgado welcomed some activists at her home in the
Paraíso neighborhood in São Paulo. These activists were important members of neointegralism
because together they represented a bridge to the integralist past. The leading positions in the
second ABC were attributed to these members. Ruy Arruda, Plínio Salgado’s secretary during the
1930s, was chairman of the Provisional Board. Gumercindo da Rocha Dórea, who months earlier
was part of the failed attempt to refound the AIB, was general secretary of the new ABC.
The new group was headquartered at Avenida Brigadeiro Luiz Antônio, in São Paulo. The idea
was for the ABC to be dedicated to elaborate political propositions seeking to solve national
problems. It was an entity that would pave the way to a more effective, active, and lasting
integralist organization. Like the Society for Political Studies (SEP, Sociedade de Estudos Políticos)
preceded the AIB in the 1930s, the goal of the ABC was to precede another integralist
organization in the 1980s. However, the initiative failed once again.
One of the reasons was the lack of articulation inside neointegralist groups. Taking aside the
Crusade and the attempts at recreating the Brazilian Integralist Action and the Brazilian Culture
Association, other groups claimed the integralist past simultaneously. For example, in Maranhão,
there was a small group called the People Movement in Support of the Plínio Salgado Foundation.
In its manifesto, the movement opposed communism and advocated for the belief in God, love for
the country, and the defense of the family, echoing the motto and format of the AIB.
In Rio Grande do Sul, the Minuano Civic-Cultural Association held meetings and debates at
the former headquarters of the People Representation Party in Porto Alegre. Despite being
founded in 1957, the association had no apparent impact on the neointegralist environment. For
all intents and purposes, it was a meeting place for integralist activists from Rio Grande do Sul
(from the AIB and the PRP). It also helped preserve the memory of these activists because of its
prominent document archive.
Adding to this fragmentation were the debates regarding how the integralists should organize
themselves. Among many proposals and small groups that arose, some were quite different and,
at times, genuinely antagonistic. That resulted in some peculiar situations, including plans that
were not so coherent given the integralist background. One of these was presented in 1980 by Rui
Lacerda, a former PRP activist in Paraná: “We are going to President Figueiredo’s party as a group
with a defined ideology to defend Plínio Salgado’s doctrine.” The plan was for the integralists to
support the presidential campaign of governor Ney Braga for the Social Democratic Party (PDS,
Partido Democrático Social), which succeeded Arena. Carmela Salgado once again held a meeting
on this issue, but the idea was never realized.
These occasions showcased how fragmented neointegralists were. There was no unity, no clear
leadership to define where integralist should focus their activism. Several groups agreed that
integralism was the way, but they never found an agreement on how to go about it. Therefore,
the five years following Plínio Salgado’s death were marked by the lack of articulation. That
should not be credited exclusively to neointegralism itself; the national political context should
also be considered.
Multipartisanship, one of the essential characteristics of democracy, was prohibited by
Institutional Act number 2 (AI-2) since 1965 when all political parties were extinguished. In 1979,
persecution was not as widespread, and the main sentiment was one of political opening. The
return of the multi-party model coupled with the weakened dictatorship resulted in new
endeavors, including amnesty for political prisoners, the end of censorship, and decreased political
repression. It is not unreasonable to say that democracy was the main goal Brazilian civil society
aimed to achieve.
There was an appeal for democracy, which was not aligned with integralists’ articulation.
After all, when these groups and individuals expressed their sympathy for the integralist cause,
they simultaneously supported an openly undemocratic political proposal. In addition, the
integralists repeatedly supported anti-democratic ruptures in recent Brazilian history, including
the Estado Novo and the 1964 coup d’etats.
Five years after Plínio Salgado’s death, the integralists had to deal not only with the
movement’s own problems, e.g., the reduced number of activities and internal disputes, but also
think about how integralism would present itself before Brazilian society while being a part of the
democratic transition. That resulted in debates, disputes, and new possibilities.
Casa Plínio Salgado and the lasting presence of integralism

During the democratic transition, integralism was correctly recognized as one of the main
expressions of Brazilian extreme right. Being an integralist was not a political act like any other. It
represented the persistence of an anti-democratic stance in a period when democracy was highly
valued. This context was challenging for neointegralist organizations, but activists believed they
each had an important role in the movement. After all, they remained faithful to the ideal of
Plínio Salgado, Sigma, and the historic green-shirts.
At the time, more importance was given to figures who acted as guardians of the integralist
past. These people made an effort to keep the integralist movement united and facilitated
dialogues between new and old activists. They were interested in increasing neointegralist
activism and fostering organic relationships, i.e., having constant interactions with new and old
green-shirts.
One of the neointegralist entities that stood out was Editora Voz do Oeste, an important
publishing house that helped spread integralist thought and defend Plínio Salgado’s legacy.
Salgado founded the company (whose name references his novel A voz do Oeste, from 1934) in the
1970s. After his death, his family managed the publishing house and, later, passed it on to
activists. Carmela Salgado was the main editor and helped keep the leader’s work alive and
demonstrate the relevance of integralist thought.
In 1981, Maria Amélia Salgado organized the compilation O integralismo: síntese do
pensamento político-doutrinário de Plínio Salgado, making her father’s political reflections even
more enduring. The book was more than a simple tribute to the integralist movement; it was an
affirmation of the undisputed leadership of Plínio Salgado. The message was clear: true
integralism would have to be built on the thought of their former leader. The publishing house
had some success. In 1981, in partnership with the São Paulo Department of Culture during the
mandate of deputy Cunha Bueno (who was close to neointegralist circles) and governor Paulo
Maluf, the publishing house re-edited Nosso Brasil, by Plínio Salgado, initially published in 1937.
The book was distributed to schools in São Paulo with a foreword by journalist Arruda
Camargo: “If there was a man in this country who prepared carefully for his mission in Brazilian
life as a thinker, poet, writer, orator, and politician, that man was Plínio Salgado.” Still, Editora
Voz do Oeste was not the leading neointegralist organization of the early 1980s. One of the main
groups of the later years of the military dictatorship primarily seeking to preserve the memory of
integralism was headquartered in São Paulo, on Avenida Casper Líbero 36: Casa Plínio Salgado.
The Casa was conceived by integralists like Rui de Arruda Camargo, who had been an activist
since the 1930s, and Carmela Salgado. It was a vital space, especially given the lack of articulation
among neointegralists of the time. It managed to bring together several members who were
somewhat dispersed up to that point. Described as a non-profit association, Casa Plínio Salgado
was created in 1981 during a meeting held on October 10, 1981, in São Paulo, before some of the
guardians of the integralist past. Some activists were summoned in advance via letters sent by
Carmela Salgado. Many were unable to attend due to distance, availability, or health reasons.
Integralists from different generations were present at the meeting, such as Plínio’s widow and
brothers Pedro Baptista Carvalho and José Baptista Carvalho. The Carvalho brothers had been a
part of integralism for decades. Through a personal history grounded on organizations such as the
Cultural Youth Centers and the People Representation Party, they were incredibly committed to
the integralist ideology and also devout admirers of Plínio Salgado. That is why the Carvalho
brothers became the leaders of the Casa, even succeeding each other as chairman and, moreover,
acting as guardians of the integralist legacy.
The property location, in downtown São Paulo, was strategic. Besides being a space for the
long-standing integralists to meet up, the headquarters had a library and a historical archive of
integralism. It was both a socialization and reflection space.
FIGURE 3.3 Gathering at Casa Plínio Salgado in 2003 (One of the people uses a jacket with the inscription Carecas, name of
the main Brazilian skinhead group.)
Source: Movimento Integralista e Linearista Brasileiro (MIL-B), represented by the Sociedade de Estudos do Nacionalismo
Espiritualista (SENE).
The Casa is not an organized political group. It is open and active as a place of memory and
celebration to this day, but it was especially crucial in the early 1980s. A lively generation of new
activists came into contact with integralism thanks to the work of integralists from older
generations. In addition, the Casa also welcomed activists from other extreme right Brazilian
organizations, thus becoming a place for constant interaction and dialogue between right-wing
nationalist activists in Brazil.
For decades, the primary tool for integralism to spread its ideas and indoctrinate members was
the press. In the early 1980s, there was no predominant press outlet in the integralist movement,
and not even in the extreme right. Thus, a physical space like the Casa enabled activists to have
direct and daily contact with one another, overcoming the movements’ dispersed nature and
uniting activists around shared ideals and perspectives. However, that does not mean that
neointegralists became more standardized. Far from it. In fact, at times, they had and have
distinct political interests, but Casa Plínio Salgado was of utmost importance in their attempts to
form integralist political parties.
Neointegralism and political parties: from PAN to PAI

In 1985, the democratic transition was on the verge of reaching its climax. After the long days
from the previous 21 years, Brazil was once again reclaiming democracy. For the integralists, the
environment of re-democratization was contradictory. On the one hand, the fact that a significant
part of Brazilian society valued democracy immediately meant it would be difficult to spread the
Sigma doctrine. On the other hand, it held the potential for action amidst a new political
configuration. Brazilian extreme right was non-existent, and the integralists would attempt to
change this.
After all, because the dictatorship prevented integralists from developing a well-organized
institution within a democratic context, some possibilities were now open, including becoming a
political party. Thus was born a nationalist party inspired by integralism: the Nationalist Action
Party (PAN, Partido de Ação Nacionalista), led by Rômulo Augusto Romero Fontes, a lawyer and
former leftist, and Antônio Carlos Meirelles, a journalist and bishop of the Mormon Church, both
of whom had been recently active in right-wing organizations.
Although not a strictly integralist group, the PAN tried to appeal to these activists. One of
their attempts involved criticizing Casa Plínio Salgado. In an interview with Folha de São Paulo,
Antônio Carlos Meirelles harshly criticized Casa Plínio Salgado’s position on how the integralists
were lobbying in the constituent assembly, Meirelles argued that the Casa leaders’ idleness was
harmful to integralism and the works of Plínio Salgado. In this way, the general secretary of the
PAN attempted to get the integralists’ attention to gain their support to the party. The PAN tried
to adopt the façade of a robust organization with eighteen hubs in different states, but reality
contradicted that.
In August 1985, the PAN shared affiliation forms to organize its partisan actions in Brasilia.
Two integralists were listed as responsible for this initiative in the federal capital: Abel Rafael
Pinto, a former federal deputy for Arena who had been active in the AIB and the PRP in Minas
Gerais, and Guido Mondin, who had a long history of activism for the AIB and PRP in Rio
Grande do Sul. Among integralists, putting efforts into organizing a political party was not an
absolute consensus. Some wanted to see integralism as a party, and some did not. Some criticism
of this type of articulation (or the methods used) came from PAN supporters.
In May 1986, former members of the AIB and the PRP gathered around the Grupo de Brasília
to read a manifesto published in the Correio Brasiliense. The text expressed their dissatisfaction
“with how they tried to regroup former comrades in various parts of Brazil around the same
ideal.” The manifesto had 35 signatures, led by Guido Mondin and Abel Rafael. The group
opposed any connections between integralist entities with political parties and other political
organizations. Finally, it communicated the refoundation of the Society for Political Studies, a
civil, non-partisan entity focused on studying the country.
In another manifesto released on the same day—May 13, 1986—Grupo de Brasília doubled
down on its criticisms. However, the second manifesto also included a plan to found another
small neointegralist group, the Center for Political and Social Studies (Centro de Estudos Políticos
e Sociais), which would play the same role and have a similar nature to that of the Society for
Political Studies. These questions demonstrate that, in reality, the PAN could not effectively
structure itself as an integralist party. In fact, despite the large number of groups, neointegralism
played only a tiny part.
In 1989, neointegralism faced difficulties and had to reorganize itself after the death of
Carmela Salgado. The words of her stepdaughter, Maria Amélia Salgado, show how losing
Carmela deeply affected the neointegralist scenario. In a text published in a short-lived newspaper
named O Integralista, Plínio’s daughter described Carmela as “A permanent admirer of her
husband. An inveterate enthusiast, who kept making plans for the future even on the day of her
death.” The moment was also marked by the first direct elections since the dictatorship.
At the time, there was a clear attempt to create a political party, the Integralist Action Party
(PAI, Partido de Ação Integralista). The group that organized the PAI included old names from
neointegralism, e.g., Jáder Medeiros, who mingled in places like Casa Plínio Salgado. In an article
published in O Globo in February of that year, the integralists claimed they might have as their
candidate one of the greatest names of integralism, Miguel Reale. However, the former leader
completely opposed the idea: “Today I am a social liberal. I was an integralist 40 years ago.”
FIGURE 3.4 Document of the Integralist Action Party with the Sigma
Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS.
The PAI became official during a convention held on Ilha do Governador, in the state of Rio de
Janeiro, on May 1, 1989. The agenda included the party chairman’s election, a tribute to Carmela
Salgado, and a concert with singers and lottery drawings for bicycles, barbecue grills, and
dinnerware. However, the attempt to create an integralist party failed due to the integralists’
indecisiveness in whether to become a political party or not, but also because of the growing
tensions surrounding the leading neointegralist organization of the 1980s and 1990s, the Brazilian
Integralist Action.
The return of the Brazilian Integralist Action

October 1987 marked the 55th anniversary of integralism. It was an important date for the green-
shirts and green-blouses. It was both a moment to reflect on the integralist past and, of course, the
ideal occasion to suggest new ideas for the future of integralism. Once again, the mains question
was: which will be the main integralist organization for the next 50 or 100 years? The integralist
past was on everyone’s minds. The path they chose was to return to the movement’s origins.
Integralists, or some of them, once again tried to recreate the Brazilian Integralist Action.
From that moment on, the neointegralist scenario gained prominence not only among the
remaining integralists and the Brazilian extreme right but it also gained notoriety in national
news. In addition to the political section of newspapers, they also appeared in police reports,
largely due to Anésio de Lara Campos Júnior.
Anésio Lara was a lawyer from São Paulo and a member of the People Representation Party
from the 1950s onward. That was when he became an integralist and a lifelong activist of the
extreme right. In the 1980s, Anésio tried to recreate (among other organizations) the Brazilian
Integralist Movement and the Catholic Electoral League, which, in the 1930s, had been an
important political tool for Catholic conservatism. Moreover, he helped form the Brazilian
Nationalist Action, one of the neointegralist groups that emerged from Casa Plínio Salgado that
failed to become a political party.
In 1986, Anésio Lara ran for congressman of the Constitutional Assembly for the Christian
Democratic Party (PDC, Partido Democrata Cristão). His campaign advocated for the death
penalty, criticized homosexuality, and argued for lowering the age of criminal responsibility. He
got less than 500 votes.
In 1987, at Restaurante Amarelinho, a traditional meeting point in Cinelândia, in downtown
Rio de Janeiro, the AIB was reborn once again in a meeting of 50 integralists. In the invitation for
the meeting, the integralists stated they were tired of “lying down on a splendid cradle.” At the
meeting, some integralists drank beer while others preferred orange juice, and were in favor of a
large march defending Christ and the nation. Furthermore, the green-shirts dreamed of attaining
power and establishing a democracy without political parties and, instead, implementing indirect
elections for president, governors, and mayors.
At that time, the group led by Anésio de Lara believed they were already in power, at least in
its discourse. They were theoretically represented by the then Minister of Planning of the José
Sarney government, Aníbal Teixeira, a white-eagle in the 1950s. They believed this was a
statement to the relevance of the integralist guidebook. However, the minister did not describe
himself as an integralist, regardless of the movement considering him an eternal activist of their
cause. Other former integralists were mentioned, including jurist Miguel Reale, Ivan Luiz, and
Alberto Hoffmann, from the Federal Ministry of Accounts (Ministério de Contas da União). The
list was extensive and quite imaginative: former dictator Emílio Médici, Alfredo Buzaid, the
parents of dictator João Figueiredo, as well as Risoleta Neves and Scylla Médici, the wives of
Tancredo Neves and dictator Médici, respectively. All these people were supposedly related to the
integralist ideal to some degree.
However, the activists themselves were not able to agree on what clothes to wear when
seeking power. The “new” AIB was unsure of whether green shirts were the best alternative. After
all, Italian fascists wore black shirts, German fascists wore khaki shirts, and Brazilian fascists
wore green shirts. It was already complicated to propose an anti-democratic alternative to Brazil
when the country was undergoing re-democratization. Doing so while also donning the fascist—
integralist—garb seemed risky from a political perspective. Still, many green-shirts attended
Restaurante Amarelinho.
The debate over what clothes to wear is essential to understand neointegralism and the
movement’s endurance. The lack of agreement regarding their standard attire coupled with the
fact that some militants wore green shirts while others preferred civilian clothes prove there was
no leadership to dictate the rules—or, even if there were rules, they were not promptly followed
like before. Therefore, the green shirt was more of an individual choice rather than a collective
one. On the other hand, the Anauê! and the Sigma were not an issue but a consensus.
The new AIB also planned on holding a convention on January 22, 1988, to elect the new
leaders of integralism. There were also suggestions to run for positions in the 1989 elections. The
possibility of transforming the new AIB into a political party was not dismissed. The group also
sought to defend itself against accusations of criticism that pointed out their similarities with
nazi-fascism.
Meanwhile, the AIB members gathered to study the integralist doctrine. The Rio de Janeiro
section of the group was headquartered in Avenida Rio Branco. Their regional leader was
physician Sebastião Cavalcante, who in January 1988 was elected national leader of the AIB,
replacing Anésio Lara. That marked a broader process of political dispute. When figures like
Anésio Lara developed the idea of a new AIB, they did so without approval from the Plínio
Salgado family and other guardians of integralism. The legitimacy of Anésio Lara’s leadership
was riddled with power struggles. Younger members saw this change as a sign of renewal, i.e.,
new ideas, new stances. One of the new president’s proposals was to spread the integralist ideal in
schools and universities. That had the double goal of spreading integralist thought among the
youth and fighting against left-wing groups in learning environments.
Another proposal was to form an autonomous entity, the Integralist Youth (Juventude
Integralista). Estimations point to about 70 activists in traditional schools of Rio de Janeiro, such
as Colégio Pedro II. These young members were willing to develop new strategies to gain political
power but opposed the movement becoming a political party. And there was one more
controversial topic. For Anésio Lara, now the former national leader of the AIB, the ideal
approach to rekindling integralism at a national level was to have an integralist candidate run for
President in the 1989 elections.
The generational gap was a source of several conflicts. Younger members came together in
groups such as the Integralist Youth to have more influence and, in a certain sense, a more radical
role in integralism. In addition to the integralist doctrine, they advocated for the cult of the body
as a strategy to having a healthy life that enabled them to be active political agents. They
continually preached about the need to create a new civilization that championed a simpler life,
with less consumerism and being more distant from the petty, bourgeois model. This rivalry
between old and new members encompassed various topics, such as the country’s foreign debt.
On the one hand, the older members were in favor of audits, while the younger members
advocated for not paying it at all. In any case, the new AIB seemed capable of drawing activists
from different generations around the integralist ideal.
That was not merely limited to ideas since the movement could also bring these groups to the
streets. The movement foresaw a congregation of integralist activists from different generations
and with varying interests; however, things did not happen as they imagined.
A new conflict in Praça da Sé?

