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Steve Gardham
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19
BURLESQUING THE BALLAD
Steve Gardham
The Oxford English Dictionary gives the meaning of the noun ‘burlesque’ most appropriate
here as ‘that species of literary composition or of dramatic representation which aims at ex-
citing laughter by caricature of the manner or spirit of serious works, or by ludicrous treat-
ment of their subjects; a literary or dramatic work of this kind’, and an example of 1667 is
given. I would contend that this meaning of the word is that which has prevailed from about
1600 to the present day, albeit other usages have come and gone in that period. As we also
use the word as a verb, it seems appropriate to give the same dictionary’s verb definition, ‘To
turn into ridicule by grotesque parody or imitation, to caricature, travesty’.
Prior to 1600, the noun seems to have been used to apply to what we now call ‘songs of
marvels’ or ‘impossibilities’ such as the well-known ‘Martin said to his man/Who’s the fool
now?’1
Whilst many types of literature and dramatic works have been burlesqued over the last
four centuries, including the ballad operas of the eighteenth century, this chapter looks at
how the traditional ballad, that which has been at some point transmitted orally, has been
burlesqued.
An investigation of the topic of burlesques and parodies necessitates close textual compar-
isons and detailed deconstructions of individual songs, as well as the broad principles which
seem to operate in particular genres.
This work is interesting in itself, but it is also valuable as a clear demonstration of how
the history of songs, and of singing, needs to take into account the highly complex inter-
play between commercial and ‘folk’, which in the past has been seen as a relatively simple
relationship. The following case studies lead us through a maze of song milieux, includ-
ing the oral tradition, printed sources at all levels (broadsides, songsters, sheet music),
stage representations (ballad operas, farces, burlettas, pantomimes), commercial pleasure
gardens, tavern-singing, semi-professional concert rooms, fully professional music halls
and many more.
It is a key definitional element of ‘folk song’ that songs change over time, both in the indi-
vidual voice (from performance to performance) and in transmission between singers, down
the generations, and so on. Change can be gradual, seemingly organic (and unconscious) or
deliberate, but on the whole the ‘tradition’ appears to be relatively stable and singers rela-
tively conservative rather than innovative and dynamic.
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But change can also be abrupt and far-reaching, usually as a result of deliberate individ-
ual (and often commercial) intervention. Songs can be re-written, shortened, lengthened,
combined, parodied, adapted for a new audience, bawdied or bowdlerised, and generally
mucked about, and any of these ‘adaptations’ can become popular in their own right, and
even become ‘traditional’.
No light is thrown upon the beginnings of this too insipid ballad by the musical tra-
dition. Its great popularity for at least a hundred years is powerful testimony to the