The year 1988 was marked by the new Federal Constitution and its anti-authoritarian tone. On
May 1 of that year, at Praça da Sé, in São Paulo, the Unified Workers Central (CUT, Central Única
dos Trabalhadores) held its traditional celebration for Labor Day. It was a highly important event
due to its impressive number of attendants, many of them from major factories. On this date, it is
traditional for several class entities and unions to call for large gatherings and present their labor-
related demands. In addition to the representative entities, it is customary to have several leftist
leaders speak on issues like unemployment, working conditions, and broader political topics.
On May 1, 1988, more than two thousand people attended the event in downtown São Paulo.
The main event was a speech by one of the main protagonists in Brazilian left-wing history, Luís
Carlos Prestes, leader of the Prestes Column and former General Secretary of the Brazilian
Communist Party. A massive turmoil started moments before Prestes’ speech. About 100
integralists dressed in green shirts and t-shirts were waving an integralist flag. They were walking
toward Praça da Sé led by Anésio Lara to invade the stage where the CUT demonstrations were
happening.
That group was an even larger one with around 400 activists from extreme-right groups from
different cities, such as Rio de Janeiro, Brasília, Belo Horizonte, Curitiba, Porto Alegre, and São
Paulo. Their initial idea was to have a demonstration in parallel to that by the CUT. They would
happen close by but not in the same space. The extreme right would be protesting against red
imperialism and the political exploitation of workers by multinationals. Finally, they planned on
setting the flags of the USA and the former USSR on fire. The 100 activists led by Anésio took off
from this demonstration and walked toward Praça da Sé.
Anésio said the act’s goal was to make the integralist movement present amidst several
communist red flags. The reaction of the people who were there—especially CUT activists—was
immediate. Verbal insults and physical aggressions ran amok. The Military Police had to
intervene by firing warning shots straight up. Afterward, some neointegralist leaders boasted
about what had happened. In the words of Anésio Lara, the integralists had shown some Brazilian
patriots remained. To Rômulo Fontes, director of newspaper Ação Nacional, the integralist youth
had paid the red activists in the same coin. On the other hand, for Jorge Coelho, state leader of the
CUT, the integralist demonstration was nothing more than a fascist, childish provocation by
right-wing activists who were unwilling to accept democracy and electoral results.
In addition to some press coverage of the green-shirts, the event led to the arrest of over 20
integralists. All were released in a matter of hours by 1st Police District delegate José Carlos
Sanches. The commotion in Praça da Sé became notorious not only because of the integralist
groups but because it clearly showed the relation the AIB (especially the section led by Anésio
Lara) had with other Brazilian extreme right groups. In addition to the Brazilian Integralist
Action, there were other extreme-right movements present, e.g., the Nationalist Action Party,
some small groups such as Homeland and Freedom (Pátria e Liberdade, from the ABC region of
São Paulo), Free Homeland (Pátria Livre), and especially the Suburban Skinheads (Carecas do
Subúrbio).
One of the press images of the turmoil shows a skinhead being restrained by a policeman: the
shirtless young integralist had his hands behind his back and was wearing pants and boots, the
typical skinhead garment. Thus, the event represented the connection between not only
neointegralism and violent acts but also the AIB and skinhead groups.
The AIB and skinheads
The Carecas (literally “bald” in Portuguese)—be them Carecas do ABC, Carecas do Subúrbio,
Carecas do Rio de Janeiro, among others—are up to this day the main representatives of Brazilian
skinheads. In the 1980s, they were a novelty on the urban youth culture scene. It might seem
contradictory, but the Carecas emerged in Brazil as dissidents from the punk movement,
characterized by a progressive and frequently anarchist-leaning political profile.
The mid-1980s saw several disputes between punks from São Paulo, which led some of these
groups to adopt a more conservative, moralistic, and slightly militarized profile. Given their
reactionary and anti-homosexual views and their defense of the family, they soon grew closer to
extreme right groups, which brought about a major rivalry between punk groups. These
similarities between skinheads and extreme right political groups are not restricted to Brazil.
Something similar happened in England, where the punk movement was born. Nationalism and
conservatism (and a cult of physical strength and masculinity) were traits shared by young
skinheads and extreme right organizations, especially neo-Nazi groups like the National Front.
Extreme right organizations used skinheads as a kind of paramilitary force. The AIB sought
something similar—especially in what concerns Anésio Lara’s initiatives. Therefore, after May 1,
1988, the public noticed a relationship that was only visible in the social circles of the Brazilian
extreme right and was based on elements such as strong anti-communism. After the
confrontations in Praça da Sé, this relationship came under scrutiny.
The alliance between the AIB and skinheads officially took place two months before May 1.
Antônio Carlos Meirelles—a former member of the PRP and one of the most prominent names of
the AIB in São Paulo, alongside Anésio Lara—met with around 60 members of the Carecas to
introduce the movement. One of the reasons behind this was their desire for Brazilian skinheads
to act similarly to their counterparts in other countries. In Brazil, the Carecas were trying to
replicate what had happened in England, the United States, France, and Germany. The
relationship between skinhead groups and extreme right political organizations was already a
pattern given their similarities regarding machismo, homophobia, misogyny, conservatism, anti-
Semitism, among others.
The relationship between the AIB and the Carecas persisted. In May 1988, the Brazilian
Integralist Action gathered to swear in the new board members of the São Paulo section. At the
time, Anésio Lara stated people had to be freed from atheist communism. Little more than a
hundred people attended, including other leaders of the AIB and Carmela Salgado; among them,
the six members of Carecas do Subúrbio stood out next to the doors of the auditorium. They were
there both to provide security for the event and because they shared similar ideas. One of the
people present said: “We are also nationalists.”
The AIB, neo-Nazism and the ousting of Anésio

Although Anésio Lara had not been the national leader of the AIB since 1988, he was still a
prominent member of the group. During 1989, Anésio Lara remained notorious not only because
of his relationship with the Carecas but also for his collaboration with neo-Nazi groups.
In June 1989, the leaders of the AIB started advocating for Anésio Lara to be ousted. At the
time, he was vice-president of the entity. The main reason for this was a specific event. On April
20, 1989, neo-Nazi organizations called for a demonstration in honor of Adolf Hitler’s birthday in
São Paulo, at Praça Ramos de Azevedo.
Anésio Lara attended the event and, furthermore, wore his green shirt. The event honoring the
100th anniversary of Hitler’s birthday argued that he was the victim of the largest smear
campaign in history. It was attended by members of various organizations, including the Brazilian
National Socialist Party (PNSB, Partido Nacional Socialista Brasileiro) led by Armando Zanine,
which at the time was trying to become a neo-Nazi political party. In the same year, Anésio Lara
was on Canal Livre—a program in TV Bandeirantes hosted by Silvia Poppovic—along with Zanine
and a member of Carecas do ABC denying the holocaust.
The motivation behind the program was precisely the repercussion of the demonstration in
defense of Adolf Hitler. Moreover, debates around holocaust denial were growing quite popular in
Brazil at the time. For example, in Porto Alegre, a small bookstore and publishing house called
Revisão, owned by Siegfired Ellwanger Castan, published several neo-Nazi works and literature
on the denial as well as several anti-Semitic books Gustavo Barroso wrote when he was a member
of integralism.
Therefore, it was not surprising that Anésio Lara used several arguments which were
commonplace among deniers, questioning the existence of gas chambers and of any Nazi plans to
eliminate the Jewish people and other enemies of Nazism from Europe. Anésio Lara’s
participation had a significant impact, mainly because he wore the integralist uniform and
presented himself as a member of the Brazilian Integralist Action. The relationship of Anésio de
Lara Campos Júnior—and, consequently, the leading integralist group of the time—with neo-Nazi
organizations was highly damaging to the eyes of a particular group of integralists.
The aspects shared by integralism and nazism had been a problematic issue for integralist
activists since the Estado Novo when they were accused of being fifth columnists and agents of
the Axis. Any explicit connection between the integralists and nazism had to be avoided, but
Anésio went the opposite direction. In a period when neointegralists wanted to move away from
anything that could resemble fascism and neofascism, Anésio Lara’s attitudes were a hindrance.
They drew the spotlight to the relationship between integralists and other Brazilian hate groups.
Simultaneously, Anésio Lara tried to run for President in 1989 under the unknown Brazilian
Imperial Monarchic Movement (Movimento Monárquico Imperial Brasileiro). However, election
law issues prevented this, because only for any candidacies to be valid they had to be connected
to an actual party (i.e., not only a movement).
Anésio Lara’s role as one of the leaders of Brazilian neofascism was evident. It went beyond an
individual opinion; his choices and attitudes impacted his own political trajectory and also that of
the integralist movement and its members. Although Anésio was no longer part of the AIB, he
was symbolically related to the movement and held the Sigma flag on several occasions. Despite
not being officially affiliated, Anésio Lara kept advocating for integralism.
Years later, the contentious relationship between Anésio Lara, the new AIB, and neo-Nazism
resurfaced. In 1992, neo-Nazi demonstrations were on the rise in Brazil, especially in São Paulo.
That year, SBT, the TV channel owned by Silvio Santos, produced and aired a program entirely
dedicated to neo-Nazism and neointegralism. Hosted by Roberto Maya, an episode of Documento
Especial titled Cultura do ódio (“Hate culture”) caused a big commotion. The program showed
several neo-Nazi and anti-Semitic groups to map out the growth of the extreme right in the
country.
At a certain point in the program, amidst images full of swastikas and Nazi greetings, Anésio
Lara was shown wearing an integralist shirt in his office. There was an imperialist flag of Brazil
and a painting of Plínio Salgado, some books on holocaust denial, and others written by Gustavo
Barroso. Amidst these integralist symbols, Anésio Lara declared on national television: “I
personally do not believe any Jews were killed in any gas chamber in any German concentration
camp. I do not believe it. The gas chambers were only used for killing lice, they had no room for a
human being.”
Later, the program followed a group of Carecas do ABC, some wearing hoods to hide their
faces. After a brief cut, a few dozen Carecas were shown on a staircase making the integralist
greeting while holding a—republican—flag of Brazil and another of the integralist Sigma.
Alongside them, Anésio Lara stated the need to gather all nationalists “against communism and
all enemies of the homeland.” The relationship between Anésio Lara and other intolerant groups
was evident. He used anti-Semitism to receive coverage on the media, political capital, and, of
course, to spread his intolerant thoughts.
In addition to the impact of his intolerant ideas and practices, the integralist—and monarchist,
anti-Semitic, and neo-Nazi—activist found other ways to remain relevant in the news. Anésio de
Lara Campos Júnior was half-brother of Eduardo Suplicy, a prominent figure in the Brazilian left
with connection to the Workers’ Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores). Suplicy ran for Mayor of
São Paulo against Paulo Maluf in 1992 and received daily attacks related to his half-brother. It is
both ironic and sad to think that, had Anésio’s ideas been put into practice, the political actions of
his half-brother would be rendered impossible and, quite possibly, put his life at risk.
Eduardo Suplicy took Anésio Lara to the Israeli Federation of São Paulo with the intent of
motivating a public apology for his anti-Semitic statements and denial of the holocaust. Seeking
support from the Jewish community had the opposite effect. The recording of Anésio stating that
the cremation ovens at Auschwitz were used to burn lice was broadcast in the Federation’s
auditorium. From then on, the audience rebelled against Anésio’s presence. Suplicy tried to
explain himself—without in fact defending his half-brother—but the atmosphere became
turbulent. Jaime Bobrow, president of the Federation, said Suplicy was naive.
Days after this event, Anésio was summoned by the Civil Police to testify about invasions and
attacks against the Northeast Traditions Center (Centro de Tradição Nordestina) and Rádio Atual,
both in São Paulo. A swastika was painted next to “Leave, rats from the Northeast!” on the
headquarters of the radio (aimed primarily at an audience from the Northeast). Anésio Lara was
considered a likely suspect precisely because he was involved in the Documento Especial program
broadcast on SBT. In October, Anésio Lara and two skinheads with connections to Carecas and
another one from White Power were charged with racism. News reports at the time highlighted
the lawyer’s affiliation to the integralist movement.
In response to the turmoil caused among extreme right activists, including the integralist
leanings of Anésio Lara, more than 30 human rights organizations joined forces to create the
Democratic Movement against Nazism (Movimento Democrático contra o Nazismo). These entities
included the Human Rights Commission of the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB-SP, Comissão de
Direitos Humanos da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil), the Israeli Federation, the Northeast
Traditions Center, and the Geledès Institute, a leading anti-racist institution.
At the time, the Mayor of São Paulo was Luiza Erundina of the Workers’ Party, born in
Paraíba, something the racist, intolerant, and misogynistic groups considered inconceivable. On
May 21, 1992, Erundina sanctioned bill number 11.213/92 by city councilor Walter Feldman of the
PSDB, who had ties to the Jewish community. The bill determined that any material used for
political purposes that contained the swastika in the city of São Paulo could be seized and fined.
The following day, newspaper Folha de S. Paulo published a report on how this law affected the
extreme right media outlets in São Paulo. A picture of Anésio Lara was front and center at the
report.
In his hands, Anésio held a small book and a magazine. The book was O nazismo: breve
história ilustrada, by the Brazilian historian Voltaire Schiling, published by the Federal University
of Rio Grande do Sul. The book was not neo-Nazi propaganda, but its content was not the most
important thing; what really mattered was the swastika printed on its cover. In addition to the
book, Anésio Lara also held an edition of Cedade, an extreme right magazine published in Spain,
a kind of gazette published by former members of the Francisco Franco regime, nazis exiles in
Spain, and other neo-Nazi and neofascist organizations. On the cover of the issue, the face of
David Irving, an English writer.
Author of works like Hitler’s War, David Irving was notorious in the press, including in Brazil,
due to the impact of his works focused on denying the holocaust. The magazine’s cover also
included the headline: “Pruebas contra el holocausto” (Evidence against the holocaust).
Dressed in a green linen shirt and a light green tie, Anésio wore two brooches on his chest,
alluding to integralism: one of them with the symbol of the integralist militia of the 1930s,
coordinated by Gustavo Barroso. On his left arm, a coat of arms with the Sigma. One in no way
lesser detail: Anesio’s mustache vaguely resembled Adolf Hitler’s own mustache. A large
integralist flag could be seen in the background. Anésio presented himself as a neointegralist, a
holocaust denier, and a defender of neo-Nazism.
When commenting on the law enacted by the Mayor of São Paulo, Anésio Lara was very
categorical. Instead of banning the swastika as a political symbol, the ban should focus only on
one other symbol: the hammer and sickle. Additionally, the neointegralist leader stated he had
already called for the Workers’ Party to be shut down, a request he had intentions to repeat. He
also promised to fight for the swastika not to be banished.
These issues became threads that connected the AIB of the Nova República to Anésio Lara and
anti-Semitism. The other integralists’ intent of slowly building a less radical alternative (at least
on the surface) had failed. Thus, while Anésio Lara took over the name of the AIB, other
neointegralists searched for alternatives.
The Plínio Salgado Culture Center
Given the crisis resulting from Anésio Lara’s and the AIB’s involvement with neo-Nazi groups
and skinheads, a significant part of the integralists decided to rethink their strategy. Instead of
focusing their efforts on politics, neointegralists would have to go back to their cult of the past as
a way of rebuilding their ties and coming up with new possibilities.
In 1995, in addition to Casa Plínio Salgado and its potential as an integralist articulation center
(especially in São Paulo), an important organization emerged in Rio de Janeiro: the Plínio Salgado
Culture Center (CCPS, Centro Cultural Plínio Salgado). Founded in São Gonçalo, a town in the
state of Rio de Janeiro, the Center was key in gathering neointegralists after the problems
resulting from the radical actions of Anésio Lara.
The CCPS was conceived by Arcy Lopes Estrella, a lawyer and one of the primary guardians
of the integralist past who had been a green-shirt since the 1930s. Dr. Arcy was a member not
only of the leading integralist organization—the AIB and the PRP—but also played a prominent
role in many other movements. In Rio de Janeiro, he was director of the Farmers’ Union of the
State of Rio de Janeiro (União dos Lavradores do Estado do Rio de Janeiro), a small integralist
group with ties to the Brazilian Agricultural Workers Union (União Operária e Camponesa do
Brasil). For these reasons, Arcy Estrella was one of the main leaders of neointegralism.
Like the Casa, the Center was a space to preserve the integralist memory and for members of
small extreme-right groups to socialize. It was headquartered in Arcy Estrella’s own home. Via
newspapers like Alerta and Idade Nova, the CCPS leader brought together dispersed integralists,
especially during the 1990s—after Anésio Lara’s actions.
The periodicals managed by Arcy Estrella made it clear how impactful the CCPS was in the
neointegralist scenario. In addition to texts on the doctrine, activists wrote about their experiences
in the movement and their dreams of an integralist future. The pages had a hint of amateurism
but rekindled ties that had been shaken in the past years.
They also served to spread the word about newspapers from other locations, which helped
create a network of neointegralists. The letters section was in no way less important because it
was an ideal space for integralists to get to know each other. New activists sent their messages
and met people of all ages willing to help spread integralist ideals.
The CCPS helped integralists establish a connection to one another. That enabled the
movement to find a new framework. São Gonçalo now had an institution that was prominent in
the daily life of neointegralists, where they could strengthen friendships and bonds. In addition,
the entity’s publications were the ideal space for a new generation to find a voice and, more
importantly, be heard. These relationships led to the creation of several small neointegralist
groups, such as the Center for Historical and Political Studies (Centro de Estudos Históricos e
Políticos), in the city of Santos. Although the CCPS was not a formal integralist group, it became
an essential space for the movement and the place of origin for many groups, most notably the
Integralist Studies and Debate Center (CEDI, Centro de Estudos e Debates Integralistas).
The Integralist Studies and Debate Center: integralism for the 21st
century?
By the end of the 1990s, only a handful of neointegralists remained. After a few years in which
the number of activists and organizations grew, the neointegralists found themselves scattered
and weakened. There was some trauma regarding Anésio Lara’s role in the Brazilian Integralist
Action. The public image of integralism was quite damaged. Furthermore, there was no grand
plan in mind. The old integralists seemed exhausted from their long strenuous journey as
members of the movement. Marcelo Mendez, a name that would be pivotal for neointegralism at
the turn of the 21st century, emerged amidst this context.
Marcelo Mendez was a representative of the new integralist generation. He was a shy young
business manager and also a cashier at a restaurant in Copacabana. His first experience with
integralism was in one of the meetings held by Arcy Lopes Estrella at the headquarters of the
Plínio Salgado Culture Center. Marcelo quickly stood out from the rest because of his enthusiasm
for activism. He sought alternative ways of spreading the integralist ideal and criticized the
attacks from other Brazilian extreme right groups, especially neo-Nazi groups.
Despite his young age, Mendez emerged as a leader of neointegralism not only for his ability
to find common ground with other extreme-right groups but, above all, for his suggestion of
using a new tool: the Internet. Therefore, despite being new to integralism, Mendez was able to
keep an amicable relationship with the older members of the movement, who saw him as a
potential integralist leader for the 21st century. Thus, in 1999, with the help of Arcy Lopes
Estrella, Mendez informally founded the Integralist Studies and Debates Center (CEDI, Centro de
Estudos e Debates Integralistas). The CCPS and the CEDI were the leading integralist
organizations from the turn of the 20th to the 21st century.
The official event that launched the CEDI was a mass on June 16, 2001, by Father Crispim—
Plínio Salgado’s godson and a relentless advocate of the integralist cause and his godfather’s
memory. During the mass, integralists of the old and new generations were present, as well as
representatives of other small groups of the Brazilian extreme right, like the Monarchical Circle
(Círculo Monárquico). That was a striking feature of the CEDI: the attempt to bring together
members from different organizations of the same political spectrum in order to strengthen
neointegralism.
The mass also included the remarkable enthronement of Our Lady of Fátima as the patroness
of CEDI. This brought integralists closer to the Tradition, Family, and Property (TFP, Tradição,
Família e Propriedade) group. Founded in 1960 by Catholic writer Plínio Corrêa de Olivera, the
TFP is an ultra-conservative entity that shared the anti-communism and anti-democratic
sentiments of integralism. It also has strong ties to monarchists. Two prominent members of the
TFP are representatives of the Brazilian imperial house, Dom Luiz de Orléans e Bragança and his
brother, Dom Bertrand de Orléans e Bragança. The TFP is not a fascist group, but it shares many
similarities with integralism, especially Catholic conservatism.
In addition, the CEDI symbology also highlighted the fact that both groups were led by men
named Plínio. They also shared the lion rampant, which for the TFP was always facing the left
(symbolizing their fight against left-wing ideologies). The image of Plínio Salgado always
accompanied the TFP lion. Based on this symbiotic relationship, the CEDI proposed merging
integralism and the TFP.
Also in 1999, the CEDI reached a milestone that helped define the strategies that would later
be employed en masse by other neointegralist groups. On September 1 of that year, their website
went live. The initiative to develop an integralist website served to address a major problem: the
lack of spaces—and means—for spreading integralism in a way that fostered activism. In addition
to the population’s resistance in accepting an authoritarian perspective in the molds of
integralism, many simply did not know other like-minded people existed.
The various traits the TFP and integralism shares were concrete reasons for formalizing an
alliance and/or cooperation between the two groups, but this never happened officially. Marcelo
Mendez also transited among these various acronyms and associations. He was a member of Casa
Plínio Salgado, the monarchist movement, the Monarchic Circle of Rio de Janeiro, the Plínio
Salgado Culture Center and the Apostleship of Prayer, connected to the Catholic Church.
After a short time as the leader of CEDI, Marcelo Mendez became a renowned neointegralist
leader. In October 2001, Jornal do Brasil published an interview with Marcelo Mendez, in which
he tried to dissociate neointegralism from radical groups: “Some colleagues seek quantity, not
quality. But it’s not enough to wear a green shirt and have a Sigma tattoo on your arm to be an
integralist.”
That was a clear attempt to dissociate Marcelo Mendez’s group from the past traumatic
experiences of neointegralism, neo-Nazism, and negationism. On the occasion, the CEDI leader
praised only one Brazilian right group, the National Order Reconstruction Party (Prona, Partido
de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional), lef by Enéas Carneiro. There were indeed some differences
between CEDI and CCPS under Marcelo Mendez compared to these same institutions under Arcy
Estrella and the AIB under Anésio Lara. Anésio’s group delved into a more intolerant, radical,
conspiratorial, and anti-Semitic neointegralism closer to neo-Nazism. On the other hand, the
group led by Marcelo Mendez and Arcy Estrella adopted broader, less radical stances, albeit still
within the extreme right. This difference was not minor.
The tensions between radical neointegralists and conservatives grew. In 2001, the integralist
websites related to the CEDI released a manifesto on Plínio Salgado’s birthday. In this document,
Marcelo Mendez proposed severing ties with neo-Nazis, skinheads, and other similar groups. Even
though these conflicts resulted mainly from internal disputes than actually ideological
disagreements, the impacts were significant.
That led Marcelo Mendez to become a major neointegralist leader. For 21st-century
integralism, he was a solid name to outline future plans for the green-shirts. However, internal
neointegralist struggles went far beyond, even involving personal issues that transcended the
integralist ideal.
At the dawn of February 28, 2002, Marcelo Mendez put on his green shirt and went to the
integralist mausoleum at Caju Cemetery in downtown Rio de Janeiro. Moments earlier, many
Integralists received an email from the CEDI leader. Marcelo Mendez’s message was quite jarring.
The neointegralist leader accused his former colleagues and claimed neo-Nazis had infiltrated the
integralist movement. He said his enemies might have been thinking they had secured complete
victory.
When Marcelo Mendez’s former colleagues were reading this message, he was no longer alive.
He committed suicide in the same place where the integralists buried other martyrs from their
past. “I have great hopes that the CEDI can now finally take off! Do not allow the entity I created
and spread across the country to fade away! Stand strong!”
Marcelo Mendez’s suicide was a political act in favor of integralism (from Marcelo’s
perspective) that would solve the internal conflicts among the green-shirts. From then onward,
CEDI would be a kind of “integralist phoenix.” Marcelo Mendez’s death would be a rebirth for
integralism. In his testament, Mendez asked for Father Crispim to celebrate masses in his honor
and for his colleagues to keep him in their prayers.
The death of an integralist once again had major effects on the movement. Neointegralism, a
movement that emerged from the death of Plínio Salgado, was once again profoundly impacted
by the suicide of the person who introduced integralism to the 21st century. After dealing with
the death of a great, former leader, and also the death of an emerging, potential future leader, the
integralists were left to question themselves: what should they do now? How could they solve the
problems and rethink integralism for the 21st century?
4
Neointegralism in the 21st Century
From Social Media to Political Violence
DOI: 10.4324/9781003224570-4
Marcelo Mendez’s death had a major impact on neointegralism. Weeks after his suicide,
Informativo CEDI, the group’s newsletter, published a special issue entirely dedicated to their
former leader. The headline was “The founder of CEDI is dead!” Several texts recounted the
trajectory of Marcelo Mendez, especially his attempt to establish some dialog between the AIB
and the TFP. In the pictures printed in the issue, Marcelo Mendez appeared alongside many
leaders of the Brazilian extreme right, such as Dom Luís de Orleans e Bragança, head of the
Brazilian Imperial House, the Carvalho brothers, from Casa Plínio Salgado, and some members of
the TFP.
Regarding the suicide, the newsletter stated that the group’s founder was “highly strung”
because of the attacks from activists who were not open to Marcelo’s innovative ideas that would
help spread integralism further. Since then, CEDI is no longer connected to Arcy Lopes Estrella’s
Plínio Salgado Culture Center. The group archives were handed to Casa Plínio Salgado, in São
Paulo, where some of the CEDI activists gathered. Marcelo Baptista da Silveira, a member of the
younger generation, became the CEDI chairman.
That would not be the last misfortune to plague neointegralism. In January 2003, about a year
after Marcelo’s death, Arcy Lopes Estrella also died. The neointegralists lost another important
leader. In just over a year, the movement lost a leader from the new and the old generation. That
could pose the risk that their entire political effort was in vain.
The estate Arcy Estrella accumulated over a lifetime dedicated to the integralist cause was
highly coveted. On the one hand, there were the CEDI activists with ties to Casa Plínio Salgado,
on the other, the integralist leader’s family members. The Plínio Salgado Culture Center collection
consisted not solely of integralist documents but also records of Arcy Estrella’s life. He resided in
the headquarters of the CCPS. Disputes arose because the family wanted to preserve the legacy of
Dr. Arcy, but the activists wanted the estate to be dealt with like Marcelo Mendez’s.
The deaths of Marcelo Mendez and Arcy Estrella also exposed the rifts in the movement. Up to
that point, neointegralism consisted of small groups with varying perspectives about what
constituted integralist thought. Some groups wanted to promote integralism as memory
conservation groups, opting for intellectual and civically-minded debate circles and campaigns.
Others wanted to develop neointegralism as a more markedly political alternative, including the
possibility of forming political parties.
In addition to divergences on how the movement should be organized, it was clear that some
integralists supported Plínio Salgado’s Christian conservatism while others were more
sympathetic toward Gustavo Barroso’s anti-Semitism. All agreed that they were integralists, but
there was no true unity. Some groups had ties with monarchism, while others found common
ground with skinheads and neo-Nazis. Another group believed they should reach out to ultra-
conservative groups like the TFP.
With the new fractures in the movement, Casa Plínio Salgado became hugely important. The
integralists were once again establishing dialog internally and with other extreme-right groups.
Some integralist nuclei were founded, many of them with limited local operations, but they were
helpful for activists to gather and ponder about the movement. Based on these relationship
networks (which grew even stronger thanks to the Internet), the integralists once again sought to
form a unified group. Amidst this, they decided to organize an event to rally activists, discuss
plans for the coming years, and enforce a single group perspective capable of bringing many
neointegralist perspectives together.
The green-shirts finally left their differences aside and found a uniting thread to be the
groundwork for a strong movement. Thus was born the First Integralist Congress of the 21st
century, which was promoted in physical and virtual media, like activist e-mail group
conversations.
The First Congress of the 21st century: the formation (and failure) of the
MIB
The rebirth of integralism was set to December 4, 2004. The chosen city was São Paulo because of
how important Casa Plínio Salgado was at the time. Invitation letters and e-mails were sent to
green-shirts to take part in this meaningful chapter of neointegralism history. Some publicity
posters showed the integralist flag, the congress details, and a call for “the rebirth of Brazilian
nationalism!”
The congress was held at the headquarters of the National Democratic Union (UND, União
Nacionalista Democrática) on the east side of São Paulo, in the Belém neighborhood. The UND is
a nationalist, anti-communist group that advocates for military intervention. Led by lawyer
Antônio José Ribas Paiva, the group is closer to the integralists in some regards, e.g., the defense
of a solid and authoritarian State: “Our entity is based on nationalism.” The UND was formed in
2003 by anti-communist activists, former police officers from the Department of Political and
Social Order (Dops, Departamento de Ordem Política e Social)—the dictatorship political police—
and members of the Ruralist Democratic Union (União Democrática Ruralista), which is against
the Landless Movement (Movimento dos Sem-Terra) and agrarian reform.
The congress was scheduled to start in the early hours on Saturday. The first attendants
arrived hours before the event. Several of them were elderly and walked at a slow pace. Some
wore the uniform, like Anésio Lara. Some slogans were written on the walls a few steps before
the entrance of the UND headquarters: “Go away, fascists!” Before all the participants saw this,
Antônio Ribas quickly found a can of white paint and used it to paint over the sentence.
Outside, anti-fascist groups rallied for a peaceful protest. The group, named Anti-fascist Youth
(Juventude Antifascista) and mostly comprised of puns rockers and anarchists, carried a banner
that read “Fascism, never again!” As the congress attendants arrived at the UND headquarters, the
anti-fascist group protested and distributed leaflets. One of the group members stated:
“Integralism is an intolerant movement! It wants to exterminate homosexuals and is against
freedom of religion. Its democratic discourse is nothing but pretense!”
Some integralists tried to counter the anti-fascist protest. One of them, wearing a green shirt,
stated: “Mussolini, compared to Che Guevara, was a saint!” The Anti-fascist Youth replied by
chanting slogans: “Nazis, fascists! Shall not pass!” The integralists called the Military Police, but
there was no confrontation. They went back to the UND headquarters and kicked off the event.
First, they sang the National Anthem, followed by the integralist anthem. In an attempt to break
away from the meeting, whistles from anti-fascist activists filled the room. At that moment, some
police officers had talked to the anti-fascists, who left the place. “We did what we came here to
do. We made the necessary noise,” said one of the anti-fascists. From then on, the meeting went
smoothly.
The event lasted a day longer than expected and included unique decorations. Like in the
integralist centers, the walls were adorned with the Brazilian flag crossed by the integralist flag.
An image of Plínio Salgado hangs above them. The integralist decorations were accompanied by
posters from other groups, like one from MV-Brazil against adopting English terms, e.g., “hot
dog,” “diet,” “delivery,” and “home page,” into the Portuguese language.
FIGURE 4.1 First Integralist Congress of the 21st century
The congress was very similar to a meeting. There were about two to three dozen participants
comfortably spread out inside a wide venue. At the table were José Baptista de Carvalho,
chairman of Casa Plínio Salgado, and Marcelo Silveira, chairman of CEDI, and other
neointegralists, like Cássio Guilherme Reis Silveira, who would later become one of the main
neointegralist leaders ofn the 21st century. Other activists came closer as the discussions evolved.
Members from other groups close to the integralists, like the Association of Graduates of the
Superior War School (ADESG, Associação de Diplomados da Escola Superior de Guerra), the
Democratic Catholic Union, and the Prona, of Enéas Carneiro, also attended the congress.
FIGURE 4.2 Part of the audience during the neointegralist congress
Prona’s leading representative, federal deputy Elimar Máximo Damasceno, was there with his
advisor, Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa, a lawyer, integralist, and member of several pro-life
organizations—conservative groups that radically opposed abortion and feminism.
Some people gave speeches. Marcelo Silveira read Integralismo histórico e o integralismo do
século XXI, his analysis of the difficulties integralism faced in the new century. According to him,
the movement’s main problem was the “vice of fascism,” an association that he did not consider
particularly troublesome. In the same speech, Marcelo alluded to holocaust denial arguments
(“alleged gas chambers”). He criticized the alleged dissemination of Antônio Gramsci’s thought in
Brazilian schools and universities through a supposedly obscure strategy, called “cultural
Marxism.”
FIGURE 4.3 Neointegralists gathered in downtown São Paulo
Throughout the congress, several integralists voiced their opinions. They discussed issues like
organization, strategies, and past problematic issues. It was a sort of balance sheet of integralism
from 1975 to that date, all with the intent of starting a new chapter for neointegralism. After the
debates, there was a vote to choose the name of this new integralist organization and elect a 40-
member Higher Council. The name Brazilian Integralist Movement (MIB, Movimento Integralista
Brasileiro) was chosen to unite several integralists under a single acronym. The attendants
celebrated the new name. The assembly minutes were approved, and soon the MIB would become
official; however, there were some obstacles.
The first one arose during the acronym registration. During the 1980s, Anésio Lara registered
several parties ranging from some with a stronger integralist vein—e.g., the AIB—to ones related
to other Brazilian extreme right movements, like the Catholic Electoral League. In 1987, when the
AIB was re-founded under Anésio Lara, the documents included information concerning a group
called the Brazilian Integralist Movement, wherein he was National Secretary of Communication
and Foreign Affairs. When the neointegralists founded the MIB during the 2004 congress, they
were not aware of an organization with the same name. Interestingly, Anésio Lara was also
present, but he did not comment on the matter.
The congress, which was supposed to bring integralists together under a single acronym, had
the opposite effect. In addition to the acronym issue, the long-lasting internal quarrels of
neointegralism were still present in 2004. When the MIB failed, these quarrels became even more
heated. At that time, neointegralism split into three groups, each with a different interpretation of
the movement’s ideals and views on how they should organize themselves. Thus were born the
Revolutionary Integralist Action (AIR, Ação Integralista Revolucionária), the Brazilian Integralist
and Linearist Movement (MIL-B, Movimento Integralista e Linearista Brasileiro), and the
Brazilian Integralist Front (FIB, Frente Integralista Brasileira).
FIGURE 4.4 Neointegralism in the 21st century
Source: The authors.
The Revolutionary Integralist Action: a one-man revolution

The Revolutionary Integralist Action (AIR, Ação Integralista Revolucionária) was the smallest of
the three neointegralist organizations that emerged after the First Congress of the 21st century.
Founded on December 25, 2004, by journalist and entrepreneur Jenyberto Pizzotti, it was present
primarily in virtual media. The group used a website hosted in a free domain provider to share its
ideas and texts about integralism. The brief history of the AIR is intimately connected to that of
its leader and founder, Jenyberto Pizzotti. He first came into contact with integralism in the late
1970s, in Rio Claro, a small city in the state of São Paulo, where he lived. Despite being a very
quaint city, it is a meaningful place for integralists.
On April 22, 1934, Rio Claro was considered one of the first integralist cities and highly
regarded by the AIB. In 1985, ten years after Plínio Salgado’s death, his widow, Carmela Patti
Salgado, donated her husband’s collection to the Public and Historical Archive of Rio Claro, thus
originating the Plínio Salgado Fund. The collection included more than 60 thousand documents
that tracked the history of integralism up to 1975, making the city a historic place for the
movement. It became a pilgrimage point for activists wherein they had the chance to read
through materials that Plínio Salgado chose for posterity. Rio Claro is where Jenyberto Pizzotti
became a neointegralist leader.
Plínio Salgado Square was inaugurated on July 24, 1977, before his family members and many
activists. Jenyberto, then aged 25, went there with his father. There, he met José Constante
Barreto, a former member of Gustavo Barroso’s integralist militias from the 1930s, who
introduced him to Jader Medeiros, editor of Renovação Nacional and a prominent member of the
National Renewal Crusade.
For Jenyberto, his relationship with José Barreto and Jader Medeiros meant he could learn the
history of integralism not only through books but also by talking to former activists. That lasted
for a decade. In 1988, Jenyberto began talking to other green-shirts, especially from Rio de Janeiro.
Jenyberto believed his experience with prominent figures of neointegralism meant he was
destined to be the leader of integralism for the 21st century, given that he would receive support
from older members—particularly Jader Medeiros—and also had an intense intellectual learning
experience.
After studying the movement’s doctrine, Pizzotti split the integralist thought into two parts
related to the doctrine and the other concerning aspects connected to how the State was
organized. In his view, his colleagues from São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and other cities were overly
focused on the doctrine and ignored the input of any intellectual about the Integral State. For him,
that was extremely important because it defined what integralism should do and how integralists
should act. He also claimed to have the most profound knowledge about the integralist doctrine
out of all activists, making him the fittest for leadership in the new century.
Based on this knowledge, the AIR leader criticized the strategies employed by the integralists
of the 1930s. In his interpretation, the integralists made a strategic mistake in 1935 when they
decided to stop being a revolutionary movement and instead transform into a political party,
which turned the AIB into a bourgeois political machine. Moreover, this was the main reason
behind the extinction of the Brazilian Integralist Action and other political parties in 1937.
Pizzotti was critical of the path integralists chose from 1935 onward and of Plínio Salgado’s
decisions. Instead, he proposed the movement should return to its origins: revolutionary
integralism. In a letter to Arcy Lopes Estrella, he stated: “In my opinion, the Integralist Movement
and the AIB must ‘go back to their origins’ because they are revolutionary.” He did not attend the
congress in São Paulo and dismissed the event by calling it a mere meeting. Moreover, the AIR
website included some details to support his due role as leader, including a report in which he
stated that Carmela Salgado had “practically begged something to nullify the actions of fellow Dr.
Anésio.”
FIGURE 4.5 Cover of Anauê (1936)
FIGURE 4.6 PRP poster for the 1955 election
Source: Acervo Público Histórico de Rio Claro—Fundo Plínio Salgado.
FIGURE 4.7 Revolutionary Integralist Action poster
Source: Authors’ archives.
In the Integralismo ontem e hoje manifesto, the AIR leader advocated for the freedom to study
and interpret integralism, criticizing attempts to recreate the AIB: “We are not tied to immutable
dogmas and ideas. We believe that self-criticism is needed to improve the integralist thought
continuously.” Jenyberto Pizzotti claimed to be the grand neointegralist seeking to start a green-
shirt revolution.
His plans of creating a revolutionary group around him failed. Despite Pizzotti being portrayed
as the grand leader of the green-shirts, the AIR was unable to expand beyond Rio Claro. The
group’s activism was primarily virtual. The AIR had the aforementioned website and also two
social network communities (on Orkut) named Integralismo Revolucionário (Revolutionary
Integralism) and Democracia Social Orgânica (Organic Social Democracy). The group also had an
e-mail thread for debates.
Even using the Internet, something new for neointegralism at the time but that became the
standard from 2001 onwards, Jenyberto Pizzotti did not manage to find recognition among the
activists. The integralists believed the ideas of the integralist intellectual elite should not be
criticized. Integralist thought, especially from the AIB, is a doctrine, therefore pointing out the
errors of Plínio Salgado, Gustavo Barroso, or Miguel Reale is not valid.
In 2009, the provider that hosted the AIR website shut down. Among thousands of websites
deleted, there was one that symbolized Jenyberto’s desire to be the new integralist leader. That
ultimately thwarted his dream of leading an integralist revolution. Jenyberto continued his
political endeavors but was no longer tied to integralism. In 2016, he lost an election for city
councilor under the PSDB in Rio Claro. He later requested to be disaffiliated from the party.
Brazilian integralist and Linearist Movement

The second group that emerged from the integralist congress held in 2004 was the Brazilian
Integralist and Linearist Movement (MIL-B, Movimento Integralista e Linearista Brasileiro),
founded in the same year as the event. Like the AIR, the history of the MIL-B is intertwined with
that of its main leader, Cássio Guilherme Reis Silveira, a Physic graduate, scout leader, and retired
Federal Police agent. Cássio Guilherme’s trajectory in the integralist movement began in 1991, in
Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, when he joined the Nationalist Youth. There, Cássio and some
colleagues studied various trends of nationalist thought and integralist literature.
In 1992, the Nationalist Youth became the Integralist Center of Juiz de Fora. The movement
started participating in the debates, meetings, and events held by Casa Plínio Salgado. Cássio
Guilherme met with the Carvalho brothers and other members of the integralist movement and
was soon acknowledged as an authentic green-shirt.
The group from Juiz de Fora was comprised of Cássio and some colleagues. Their discussions
were not limited to integralist ideals but included exact science topics like dynamic systems and
quantum mechanics. The idea of updating the integralist ideal emerged from these two seemingly
unrelated lines of study. At the beginning of the 21st century, the group suggested combining
integralism and scientific development debates led by its members.
The members (and, most of all, Cássio Guilherme) planned to create a “harmonious sequence
of explanations,” in which scientific ideas, coupled with the moral and intellectual values of
integralism, would be able to solve various social, economic, political, and even spiritual issues.
They called this a linear philosophy, or linearism (linearismo). In their understanding, scientific
ideas—from Mathematics, Physics, and other disciplines—were capable of awakening the
conscience along the lines of the spiritual revolution the AIB advocated for. The main difference
between linearism and first-phase integralism is precisely the fact that linearist principles are
supposedly more descriptive and current.
Linearism sought to update integralism for the 21st century. Group members argued that
integralism and linearism are more than complementary; they are the same. However, the idea of
updating the integralist ideal was not well received by most green-shirts. At the meetings at Casa
Plínio Salgado and the 2004 congress, most attendants agreed that integralism is a whole, perfect
doctrine, not in need of updates.
Cássio Guilherme’s group was critical of other currents of neointegralism. Although the group
approved the idea of forming the MIB, when it failed, they created their own group, the MIL-B,
headquartered in Campinas, a large city in the state of São Paulo. In addition to the MIL-B, Cássio
Guilherme also formed the Spiritualist Nationalism Study Society (Sene, Sociedade de Estudos do
Nacionalismo Espiritualista) in 2006 to promote studies and debates on national and spiritual
issues. Sene is a broader institution that encompasses not only integralists and linearists, but also
monarchists, religious people, and nationalists from various groups.
Sene was founded during a small congress with members of the MIL-B and other groups, like
the Campinas Monarchic Circle (Círculo Monárquico de Campinas), the UND, and some
representatives of freemasonry. That demonstrates how MIL-B shared the same environment as
the failed MIB.
In addition to its views of the integralist doctrine, another characteristic differentiated the
MIL-B from other groups created in the 2004 congress: its vicious anti-Semitism. The group is
driven by a firm rejection of everything they believe to be Jewish-related. Still, they also take
some precautions, e.g., avoiding to establish public relations with holocaust denial groups, to
avoid the type of conflicts Anésio Lara was remembered for.
Although the MIL-B considers Plínio Salgado the greatest Brazilian in history, the intense anti-
Semitism present in the group makes it closer to Gustavo Barroso, who is quoted and celebrated
daily in the group’s texts. That is evident in Integralismo linear e a questão judaica, in which
Cássio Guilherme references the conspiracy theories that Gustavo Barroso was known for: “Jews
are the most capitalist people in the world, owners of enormous fortunes on Earth and also the
creators of Communism.”
Still, the MIL-B suggested some of the anti-Semitic texts of Gustavo Barroso should be
amended. Contrary to what AIB intellectuals proposed, the members of the MIL-B engaged with
and got closer to freemasonry, especially in the state of São Paulo, where the group was most
prominent. This strategy goes against what Gustavo Barroso advocated for in the 1930s: opposing
freemasonry because it was (in his view) a branch and symbol of the Jewish plan for world
domination.
Unlike Barroso, the MIL-B did not consider freemasonry a Jewish organization, but that it was
occasionally leveraged by people who favor Jewish interests. Thus, the MIL-B has no objection to
establishing relationships or even affiliating oneself to freemason groups. That could even earn
some praise. Their proximity to the thought of Gustavo Barroso is exclusively centered around
anti-Semitism and anti-communism, which is evident in the symbology of the group. MIL-B has a
mascot, Tupã Rooster, which was created to help deconstruct and deflate the derogatory “green-
chicken.”
FIGURE 4.8 Tupã Rooster, symbol of the MIL-B
According to the MIL-B, the Tupã Rooster is a fierce and masculine fighting rooster. On
websites and other media—e.g., newsletter O Integralista Linear—Tupã wears a green shirt with
the Sigma on its chest. It uses its talons to hold a two-headed communist-liberal parasite biting on
the map of Brazil.
The cartoon is also representative of the group’s anti-Semitism. In Gustavo Barroso’s
integralist books, the Jewish people were to blame for the two main enemies of integralism:
communism and capitalism. The first sentence in his book Brasil, colônia de banqueiros, one of
his main works on integralism, referenced León Poncins, a French anti-Semitic priest: “Trotski
and Rothschild represent the wide oscillation of the Jewish spirit; these two extremes encompass
the entire society, the entire civilization of the 20th century.”
One of the parasite’s heads held by Tupã shows the image of León Trotsky, the communist
leader. The other head represents a capitalist, with traits similar to how the Jews were portrayed
in anti-Semitic propaganda, even nazi ones. That conveys the idea that both capitalism and
communism are the work of a single evil or enemy: international Judaism.
The MIL-B spread their strategies and the integralist ideal both through digital media and on
the streets, in broader demonstrations of the Brazilian right. On the Internet, their activities
started with posting on the MIL-B and Sene websites, but they never stood out for their use of
social networks.
Currently, only the MIL-B website is still active. It includes opinion pieces by Cássio
Guilherme, photos of group meetings, meetings with other extreme right groups, and members
attending protests and demonstrations. The MIL-B receives lots of criticism from other
neointegralist groups and activists because of their wish to change the integralist doctrine and
their defense of the anti-Semitic elements among the green-shirts.
Anti-Semitism is problematic for neointegralism because it resurfaces the traumas that
resulted from the actions of Anésio Lara and his relationship with neo-Nazi groups. Therefore, it
is not uncommon to see neointegralists accusing the MIL-B of pseudointegralism, another
evidence of the political conflicts among these groups.
Between the revolutionary path of the AIR and the new anti-Semitism of the MIL-B, some
activists were drawn to a more conservative form of integralism for the 21st century: the Brazilian
Integralist Front.
The Brazilian Integralist Front

The Brazilian Integralist Front (FIB, Frente Integralista Brasileira) is the largest, most organized,
and active neointegralist group among those that emerged after the 2004 congress. The FIB was
founded on January 22, 2005. Headquartered in São Paulo, the group states it is dedicated to
rescuing the cultural, civic, political, and ideological heritage of the Brazilian Integralist Action.
The current chairman of the group is Moisés Lima, who introduces himself as a philosopher.
Some evidence suggests that it has around 100 to 200 members, mostly men, but it is not
entirely possible to confirm this figure. They claim to be the only legitimate heirs of the Brazilian
Integralist Action, and that is why they purport a particular version of integralist history, starting
in 1932 until the foundation of the FIB. The FIB claims to be the natural result of CEDI’s activities,
which brought the movement to the 21st century by implementing technological innovations.
According to their perspective, the FIB was created during the First Integralist Congress of the
21st century, but not in response to the failure of the MIB: “A National Integralist Congress was
held in December 2004 in the birthplace of the Brazilian Integralist Front, which is the only
current nationwide integralist organization.” The way the FIB describes its own history brings
forth the rifts inside the neointegralist movement. The group does not recognize the existence of
the AIR and the MIL-B. At the time of foundation, the FIB chose Marcelo Baptista da Silveira, the
chairman of CEDI at the time (who took on Marcelo Mendez’s role), as its chairman. That was
their way of keeping in their history the gathering of a large part of integralists, many of whom
were regulars in CEDI, Casa Plínio Salgado, and the Plínio Salgado Culture Center.
While Jenyberto Pizzotti’s group wanted a revolution and Cássio Guilherme’s group proposed
a new version of integralism, the FIB argued the movement should take a conservative stance.
Therefore, the FIB adopted as its ideological groundwork the integralist manifest of 1932 and
Plínio Salgado’s decisions after that year. The group considered criticizing or questioning the
integralist doctrine an anti-integralist attitude. If there were any reasons to update some ideas by
Plínio Salgado or other green-shirt intellectuals, the answer should be sought in the integralist
doctrine itself.
After the group’s foundation, Marcelo Silveira was chairman of the FIB for two terms, from
2004 until 2009, when the FIB held the group’s Third National Congress. The goal of the event,
named Forum 2009, was to set a direction for the movement and to oppose the World Social
Forum, an important meeting of left-wing social movements that happened in that same year in
Porto Alegre.
The integralist event had then a hundred attendants. It was led by Marcelo Silveira and Victor
Emanuel Vilela Barbuy, a lawyer from São Paulo who was the National Secretary of Doctrine and
Study. During the event, Victor Barbuy was elected and sworn in as chairman of the FIB.
Afterward, some integralists wearing suits and ties (but not the typical green shirts) walked
toward Praça XV, in downtown Rio de Janeiro. At the square, Victor Barbuy went up two steps
above the other activists and waved an integralist flag with the Southern Cross constellation, a
symbol of the Plinianos and the group’s official flag.
Then, the FIB chairman read the Manifesto de Guanabara, which is to the FIB what the
Manifesto de outubro was for the AIB. The document reaffirms FIB’s obedience to integralist
values and recommends ways to implement the integralist doctrine in Brazil. It advocates for life
from conception to natural death and the right to freedom, with the following caveat: “as long as
it is used for good.” It also states that the family is a natural and divine institution that is
characterized by marriage between people of different sexes. In political terms, it also seeks to
advance the organic democracy project, criticized the formation of parties stating that integralism
“is not a government system but a regime that can be implemented both in a Monarchy and a
Republic.”
In 2009, the FIB published another text, Manifesto de 13 de maio, a reference to the date when
Lei Áurea (the Golden Law) was signed, which led to the abolishment of slavery in Brazil. That
represented the FIB’s contrary stance toward racism and anti-Semitism. However, this was no
simple issue. Since the FIB wanted to praise the AIB’s view on integralism with no criticism, they
rescued the texts and speeches of Plínio Salgado, Miguel Reale, and Gustavo Barroso.
Praising Gustavo Barroso’s integralism was challenging because his texts were simultaneously
anti-Semitic and integralist in nature. One of the strategies the group chose was to silence anti-
Semitic expressions present in the works of Gustavo Barroso. The original texts included terms
like “Jewish bankers,” but the versions published by the FIB do not mention Jews or related terms.
Therefore, the anti-Semitic content is not evident, but the structure is kept intact.
Although the FIB does not propose any updates to the doctrine, new strategies are needed to
keep their ideology alive and fight for space against other extreme-right groups, including
neointegralist ones. During its first years, the FIB made used digital media to spread integralism.
In addition to an official website, the group also had websites for specific regions, like
Integralismo Rio for Rio de Janeiro and Integralismo no Sul for the South, and the group’s media
outlet, Nova Offensiva.
Nova Offensiva helps spread both the integralist ideal and FIB-related news. The website has
been updated over the years and now even supports other languages. The group currently has a
podcast titled A voz do Sigma. It also publishes reprints of doctrinal works from the 1930s and
books defending the relevance of integralism for the current times, like Plínio Salgado hoje,
released in 2019.
Using social networks is a discerning feature of the FIB compared to MIL-B and AIR, which
are yet to adopt these communication channels. Social networks like Orkut, Facebook, and
Twitter, as well as YouTube videos, are virtual environments the FIB is constantly using with two
goals in mind: spreading their ideals and reaching out to new activists.
One of the people responsible for the group’s social networks is the FIB Secretary of Doctrine
and Study, Sérgio de Vasconcellos, a book reseller and activist that has been part of neointegralist
groups since the 1980s. One of the initiatives was creating the Integralist Blogs Action (Ação dos
Blogs Integralistas) to disseminate integralist ideals in more than 50 small blogs, many of which
were created and posted by Vasconcellos himself. The intent behind this was to purport the
existence of an authentic integralist blogosphere.
Despite the FIB digital media not being managed by professionals, the fact that they use them
demonstrates that the Internet is one of the most important vehicles for disseminating their
ideology and the group as a whole. They are also tools that help engage activists, who create
social media profiles and foster debates about the movement, thereby making integralism more
present. Despite this, the activism of the FIB is restricted exclusively to the Internet, as was the
case for AIR. Public demonstrations were frequent, be it to spread the doctrine or during times of
political turmoil.
The first few moments of the group also saw the proposal to create the Integralist Brigades,
which were supposed to be a kind of FIB militia. The brigades wore green shirts with the group’s
symbol and a stylized harpy, previously used by another neointegralist group, the United Patriotic
Front (Frente Patria Unida), from Santos, in São Paulo. Their flag was very similar to the one used
by Nazi Germany during World War II.
FIGURE 4.9 Integralist Brigades flag
Source: Authors’ archives.
The group took on a more radical discourse, closer to that of Gustavo Barroso, patron of the
brigades. In 2007, they released a new edition of Brasil, colônia de banqueiros, prefaced by
Marcelo Silveira, chairman of the FIB at the time. Because their profile is more similar to
skinheads, neo-Nazi, and anti-Semites, the group soon lost momentum and was extinct.
The FIB has relationships with several conservative and nationalist groups from the Brazilian
extreme right. One of the main people responsible for establishing these relationships is lawyer
Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa, head of the National Pro-Life and Pro-Family Association
(Associação Nacional Pró-Vida e Pró-Família), a member of the FIB and the group’s National
Secretary of Legal Affairs. The group also includes a National Expansion Department and a
Foreign Affairs Department. The FIB is particularly strong in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, major
cities for the neointegralist movement since 1975; moreover, the FIB still keeps its ties with Casa
Plínio Salgado. There are also some stable FIB centers in Ceará, the Federal District, Minas Gerais,
and Paraná, with a few dozen members.
In 2007, the FIB partnered with the Arcy Lopes Estrella Culture Center to digitize integralist
documents from different periods donated by the Brazilian Academy of Letters. Although
theoretically separate entities, both organizations shared the headquarter address. In 2009, the FIB
created the Plínio Salgado Institute, a distance education platform designed to teach new activists.
The FIB is the leading neointegralist group currently active, but not the only one. It is more
organized and has more activists, making it more widely accepted among neointegralists and
other Brazilian right-wing groups, including political parties.
Neointegralism and Prona

The relationship between 21st-century neointegralist groups and political parties has been highly
debated since 1975. None of the groups have concrete plans to form a political party. That is the
result of recent experiences and also ideological decisions.
The AIR rejected any potential connections with political parties because of its revolutionary
endeavors. The MIL-B advocates for the end of all political parties, which they consider farces and
based on obscure interests. The FIB, on the other hand, accepts the idea of creating an integralist
party but considers it unviable for the near future. The FIB is in constant communication with a
handful of political parties and politicians. In the early 2000s, the FIB became intimately related to
the National Order Reconstruction Party (Prona, Partido de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional),
Enéas Carneiro’s party.
This cooperation harks back to the foundation of the FIB, be it CEDI or the 2004 congress.
Some neointegralists, like Marcelo Mendez, praised the leader of Prona for his conservative and
nationalist stance. The party, founded in 1989, was widely known for Enéas’ beard and his
catchphrase, “My name is Enéas!” Several extreme right groups were attracted by the values he
stood for. His defense of order, hierarchy, and authority was captivated these groups and brought
them closer to Prona, including integralists.
During the presidential elections Enéas ran in—1989, 1994, and 1998—the integralists were not
directly involved in Enéas’ campaign, but there were some individual candidates. In 1998 and
2002, journalist Dario Di Martino, a neointegralist from Porto Alegre, ran for state deputy under
Prona in Rio Grande do Sul.
On Canal 6 of Net/Sul, PoaTV, Dario Di Martino hosted a TV show in Porto Alegre named Doa
a quem doer (“Hurt whom it may”). He used the motto “The truth above all” to attack the left and
political leaders like federal deputy of the Workers’ Party Maria do Rosário. He also advocated for
the civil-military dictatorship. In his electoral propaganda, Di Martino wore a green shirt and
defended the rights of “good citizens”: “Human rights for you and your family. Talk to me via
Orkut, on the Internet. I stand for God, homeland, and family.” His main proposal was banning
communist groups in Brazil, despite not clearly defining which groups would be affected.
In 2002, Enéas Carneiro was elected federal deputy for São Paulo, with around 1.5 million
votes. By breaking historical records for the position, Enéas’ votes guaranteed Prona would elect
four other deputies. One of these was Elimar Damasceno, who had no formal ties to any
integralist organization in 2002 but was very close to the green-shirts. Even his advisor, Paulo
Fernando da Costa, was an active member of the Brazilian Integralist Front.
The association between the FIB and Prona was almost immediate. Unlike other integralist
groups, the FIB took the chance to use this connection to spread its ideals. Elimar Damasceno
became a renowned enthusiast of the integralist doctrine. Elimar Damasceno’s bills were strongly
conservative. One of them was an attempt to ban public kissing between same-sex couples, while
other bills targeted abortion and feminism. In one in particular, written in partnership with the
then deputy Jair Bolsonaro (for the Progressive Party, Partido Progressista), Damasceno proposed
a tribute to Mário Kozel Filho, a soldier killed during the dictatorship while fighting guerrilla
group Revolutionary People Vanguard (VPR, Vanguarda Popular Revolucionária).
In his speeches, Elimar Damasceno routinely praised integralist intellectuals. Gustavo Barroso
in 2002; Miguel Reale and Plínio Salgado in 2003. By praising figures that had some ties to
integralism, like Gerardo Mello Mourão and Cassiano Ricardo, Elimar Damasceno made his
positive view of integralism explicit. That was very important to members of the FIB. All
homages to integralists were celebrated on the group’s websites and media. Their support for
Prona rapidly increased, as did their attempts to claim some space in the party for themselves.
In 2006, Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa ran for deputy under Prona. His campaign leaflets
included the integralist symbol, thereby ensuring that FIB activists would provide him immense
support. In addition to being the FIB’s secretary for legal matters, Paulo Fernando was also the
leader of the FIB center for the Federal District. His campaign was firmly based on his activism
for integralism and other conservative organizations against abortion and the left in general.
Despite the activists’ high hopes, Paulo Fernando was not elected, and the FIB’s relationship
with Prona soon weakened. In 2006, the party merged with the Liberal Party (PL, Partido Liberal)
to form the Republic Party (PR, Partido da República). That was Enéas Carneiro’s strategy to
prevent the extinction of Prona due to the new electoral restrictions imposed on minor parties.
Additionally, Enéas Carneiro had acute leukemia, which led to his life in 2007.
FIGURE 4.10 Campaign material for Paulo Fernando da Costa
The Prona was able to structure itself and develop precisely at a time when integralist
institutions were particularly few and far between. During the 1990s and early 2000s,
neointegralism was more focused on internal articulation and building places to preserve the
memory of the movement. Furthermore, it was heavily affected by the lack of consensus among
neointegralists regarding whether the movement should be involved with political parties or not.
Indeed, neointegralists usually dance the waltz of national politics. Amidst political turmoil and
conservative waves, the green-shirts are capable of leveraging opportunities to achieve political
gains.
Demonstrations and the fall of Dilma Rousseff

After the end of Prona, the FIB and the MIL-B went back to focusing on their digital media and,
occasionally, in public demonstrations. The country’s political and economic stability coupled
with the repeated cycles of presidential governments under the PT hindered the formation of a
more structured Brazilian extreme right network.
Integralists were seldom present, predominantly on historical dates or in some conservative
protests. In São Paulo, members of the FIB held annual ceremonies like July 9, the date of the
Constitutionalist Revolution in São Paulo. These events were usually shared between skinheads,
interventionists, and other small nationalist groups. During this period, extreme-right groups
(including neointegralist ones) were not very active. Young people and adults wearing green
shirts and holding the integralist flag were restricted to a handful of events.
In 2008, members of the Integralist Center of Rio de Janeiro, affiliated with the FIB, marched
against marijuana. One of the activists stated: “We are in favor of morals and good traditions.
Drugs are a bad influence, they destroy the family, society’s foundation.” The FIB state branch of
Fortaleza was one of the organizations that managed to stop the Marijuana March. Pernambuco’s
FIB branch requested for the act to be canceled, to no avail.
In 2009, federal Minister of Justice, Tarso Genro, granted asylum to Italian Cesare Battisti, who
the Italian justice sentenced to life in prison for his involvement in murders that resulted from
politically charged attacks by extreme left groups. Some FIB members of the Nationalist Union
(União Nacionalista) group organized a protest at the São Paulo Museum of Art (MASP). Their
banners read: “Out, Battisti! Terrorists already govern us!”
In 2010, the integralists (mostly FIB members) protested against the National Human Rights
Plan (PNDH-3, Plano Nacional de Direitos Humanos), accusing it of being a government plan in
defense of abortion, prostitution, and the traditional family. On February 7, at MASP, some
neointegralists wearing green shirts shared the demonstrations with young people from other
groups (some of them wearing shirts with the words “Olavo is right!,” in a nod to contentious
thinker Olavo de Carvalho). On March 20, some FIB members participated in the 4th Pro-Life
Public Act, a larger event attended by thousands of people.
In August 2010, the FIB-RJ newsletter Bandeira do Sigma, edited by Guilherme Jorge Figueira,
at the time the secretary of public relations of integralist centers of Rio de Janeiro, launched a
campaign against presidential candidate Dilma Rousseff of the Worker’s Party, PT: “The
campaign by the state branch of the Brazilian Integralist Front titled ‘Fora Dilma’ [‘Dilma, out’]
was a success: 1,000 stickers were given out free of charge in two different versions throughout
Brazil.”
After Lula’s presidential term, some parts of the political right returned to the streets. During
the electoral process, the campaign against Dilma Rousseff was based on moralistic and
conservative topics, especially abortion and the same-sex civil union. Another major factor was
that Dilma was the first female Brazilian president. Neointegralists got involved, especially the
FIB. In the presidential election’s runoff, the FIB instructed its members to vote against Dilma
Rousseff, i.e., for her opponent, José Serra, from the PSDB.
Some of the reasons behind this were Dilma’s support for the PNDH-3, as well as other typical
anti-communist justifications, e.g., the conspiracy theory over the Forum of São Paulo, a multi-
party entity of left-wing parties in Latin America and the Caribbean. Demonstrations grew more
potent at the start of Dilma Rousseff’s mandate. In January 2011, the FIB published Fora Battisti.
In it, the group described itself as a “patriotic, nationalist, and truly democratic movement” and
demanded “the extradition of Cesare Battisti for the sake of God, the homeland, and the family.”
In April, neo-Nazi groups called a demonstration in support of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. The
event was intended to defend the then deputy’s freedom of speech. He was described as “the only
deputy who stands against libertines and communists.” Held at MASP, the demonstrations were
marked by tense exchanges between the people in favor of Bolsonaro and anti-fascists.
On one side, several small neo-Nazi and extreme right groups were wearing t-shirts defending
the dictatorship, including the Carecas do Subúrbio emblem, Nazi symbols, and even Plínio
Salgado’s face. Although the FIB and the MIL-B were not part of the event, skinheads were there
as representatives of the neointegralist movement. Eduardo Thomaz, who organized the
demonstration and was the leader of neo-fascist group Ultra Defesa (from Marinque, a small city
in the state of São Paulo), stated: “We support deputy Jair Bolsonaro because he represents the
Brazilian family and we have the right to support him.”
Ultra Defesa was one of the groups that kept relations with the FIB. An article published in the
January/February 2012 issue of newsletter Ação! shows members of Ultra Defesa in the Fourth
National Congress of the FIB, held in October 2011. In 2012, Eduardo Thomaz ran for city
councilor in Marinque under the Progressive Party (PP, Partido Progressista), the same party as
Bolsonaro. He was one of the candidates supported by the FIB and described as worthy of
“integralist suffrage.” In April 2012, the FIB opposed Complementary Bill n. 122 of 2006. The bill,
proposed by deputy Iara Bernardi (PT), criminalized any discrimination or prejudice based on
gender, sex, sexual orientation, and gender identity. The integralists and various other
conservative groups considered this an attack on freedom of speech, especially targeting religious
groups.
Integralist groups took advantage of opportunities such as this. In those moments, they spread
their ideals, bond with other groups, and showcase their status as a conservative and nationalist
organization. During 2013, Brazilian streets were taken over by protests based on a myriad of
ideologies. The initial plan was to protest against the increase in the price of transportation tickets
in large cities, but soon conservative and nationalist ideas gained traction. In a short time, left-
wing activists from political parties and social movements started being harassed and attacked,
giving rise to a new right.
Integralists grew in excitement with this window of opportunity. The FIB published a text
titled Um fantasma ronda o Brasil (“A specter haunts Brazil”), a clear and ironic reference to the
opening lines of the Manifesto of the Communist Party by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The
text describes the 2013 events with an uplifting tone:
[…] we can say that a specter haunts Brazil – the specter of integralism […]. We, therefore,
hold the conviction that the political parties do not represent us, just as they do not represent
the Brazilian nation, and we will never collaborate “with any partisan organization seeking
to divide Brazilians,” thus repeating a citation by the Perpetual Leader of the Integralist
Revolution, ‘a phrase by legendary Osório that he wrote from the fields of Paraguay, saying
he did not recognize political parties because they divided the nation, which in times of
danger must be a cohesive whole. Glad and honored to recognize that the specter of
integralism is capable of causing such fright to the cohorts of enemies of God, the Homeland,
and the Family, we also took the streets, being aware of our role as “the Revolution in
progress” […].
In Curitiba, the conservative wave stirred up many extreme-right groups. In December 2013,
they announced the foundation of a neofascist group, the Nationalist Front (Frente Nacionalista),
which would later become a political party. The ideological references for the groups were clearly
stated on their website: Italian fascism and integralism.
With the image of Plínio Salgado displayed next to Benito Mussolini in an attempt to form a
group that merged both neointegralism and neofascism. The founding event was supposed to be a
music festival called Dezembrada with skinhead bands to bring together groups that honored
Gustavo Barroso and used the Sigma as their emblem. In addition to the integralism, the
Nationalist Front also established connections with Carecas do Subúrbio and with Levy Fidelix’s
Brazilian Labor Renovation Party (PRTB, Partido Renovador Trabalhista Brasileiro).
The Public Ministry of Paraná banned the event due to their sympathy for fascism and hate
groups, besides the anti-Semitic content of some texts published on the group’s website and social
media. At that time, political radicalization was very intense in Brazil. Between 2015 and 2016,
there were several extreme-right demonstrations, especially calling for the impeachment of Dilma
Rousseff. Conservative flags were the order of the day.
In the capital of São Paulo, demonstrations demanding Dilma Rousseff to resign brought
together millions of attendants. Among them, it was possible to see several extreme-right groups
cooperating harmoniously and fostering dialog and interaction. In these moments, activists from
distinct strands of integralism intermingled peacefully. Members of the MIL-B, the FIB, and some
Carecas were seen walking alongside groups in favor of the military dictatorship, TV celebrities,
and the military police.
In April 2015, Cássio Guilherme spoke atop one of the sound trucks of the National
Democratic Union (União Nacionalista Democrática), an organization with close ties
neointegralists since 2004. The truck also included a banner with the words SOS military calling
for a military coup. With a microphone in hand, he advocated for the end of the separation of
Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary powers. Furthermore, he cursed Montesquieu, the French
philosopher who created the separation of powers. In the end, he raised an integralist flag.
On June 29, 2015, the MIL-B leader once again received news coverage. At the time, the
Campinas City Council was discussing a bill to veto teaching gender and sexuality in city schools.
There was some confusion regarding who was against or for the bill. Cássio Guilherme, carrying
banners with integralist and MIL-B symbols, was accused of assaulting a teacher protesting in
defense of teaching and academic freedom. The teacher, an affiliate of the Socialism and Freedom
Party (PSOL, Partido Socialismo e Liberdade), pressed charges against the MIL-B leader, who
stated: “She tried to rip off our flag, and also tried to kick us and spit at us. We also went to the
police station and pressed charges against her and PSOL.”
FIGURE 4.11 A MIL-B protest against “gender ideology”
After the fall of Dilma Rousseff, neointegralist groups became even more active. After all, the
months of political turmoil and radicalization in Brazil also enabled extreme right groups and
activists to have more spaces to interact with one another. Since the democratic transition, they
had kept silent and isolated for years, waiting for the perfect moment to strike. In 2017 emerged a
new, very active, and radical neointegralist group, the Arcy Lopes Estrella Civic and Cultural
Association (ACCALE, Associação Cívico Cultural Arcy Lopes Estrella).
Neointegralists and the escalation of authoritarianism: from ACCALE to

the PRTB
ACCALE, a group that self-describes as “neither right-handed nor left-handed” (i.e., neither right-
wing nor left-wing) is an association whose purpose is to spread nationalist thinking through
lectures, seminars, round tables, and courses. The group does not have a rigid structure with
defined leaders but does have a patron: Arcy Lopes Estrella, Dr. Arcy. ACCALE stands for
nationalism, anti-communism, anti-liberalism, opposes progressivism and usury, and also
advocates for an inside revolution, very similar to the integralist proposal.
In contrast to other entities like the FIB and the MIL-B, ACCALE does not seek a rebirth of
integralism in the 21st century. Based on the experience of integralism and other Brazilian and
international nationalist groups, ACCALE intends to propose ideas, new leaders, and establish
connections with other groups on the Brazilian extreme right. Still, integralist leaders are among
its more prominent figures. That is not restricted solely to Plínio Salgado, Gustavo Barroso, and
Miguel Reale, but also includes integralists from other generations, like Arcy Estrella and
Gumercindo Rocha Dórea. ACCALE is also present on social media, especially Facebook and
Instagram, and holds meetings in Rio de Janeiro and Niterói.
In addition to honoring integralist and neointegralist leaders, ACCALE’s social media accounts
also pay tribute to several extreme right intellectuals and leaders. From Alberto Torres, a leading
figure in Brazilian nationalism, to Marine Le Pen, leader of the Rassemblement National (former
Front National), to Enéas Carneiro. The leader of Prona is even one of the most prominent figures,
alongside Plínio Salgado: there are videos on their social media accounts showing the leaders’
relationship to Brazilian nationalism and ACCALE.
Although the organization is not solely dedicated to integralism, it has numerous ties to the
movement, so much so that it is possible to consider ACCALE part of the neointegralism
phenomenon. In addition to similar ideas, ACCALE promotes small events in honor of the
integralist leaders, which are attended by green-shirts and prominent neointegralists, especially
members of the Brazilian Integralist Front.
The first event was held in November 2017 in downtown Niterói. The date was not a mere
coincidence but a strategy to found ACCALE on the same historical date as the foundation of the
AIB, celebrating the 85th anniversary of the Manifesto de outubro. Some activists from São Paulo
and Rio de Janeiro attended the event. Victor Barbuy, representing the FIB and Casa Plínio
Salgado (for which he is the current vice-president), gave a lecture on integralist thinking. The
audience discussed some integralist themes and current topics, like the Integral State and the
participation of women in the movement. The event also addressed the similarities between Enéas
Carneiro’s the integralist movement’s views on nationalism, a critical issue for ACCALE.
On December 16, 2017, ACCALE strengthened its ties with integralists and other prominent
figures of the Brazilian extreme right. On that day, at the Niterói City Council, there was a
motion of applause to Gumercindo Rocha Dórea and GRD publishing house, which he owned.
That was a proposal by Guilherme Jorge Figueira, chairman of the FIB branch in Rio de Janeiro in
the 2000s. The tribute was granted by Carlos Jordy (PSL), the federal deputy candidate for Rio de
Janeiro who received the 4th highest amount of votes in the 2018 elections, who declared in 2020:
My tribute to the GRD was not exclusively due to their books on integralism. Although I am
not an integralist, the movement was very important for our country while it lasted. We
lived under the threat of communism, which vilified morals, the family, and religious values.
It was a genuinely Brazilian proposal that acknowledged the diversity of our people and
helped on the fight to preserve values of God, homeland, and the family.
Due to his advanced age (he was 93 years old at the time and passed away in February 2021),
Gumercindo Dórea could not attend. During the tribute, Gumercindo was represented by Breno
Zarranz, a lifelong activist, a prominent member of ACALLE, and an active figure in the
Politicamente Incorreto (Politically Incorrect) group. Present in Niterói and other cities in the state
of Rio de Janeiro, the group cultural Marxism and its enemy and was closely related to Carlos
Jordy.
The motion of applause 00757/2017 did not mention the relationship of the GRD publishing
house with integralist works and the thought of Plínio Salgado, likely for strategic reasons. The
tribute mentioned exclusively the science fiction works which the company introduced to Brazil.
Afterward, Breno Zarranz praised the event and appeared in photos alongside several honorees,
including Carlos Jordy, then state deputy Flávio Bolsonaro, and Rodrigo Amorim, the record
holder for the highest amount of votes in Rio de Janeiro in the 2018 elections for federal deputy
and known nationwide for breaking a street sign honoring of city councilor Marielle Franco
(PSOL), who was murdered in 2018.
On January 25, 2018, ACCALE published a report on a celebration of Plínio Salgado’s and Arcy
Lopes Estrella’s birthday hosted by Eduardo Fauzi, chairman of FIB-RJ at the time and also a
member of the PSL and one of the leaders of ACCALE. Fauzi was accompanied by Breno Zarranz,
who discussed the group’s goals with the people present.
Sérgio de Vasconcellos, from the FIB, gave a speech titled Rome—1930: the historic meeting
between Plínio Salgado and Benito Mussolini. Wearing a green polo shirt with the Sigma
embroidered on the pocket, he read the text he wrote, recalling the importance of the meeting
between the leaders of Italian fascism and integralism.
Victor Barbuy, chairman of the FIB, gave a lecture named Municipalism in the works of Plínio
Salgado, analyzing an essential feature of Plínio Salgado’s thought throughout his political
trajectory. Wagner Vasconcelos, leader of MV-Brazil, also attended the event to discuss the
Brazilian public debt.
During 2018, the national political context grew tense. With Lula’s arrest and his ban on
running as a presidential candidate, elections were up for grabs. Jair Bolsonaro’s candidacy under
PSL became notorious among the extreme right. It is worth noting that this was not sudden: it
was the result of a long political experience in the press, despite his timid and almost null
performance in the Chamber of Deputies.
Bolsonaro emerged as the leader of the anti-PT movement that gained traction since the 2013
marches and the fall of Dilma Rousseff. It did not take long for him to be recognized as the
candidate of the new rights. At the beginning of his electoral campaign, the FIB published a text
once again paraphrasing the opening passage of the 1848 Manifesto of the Communist Party,
pointing one of the dangers Brazil was facing: “A serious and grave danger haunts our beloved
Land of Santa Cruz.” That anti-communist discourse and imagery would be used again against
left-wing parties, especially the Worker’s Party, PT.
Initially, neointegralist groups did not get involved with the electoral campaign of Jair
Bolsonaro (PSL) and General Mourão (PRTB), but some ties soon became more visible. As
mentioned above, the PRTB had connections to some neofascist groups, like the Nationalist Front.
On September 22, 2018, the FIB released a video in which Victor Barbuy appeared alongside
Rodrigo Tavares, candidate for governor of São Paulo under the PRTB in coalition with the PSL.
The video was recorded at the party’s headquarters and shows the chairman of the FIB
recommending people to vote for Tavares and for Levy Fidelix, who at the time was running for
federal deputy: “We are all united to protect God, the homeland, and the family.” At the end of
the video, Rodrigo Tavares defended the integralist motto and shouted the integralist salutation in
unison with Victor Barbuy: “Anauê!”
At other times, Victor Barbuy appeared next to Levy Fidelix. The PRTB leader held a copy of O
pensamento revolucionário de Plínio Salgado, written by former integralist activist Augusta
Garcia Rocha Dórea—wife of Gumercindo Rocha Dórea. That confirms the similarities between
his proposals and the integralist thought, especially when he says: “God, homeland, and family,
that is what we want for all Brazilians.”
The FIB and the PRTB grew ever closer. The two leading candidates under the PRTB in São
Paulo incorporated the integralist motto in their campaigns, from their free electoral campaign
time on TV to the leaflets handed out on the streets. The FIB also supported other candidates
running under the PRTB in other states, not only São Paulo. In the Federal District, their support
went to prominent member Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa, under the Patriot Party.
The runoffs: Bolsonarism and political violence

During the runoffs, the right-wing movements became even more radical. It was common to see
banners of various anti-democratic movements in Jair Bolsonaro’s campaign events: from
criticism toward the Supreme Court, political parties, and requests for the return of the
dictatorship, to people praising torturers.
The integralists were once again participating in the marches, especially in the city of São
Paulo. At the event held on October 21, Victor Barbuy spoke amidst the many sound trucks
parked on Avenida Paulista. After introducing himself and mentioning the FIB, Barbuy stated he
rejected any connections between the integralist thought with Italian fascism and nazism. After
confirming his support for Jair Bolsonaro, he declared:
On the upcoming 28th, we’ll not be choosing between Bolsonaro and Haddad, but between
Brazil and anti-Brazil […] our duty is to vote for the candidate least distant from the
Christian and Brazilian values that support our motto, “God, country and family.” Let us be
the green-and-yellow colored wave that will destroy the red wave of Lula and the PT! Our
flag is green, and no red star will ever shine on it!
The institutional views of the FIB and ACCALE were identical. The FIB also published a note
mentioning their ACCALE: “Therefore we make our own the words ACCALE published on their
Facebook page: our only choice is to vote against Haddad and the PT.”
The weeks leading up to the runoffs were hectic. Millions of people from various political
backgrounds joined the protests organized by women against Jair Bolsonaro’s prejudice-riddled
statements. During the “Ele não!” (“Not him!”) protests, many people who voted for various
candidates in the first round of the election united over their opposition of the candidate’s
misogyny and LGBTphobia. Some of these protesters held anti-fascist banners and posters
precisely because of the similarities between Bolsonaro and historical fascist figures from the
1930s.
In several public and private universities, students and employees hang anti-fascist banners
that could be seen from the streets, like the Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro
(Unirio). However, on November 30, reports that the banner had been stolen gave even more
publicity to another neointegralist group: the Nationalist People Insurgency Command (CIPN,
Comando de Insurgência Popular Nacionalista).
The CIPN first appeared in a seemingly amateur YouTube video with ten men presenting as
integralists and related to the “Brazilian integralist family,” who claimed to have stolen and set
fire to three anti-fascist banners from UNIRIO. In the video, the members wore black T-shirts
with a small Brazilian flag on the upper left side of their chests. Their faces were hidden and there
were two flags in the background: an integralist flag with the Sigma and the Brazilian flag.
FIGURE 4.12 Nationalist People Insurgency Command, of the Brazilian Integralist Family
Source: Anonymous, frame from a video available on various Brazilian extreme right channels on platforms including Telegram
and WhatsApp.
The members of the ICNP read a text describing the act as a “revolutionary action” against
“homosexual activists, materialist atheists, and slaves of international bankers.” At the end of the
video, they performed the fascist salute and set fire to the anti-fascist flags. The act marked the
radicalization of neointegralism during the presidential runoff. Given that the leading candidate
was speaking about “gunning petralhas” (a derogatory term used to refer to activists and voters of
the Worker’s Party, PT), attacking the press, and arguing his opponents should be put in jail for
political reasons, neofascist groups saw their attitudes as legitimate.
From the Bolsonaro government to the attack on the Porta dos Fundos
headquarters
The inauguration of Jair Bolsonaro marked a new chapter for the Brazilian extreme right: it was
now in power. The president was now a recent political figure close to historical fascism, and
neofascist groups were vying to have influence and gain political ground and media coverage.
The Bolsonaro government and historical fascism share some commonalities: conservatism,
anti-communism, the use of conspiracy theories, and a worldview in which people are separated
as friends and enemies. Therefore, although many neofascists already feel represented, they also
seek to make their flags more present in the Brazilian government. The same is true for
neointegralists.
On the one hand, some integralists sought formal positions in the government. That was the
case of Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa (Patriots and FIB), who in February 2019 joined the
Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights, managed by Damares Alves. Paulo Fernando
held the position of Deputy Secretary for the Promotion and Defense of Elderly Rights.
On the other hand, other neointegralists continued their demonstrations on the streets as a
strategy to keep integralism alive and present in the daily life of the Brazilian extreme right. On
September 7, 2019, the FIB and ACCALE met in Rio de Janeiro at Praça Mauá for a public
demonstration in defense of the Brazilian Amazon and attacking the French government. With
insults aimed at French President Emmanuel Macron, the neointegralists repeated the discourse
employed by the Bolsonaro government, claiming that any interest in the Brazilian Amazon is an
offense to our national sovereignty.
There were approximately 50 activists wearing black T-shirts with the Brazilian flag on the
upper left side of their chests and carrying the flags of integralism, ACCALE, the Brazilian
Republic, and the Brazilian Empire. While covering his face with the Brazilian flag and holding a
torch, one of the protesters shouted: “Fire and action against the Bolshevik devil.” He then set fire
to a flag of the extinct Soviet Union, which was then thrown to the ground. In the background,
other members lit up signal torches with the national colors.
O Estadão published an article on December 15, 2019, titled “Integralists are back and rescue
the green-shirts” reporting a demonstration from November 9 in downtown São Paulo during the
morning, when the streets were still empty, and all the stores were closed. The report states that
only a few people were on the streets to see 20 young men arrive in integralist uniforms, line up,
and sing the integralist anthem, Onward! With green shirts and black pants, they carried both the
integralist flag and the Brazilian flag. The act had immediate repercussions on social media. It was
a celebration for the 87th anniversary of Manifesto de outubro, organized and publicized by the
Brazilian Integralist Front. The act shows how integralists are still enraptured by the political
context and the potential of reorganizing Prona, as shown by Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa’s
campaign. The FIB told the press it intended to have candidates in the 2020 elections, possibly
under the PRTB and Patriots.
Days after this article, Ciro Gomes (PDT) mentioned his perplexity regarding the re-
articulation of integralist groups. When talking about the small number of activists, he warned:
“You may laugh, but that’s how it starts. That’s how it starts.” The most emphatic response came
from former Rio de Janeiro military police officer Captain Henry Ribeiro da Costa, who posted a
few videos and photos on the ACCALE social media accounts. Addressing Ciro Gomes, Captain
Henry appeared in a video with an integralist flag in the background and announcing in an
intimidating tone: “I invite you to come to the next integralist meeting!”
The neointegralist groups carried on with their usual activities: meetings, debates, protests, and
some presence in conservative events. However, one event at the end of 2019 shows how diverse
neointegralism is and can be even more radical.
Video production company Porta dos Fundos, specialized in online comedy video, had just
released its customary Christmas special on Netflix. Their production for 2019 was a film titled
The First Temptation of Christ, showing the conflicts between different characters around Jesus
Christ, who was portrayed as gay. The satirical work associated everyday issues with the biblical
universe—the special addressed taboos like homosexuality, dogmas, and alcohol consumption.
However, the radical context caused by an extreme right-wing government resulted in yet
another politically charged violent episode.
On the night of December 24, Christmas Eve, while most families gathered in search of some
dialog after the preceding troubled election months, the headquarters of Porta dos Fundos in
Humaitá, a neighborhood in south Rio de Janeiro, were attacked. Molotov cocktails were thrown
into the building. Thanks to a security guard who was there at the time, the tragedy did not gain
more significant proportions. He narrowly dodged the explosion flames and glass shards. A few
hours after the attack, a video was shared on social media. The video depicted three people
wearing hoods over their heads and green shirts with the Sigma. An integralist flag could be seen
spread out in the background. On the table, there was a Brazilian Imperial flag.
The group claimed to be the same one that attacked UNIRIO. The Nationalist People
Insurgency Command of the Brazilian Integralist Family stated their reasons for the attack:
FIGURE 4.13 Neointegralists claim authorship for the attack on Porta dos Fundos
Source: Anonymous, from Brazilian extreme right channels.
Porta dos Fundos made a direct attack against the faith of the Brazilian people, hiding behind
the veil of freedom of speech. These damned servants of big capital profaned the Holy Spirit
by calling our Lord Jesus Christ a bastard and Mary a prostitute and adulteress.
After the video was released, neointegralist groups were quick to respond. The FIB published a
note questioning the video’s veracity and described it as an “alleged attack by integralists,”
claiming that covering their faces would be contrary to the group’s standard. ACCALE called it “a
strange, supposedly integralist video” but considered the act was hardly surprising, given that
Porta dos Fundos “dealt a calculated attack on the largest and most revered sacred national
symbol.”
That had an immediate impact on media. The tone, target, date, and video were similar to the
aesthetic and nature of terrorist groups, which are uncommon in Brazil. Police started
investigating. On December 31, a week after the attack, they found one of the perpetrators.
Eduardo Fauzi Richard Cerquise, a leader at ACCALE, was described as “an active participant
who has hosted some of our events for his eloquence and willingness to take on this role.” He has
been a member of the FIB for a decade and a member of the PSL since 2001.
Known as the king of mambo by his colleagues of zouk, a Caribbean dance, he graduated in
Economics from UFRJ and became very well known in 2013 when he attacked the then secretary
of Public Order of Rio de Janeiro, Alex Costa, on live television. His attack on Costa was
motivated by a Municipal Guard operation to shut down illegal parking lots in the city’s
downtown area. Even after being arrested for the aggression, he stated: “It was the best slap of my
entire life. I’m sure my hand had the weight of a million people who were illegally removed and
had their goods seized.”
The Rio de Janeiro Police recognized Eduardo Fauzi in the security camera videos because the
green-shirt got inside a taxi cab after the attack. Four houses were searched, but he was not in
Brazil. On December 29, the neointegralist boarded an Air France flight to Russia. “They thought I
was too stupid not to cover my face and change my voice, but I had enough connections to be
warned about the warrant in time to travel abroad,” he said, seeking political exile.
In the four houses searched, the police found gun replicas, knives, and over one hundred
thousand Brazilian reais in cash. The police also seized books related to the extreme right and
integralism: O integralismo revolucionário de Plínio Salgado; Em defesa do cristianismo, da pátria,
da cultura e da família, by Elimar Máximo Damasceno; O imbecil coletivo, by Olavo de Carvalho,
and Revolta contra o mundo moderno, by Julius Evola. Some ACCALE t-shirts include the title of
the book by Julius Evola (“Revolt against the modern world”), a very influential thinker in
neofascist circles.
FIGURE 4.14 Objects seized from Eduardo Fauzi
Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Apreens%C3%A3o_policial_rio_de_janeiro_integralismo_03.jpg, CC0 1.0
In his prophetic and conspiracy-charged messages sent from Russia, Fauzi mentions the motto
of integralism, “God, homeland, and family,” chants the Anauê! and shows no resentment. He
claims the attack was an “act of love.” After the revelations of Eduardo Fauzi’s involvement with
the CIPN and the attack on Porta dos Fundo, the FIB published a note about his expulsion from
the movement. ACCALE, on the other hand, adopted a more restrained tone and stated he did not
have a prominent role in the organization because it does not have a clearly defined hierarchy.
Even so, Eduardo Fauzi’s keeps being subject to adoration. At the beginning of the COVID-19
pandemic, several extreme-right groups organized a protest in front of the Consulate of China in
Rio de Janeiro. In a markedly xenophobic event, graffiti was painted on the front wall of the
consulate: “Communist virus. Fauzi is our hero!”
FIGURE 4.15 Graffiti on the front wall of the Consulate of China
Source: Rede de Informações Anarquistas Facebook page, https://www.facebook.com/redeinfoa/photos/a.552512581524510/

2829835973792148/
Eduardo Fauzi was arrested in Russia by Interpol in September 2021. The following month, his
lawyers filed for political asylum, to no avail. Over a year after the neointegralist attack, only
Fauzi was found and subjected to criminal sanctions. The names of the other people involved
were not disclosed, or they were never found. So far, the Brazilian federal government did not
comment on the case.
The act had seemingly no impact on the relationship between some integralists and the
Brazilian federal government. On December 30, 2019, Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa, one of the
central political figures of neointegralism, was appointed special advisor at Damares Alves’
Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights. There, Paulo Fernando kept advocating for
conservative proposals, e.g., sexual abstinence, and making the integralist ideals present in the
federal government. Paulo Fernando remained until he was dismissed on May 11, 2021. However,
this did not mean all ties had been severed.
The neointegralist leader was involved in important events related to both neointegralism and
Bolsonarism. One of his major acts was his involvement in the legal team that released Sara
Winter and Oswaldo Eustáquio, Bolsonarist bloggers imprisoned after their involvement in anti-
democratic demonstrations.
Moreover, in November 2011, Paulo Fernando Melo da Costa joined the Brazilian Labor Party
(PTB, Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro). Led by conservative politician Roberto Jefferson, the PTB
became an important point of articulation for Brazilian extreme right-wing groups. Although the
PTB originated from the works of Getúlio Vargas, the party adapted itself according to national
politics. With the rise of the new rights in recent years, it became a bastion of conservatism.
The PTB leader, Roberto Jefferson, was an enthusiastic supporter of Paulo Fernando da Costa
when he arrived. In addition, he welcomed members from neointegralist groups, especially the
Brazilian Integralist Front. On one of these events, the current leader of the FIB, Moisés Lima, was
photographed alongside Roberto Jefferson. In one of the photos, the PTB leader is holding a book
in his hands: “O pensamento revolucionário de Plínio Salgado.”
Neointegralists and Roberto Jefferson’s PTB grew closer after the death of Levy Fidelix,
president of the PRTB, who supported the integralists in 2018. With this new political context,
neointegralists distanced themselves from the PRTB and instead strengthened their bonds with
the PTB, which they plan to have as allies during the 2022 elections.
Moreover, the PTB gave a public nod to the integralist legacy. Roberto Jefferson used the
motto “God, Homeland, Family, and Liberty” until he was arrested, in August 2021, for his
involvement in anti-democratic demonstrations and the attacks aimed at the Ministers of the
Brazilian Supreme Court, the Supremo Tribunal Federal.
The integralist motto was also used by groups closer to Jair Bolsonaro. On November 13, 2019,
Alliance for Brazil (Aliança pelo Brasil), a political party created by the Bolsonaro family,
launched its social media profiles. The second message they posted on Twitter: “Our strength is
Brazil! Alliance for Brazil. God, homeland, and family.” The project behind the party was not yet
complete, but the relationship between Bolsonarism and the integralist legacy remained.
On September 7, 2021, during the Brazilian Independence celebrations, Jair Bolsonaro attended
anti-democratic demonstrations in Brasília and São Paulo. His supporters called for the shutdown
of Congress, the arrest and impeachment of STF Ministers, in addition to a “military intervention”
led by Bolsonaro. Days after the negative repercussions of the event, Jair Bolsonaro published a
public letter confirming his commitment to democracy. In his official role as president, he closed
the letter with the motto “God, homeland, family.”
Neointegralism encompasses a highly diverse set of groups, individuals, and interests. Some
have more radical stances, while others seek political grounds to foster an inside revolution. All
these neointegralists share the ideas of Plínio Salgado and other intellectuals of the Brazilian
Integralist Action, such as Gustavo Barroso and Miguel Reale. The motto “God, homeland, and
family” is still alive and might be even more relevant now. Almost a century after the Manifesto
de outubro, fascist- and authoritarian-inspired anti-democratic messages are, unfortunately,
becoming more common in Brazil in the current times.
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Index
Page numbers in italics denote figures. Page numbers followed by n denote notes.
ABC see Brazilian Culture Association

Abramo, L. 36
Academy of Letters (ABL) 2, 9
Ação! (newsletter) 92, 122
Ação Nacional (newspaper) 92
ACCALE see Arcy Lopes Estrella Civic and Cultural Association
Action Française 3
AIB see Brazilian Integralist Action
Aires, L. 8
Albuquerque, Hermes M. L. e 46, 47
Alerta (newspaper) 98
Almeida, J. A. de 37
Alves, D. 129, 134
Alves, S. R. 11
Ameal, J. 80
Amorim, R. 126
Anauê! (magazine) 26, 29, 51, 55
ANL (the National Liberation Alliance, Aliança Nacional Libertadora) 14
anti-communism 7–8, 54, 56–57, 71, 93, 99, 113, 124, 129
Anti-fascist Youth 104
anti-semitic literature 11
anti-semitism and neointegralism 112–114
Appolo Sport Club 43
Aquino, T. de 8
Aranha, A. E. de S. 2, 4, 44
Aranha, O. de S. 2, 44
Arcy Lopes Estrella Civic and Cultural Association (ACCALE) 124–127, 129–132
Arruda, R. 6, 83
Association of Graduates of the Superior War School (ADESG) 104
A bagaceira (Almeida) 37
Bandeira do Sigma (newsletter) 121

Baptista, J. 42
Barbuy, V. E. V. 115, 125, 126–127
Baron 47
Barreto, J. C. 108
Barros, A. de 61, 62
Barroso, G. 32, 46, 94, 97, 108; amendments in anti-Semitic texts of 113; anti-Semitic text of 116;
and anti-Semitism 113–114; during clandestine period of integralism 44; excursions were led
by 21; joining the movement 8, 11–12; nomination 36
Battisti, C. 121
Battle of Praça da Sé 36
Benário, O. 7
Bittencourt, D. de 8, 11
Bobrow, J. 96
Bolshevism 26
Bolsonaro, F. 126
Bolsonaro, J. 119, 121, 126
Bolsonaro government: attack on the Porta dos Fundos headquarters 129–132, 134–135; and
political violence 127–129
Braga, N. 84
Braga, R. 31
Bragança, D. B. de O. e 99
Bragança, D. L. de O. e 99, 102
Bragard 47
Branco, C. 71
Brasil Feminino (magazine) 27–28
Brazilian Agricultural Workers Union (UOCB) 57, 74, 80–81
Brazilian Black Front (FNB) 11
Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) 7
Brazilian Culture Association (ABC) 39; attempts to refound 83–84; and democratic transition
82–85
Brazilian Democratic Movement 72
Brazilian Democratic Union (UDB) 37
Brazilian Imperial Monarchic Movement 95
Brazilian Institute for Democratic Action 70
Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB) 1–42; attempts to refound 83–84; and democratic transition
82–85; Estado Novo coup, support for 36–39; expansion and growth 12–14, 16; formation of
integralism 1–3; Getúlio Vargas assassination attempt 40–42; Green-shirt propaganda 25–30;
Gustavo Barroso 8, 11–12; the integralist family 16–18, 20; integralist uprising of 1938 40–42;
Italian fascism 3; Miguel Reale 8, 11–12; neo-Nazism and the ousting of Anésio 94–97;
opposition and conflict 30–36; organization 15; Plínio Salgado 1–3; principles 4–8; protocols
20–25; return of 89–91; rituals 20–25; and skinheads 93–94; three leaders and some enemies 8,
11–12
Brazilian Integralist and Linearist Movement (MIL-B) 111–114
Brazilian Integralist Front (FIB) 114–118, 131; and ACCALE 127, 129; and the Brazilian Labor
Renovation Party (PRTB) 127
Brazilian Integralist Movement (MIB) 107
Brazilian Labor Renovation Party (PRTB) 123, 124–127, 130
Brazilian Literacy Movement 74
Brazilian Patriotic Imperial Action 4
Brazilian Social Action (national fascist party) 4
Brizola, L. 67
Bueno, A. H. C. 78, 80, 86
Buzaid, A. 74, 77, 90
Cabocla (Couto) 2
Café Filho 58
Câmara, D. H. 7, 8, 36
Camargo, A. 86
Campos, F. de 38
Campos Júnior, A. L. 89–92, 94, 96, 100, 105, 107; ousting of 94–97
Cândido, J. 11
Candu, L. 14, 16
Carecas 93
Carlos, J. 2
Carmo, L. G. do 49
Carneiro, E. 100, 118–119, 125
Carvalho, J. B. de 86, 104
Carvalho, L. G. de 41
Carvalho, O. de 132
Carvalho, P. B. 86
Casa Plínio Salgado 85–87, 102, 125
Cascudo, L. da C. 26
Castan, S. E. 94
Castro Jr, J. C. P. de 39
Catholic Electoral League (LEC, Liga Eleitoral Católica) 8
Catholicism 8
Cavalcante, S. 91
Cavalcanti, N. 37, 39
Cearense Labor Legion (Legião Cearense do Trabalho) 4
Cedade (magazine) 97
Chateaubriand, A. 35
Chrispim, A. 81
Christian Democratic Party (PDC) 90
Ciano, G. 3
Coelho, J. 92
Constitutionalist Revolution 4
Corbisier, R. 3
Correio da Manhã (newspaper) 41
Costa, H. R. da 130
Costa, P. F. M. da 105, 117, 119, 127, 129–130, 134
Cotrim Neto, A. B. 77
Couto, R. 2, 47
Crusade for National Renewal 74
Cuba, diplomatic relations with 69
cultural Marxism 105, 126
Cunha, F. da 39
Cunha, H. da 78, 82–83
Damasceno, E. M. 49, 105, 119, 127, 132

Democratic Movement against Nazism 96
Dezembrada (music festival) 123
Dicionário do folclore brasileiro (“Brazilian Folklore Dictionary”) (Cascudo) 26
Dilma Rousseff, fall of 120–124
Dorea, G. R. 56, 82–83, 125
Dutra, E. G. 40, 44, 51, 56
Erundina, L. 96
Estado Novo coup, support for 36–39; see also Brazilian Integralist Action
Estrella, A. L. 98, 99, 100, 102–103, 109
Eustáquio, O. 134
Evola, J. 132
Faria, O. de 26
fascism 3, 4, 7, 11, 32, 35, 44, 49, 51–54, 58, 63, 67–68, 91, 95, 105, 123, 126, 129
Fauzi, E. 126, 132
FIB see Brazilian Integralist Front
Fidelix, L. 123, 127, 134
Figueira, G. J. 121
Figueiredo, E. 39, 40
Figueiredo, J. 90
First Temptation of Christ, The (film) 130
Folha de S. Paulo (newspaper) 31, 96
Fonte, C. da 42
Fontes, R. A. R. 87, 92
Fora Battisti 121
Fournier, S. 39, 40–41
Franco, F. 97
Franco, M. 126
Frank, W. 26
freemasonry 113
Freitas, M. de 9–10, 13
Genro, T. 121
Girl from Ipanema (Moraes) 26
Globo and Folha de São Paulo (media outlet) 77
Gomes, C. 130
Gomes, E. 51, 54
Good Press Youth Crusade (Cruzada Juvenil da Boa Imprensa) 43–44
Goulart, J. (Jango) 68, 70–72
Gracie, H. 17
Gramsci, A. 105
GRD publishing house 70, 125–126
Green Help (Socorro Verde) 43
Green-shirt Protestants 8
Grünewald, A. R. 74
Guimarães, J. B. 35
Guimarães, U. 77
Gullo, D. 80
Hitler, A. 47, 94
Hitler’s War (Irving) 97
Hoffmann, A. 68, 77, 90
Holocaust Denial 94, 95, 105, 112
Idade Nova (newspaper) 98

Informativo CEDI (newsletter) 102
Institute for Economic and Social Research 70
Instituto Carioca de Estudos Brasileiros 41
integralism: and Catholicism 8; expansion and growth 12–14, 16; formation and principles 4–8;
Getúlio Vargas assassination attempt 40–42; green-shirt propaganda 25–30; integralist family
16–18, 20; opposition and conflict 30–36; protocols 20–25; rituals 20–25; Salgado, rise of 1–3;
support for the Estado Novo coup 36–39; and symbology 5–6, 23; three leaders and some
enemies 8–9, 10, 11–12; and uniforms 5, 20; uprising of 1938 40–42
integralism between democracy and dictatorship 43–76; alliances and the integralist symbology
63–71; dictatorship 71–76; 1955 elections 58–59, 61–63; end of integralism 71–76; Plínio
Salgado, death of 71–76; Plínio Salgado, return of 50–52; PRP, formation of 50–52; PRP and
Plínio Salgado 52–58
Integralist Action Party (PAI) 89
integralist greeting 6
integralist groups (from 1975 to 2001) 79
Integralist Militia 31–32
Integralist Studies and Debate Center (CEDI) 98, 99–100
The International Jew 11

Irving, D. 97
Italian fascism 3
Jefferson, R. 134
Jordy, C. 125, 126
Jornal do Brasil (newspaper) 7
Jornal do Povo (newspaper) 36
Kaminski, E. O. 53–54
Kozel Filho, Mário 119
Kubitschek, J. 62, 67, 69
Lacerda, C. 62, 68
Lacerda, R. 84
Leite, A. 77
Leo XIII 7
Lima, A. A. 8, 51, 73
Lima, M. 114, 134
Lima, N. de 77–78
Lima, R. B. 40, 70
Lisboa, C. 38
Livraria Clássica Brasileira publishing house 57
Lott, M. H. T. 69
Loureiro Júnior, José 14, 38–39, 42, 46, 63, 75
Luís, W. 3
Luiz, I. 90
Lula 121
Lusitanian integralism 3
Luz, I. 71
Machado, O. 8
Maçonaria, judaísmo e comunismo 11
Macron, E. 129
Maestri, M. 53
Magalhães, A. 13
Majority Parliamentary Block (Bloco Parlamentar da Maioria) 62
Maluf, P. 86, 96
Mangabeira, O. 39, 40
A Manhã (newspaper) 30
Manifesto de Outubro 4–5
A Marcha (newspaper) 55–56, 70, 81
Martino, D. Di 118
Maya, R. 95
Mazzilli, R. 72
Medeiros, J. 43, 77, 80–82, 89, 108
Médici, E. G. 73, 90
Médici, S. 90
Meirelles, A. C. 87–88, 93
Melo, M. de S. e 74
Melo, M. N. de 44
Melo, O. de 7, 13
Mendez, M. 98, 99–101, 118; death and impact on neointegralism 102
MIL-B (Brazilian Integralist and Linearist Movement) 111–114
Military Junta 73, 74
Mondin, G. 53, 63, 66–67, 72, 77, 78, 88
Monitor Integralista (official AIB news outlet) 20–21
Monsaraz, A. de 49
Monteiro, G. 37–38
Montoro, F. 77
Moraes, V. de 26
Mota, J. 7, 8, 13
Motta Filho, C. 4
Mourão Filho, O. 6, 32, 37, 71
Mourão, G. M. 119
Müller, F. 39, 40
multipartisanship 84–85
Mussolini, B. 1–2
Nascimento, A. do 11
Nascimento, J. 40
Nassenstein, A. 48
National Democratic Union (UND) 103–104
National Housing Bank (BNH) 74
National Institute of Immigration and Colonization 62
Nationalist Action Party (PAN) 87–89, 93
Nationalist People Insurgency Command (CIPN) 127–128
National Liberation Alliance (ANL) 7
National Order Reconstruction Party (Prona) 100, 118
National Renewal Alliance 72
National-Syndicalist Movement 49
National Syndicalist Party (Partido Nacional Sindicalista) 4
Navarro, S. 71
Nazism 11, 47, 94, 95, 96, 100, 127
neofascism 95, 123
neointegralism, origins of 78; AIB, neo-Nazism and the ousting of Anésio 94–97; the AIB, the
ABC, and the democratic transition 82–85; AIB and skinheads 93–94; Casa Plínio Salgado and
the lasting presence of integralism 85–87; Integralist studies and debate center 98–101;
national renewal crusade 80–82; new conflict in Praça da Sé 92–93; Plínio Salgado Culture
Center 97–98; and political parties 87–89; return of the Brazilian Integralist Action 89–91
neointegralism in the 21st Century 102–135; attack on the Porta dos Fundos headquarters 129–132,
134–135; Bolsonarism and political violence 127–129; Brazilian Integralist and Linearist
Movement 111–114; Brazilian Integralist Front (FIB) 114–118; demonstrations and the fall of
Dilma Rousseff 120–124; First Congress of the 21st century 103–105, 107; introduction 102–103;
Neointegralism and Prona 118–119; neointegralists and the escalation of authoritarianism
124–127; Revolutionary Integralist Action 108–109, 111
Neo-nazism 94, 95, 100
Neves, R. 90
Neves, T. 70, 90
Nicholas II 11
Nogueira, A. 58
A Noite (newspaper) 41
Nosso Brasil (Salgado) 86
Nova Offensiva (media outlet) 116
O Dia (newspaper) 66
O Estadão (newspaper) 129–130
O Estado de S. Paulo (newspaper) 7
O estrangeiro 3
O imbecil coletivo (Carvalho) 132
O integralismo revolucionário de Plínio Salgado (Dorea) 132
O Integralista (newspaper) 27, 89
Oliveira, A. S. de 34
Oliveira, D. P. de 35
Oliveira, de S. A. 36–37
O nazismo breve história ilustrada (Schiling) 97
Padilha, R. 43, 46, 51, 59, 77

Paiva, A. J. R. 103–104
Panorama (magazine) 28
Pasqualini, A. 54
Patriotic Brazilian Women Action 57
Patriots 129, 130
Pedro II, C. 91
Pedrosa, M. 35
Pen, M. Le 125
People Representation Party (PRP) 44, 84; see also Salgado, P.
Pereira Filho, G. 46, 80
Pessoa, J. 2
Picchia, M. del 77, 80
Pinto, A. R. 68, 71, 88
Pinto, F. J. 37
Pizzotti, J. 108–109, 111, 115
Plínio Salgado Culture Center (CCPS) 97–98
political violence 127–129
Pope Leo XIII 3
Porta dos Fundos 129–132
Porta dos Fundos (Video production company) 130
Portela, P. 77
Portuguese Legion (political police) 46
Povoleri, W. 82–83
Praça da Sé, conflict in 92–93
Prestes, J. 3
Prestes, L. C. 7, 92
Prona 130; and neointegralism 118–119
The Protocols of the Elders of Zion 11
PRP (People Representation Party) 44
PRTB see Brazilian Labor Renovation Party
PVDE (Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado) (political police) 46
Quadros, J. 68–70
Rademaker, A. 73
Ramos, A. G. 11
A Razão (newspaper) 4
Reale, M. 8–9, 11–12, 36, 56, 77, 89, 90; during clandestine period of integralism 44; joining the
movement 8, 11–12; led the first AIB march 20–21; nomination 36
“Renovação Nacional” (newspaper) 81, 108
Rerum Novarum 3
Revisão (publishing house) 94
Revolutionary Integralist Action (AIR) 107–109, 111
Revolution of 1930 2
Ricardo, C. 119
Rodrigues, I. 11
Rosica, N. 33–34
Rousseff, D. 126
Rummert Júnior, Fritz 30
Salazar, A. de O. 44, 45
Salgado, C. P. 16, 41, 45, 52, 78, 80, 84, 85, 86, 108–109; death of 89; organizing the second Brazilian
Culture Association (ABC) 83–84; originating the Plínio Salgado Fund 108
Salgado, H. 42
Salgado, M. A. 16, 78, 85
Salgado, P. 1–3, 75–78; alliances and the integralist symbology in the parliament 63–71; during the
clandestine period of integralism 43–44; death 75–78; dictatorship 71–72; 1955 elections 58–59,
61–63; 1966 elections 72–74; formation of the PRP 50–52; and Mussolini 1–3; Plínio Salgado
Brazilian Studies Association 78, 80; Portugal, exile in 47–50; projects for the PRP 52–58;
retirement from public life 74–75; returned to Brazil 52; return to Brazil 50–52
Sanches, J. C. 92
Santos, P. S. dos 8
Santos, S. 95
Sarney, J. 90
SBT (TV channel) 95
Schellenberg, W. 47–48
Schröder, E. E. 47
Serra, J. 121
Setúbal, O. 77
Sigma: return of the 63–64; see also Brazilian Integralist Action
Sigma-Film 30
Sigma-Jornais Reunidos (“Compiled Sigma Newspapers”) 26, 29
Silva, C. e 73
Silva, D. L. e 8
Silva, J. F. da 8, 41, 81
Silveira, C. G. R. 104, 111–115, 123
Silveira, M. B. da 102, 105, 115
Silver Bell (symbol of the PRP) 55
skinheads 93–94
Soares, V. 2
Social Democratic Party (PSD) 51
Socialism and Freedom Party (PSOL) 123
social media 124–125
social networks 116–117
Social Security Institute for Public Servants 62
Social Service of Industry (SESI) 55–56
Sociedade de Estudos Políticos (SEP) 4
Souza, M. de M. e 73
Spinelli, C. 35
Spiritualist Nationalism Study Society (Sene) 112
Suplicy, E. 96
Tavares, J. 63
Tavares, R. 126–127
Távora, J. 61, 62
Teixeira, A. 71, 90
Telles, G. S. 51
Thomaz, E. 122
Torelly, A. F. de B. 30, 36
Torres, A. 125
Tradition, Family, and Property (TFP) 99
A tragédia burguesa (Moraes) 26
Tribuna da Imprensa (newspaper) 62, 65
Trotsky, L. 114
Tupã Rooster (symbology of MIL-B) 113–114
UFRJ 132
Ultra Defesa (neo-fascist group) 122
Unified Workers Central (CUT) 92
UNIRIO 128, 131
United States Information Agency (Usia) 70
Valverde, B. 39, 40
Vargas 37, 38; and Estado Novo Coup 38; supported Dutra 51
Vargas, G. 2, 3, 21, 32, 36, 134; assassination attempt 40–42; suicide 61; victory of 54
Vasconcellos, S. de 116, 126
Vasconcelos, W. 126
Veloso, J. P. dos R. 74
verde-amarelismo 2, 4
Vida de Jesus (Salgado) 48
Vieira, L. 77
Voz do Oeste Publishing House 85–86
Wagner, A. 16
Winter, S. 134
women in integralist movement 16–17, 18
Workers’ Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores) 35
Youth Cultural Centers Confederation (CCCJ) 74, 75
Zanello, O. 68, 69, 71, 72

Zanine, A. 94
Zarranz, B. 125–126

Fascism in Brazil

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Fascism in Brazil

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Fascism in Brazil

The Rise of the Dutch New Right

A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism

The Blackshirts’ Dictatorship

Male Supremacism in the United States

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Routledge-Studies-in-

Leandro Pereira Gonçalves

1 The Formation of the Sigma: The Brazilian Integralist Action

2 Integralism Between Democracy and Dictatorship

3 The Death of Plínio Salgado and the Origins of Neointegralism

4 Neointegralism in the 21st Century: From Social Media to Political Violence

Plínio Salgado, fascist Italy, and the formation of integralism

Formation and principles of the Brazilian Integralist Action

FIGURE 1.1 Integralist activists

Source: Arquivo Público Histórico de Rio Claro—Fundo Plínio Salgado

Three leaders and some enemies

FIGURE 1.2 Plínio Salgado

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.4 Miguel Reale

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Source: Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro

Expansion and growth

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.7 Brazilian Integralist Action-Organization

The integralist family

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.9 Integralist athletes

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.10 Integralist associativism

Source: Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro

FIGURE 1.11 Integralist march

FIGURE 1.12 Plinianos

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Protocols and rituals

FIGURE 1.14 The Night of the Silent Drums

Source: Arquivo Público Histórico de Rio Claro—Fundo Plínio Salgado

Source: Authors’ personal archives

FIGURE 1.16 Integralist tableware

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.18 Anauê! magazine cover

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Your perfume, beloved!… – in your letters,

FIGURE 1.19 Brasil Feminino magazine cover

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.20 Anauê! magazine cover

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.21 “Sigma” cigarette advertisement

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

Opposition and conflict: the flock of the green-chickens

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

FIGURE 1.23 AIB gun apprehension (Gamboa Center, Rio de Janeiro)

Source: Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro

FIGURE 1.24 Integralist march

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS

The support for the Estado Novo coup

The integralist uprising of 1938 and the Getúlio Vargas assassination

The clandestine period of integralism

Source: Arquivo Público Histórico de Rio Claro—Fundo Plínio Salgado.

Source: O punhal nazista no coração do Brasil (Antonio de Lara Ribas, 1944).

Source: Acervo AIB/PRP-Delfos/PUCRS.

His intellectual endeavors were centered around a Christian framework, aiming at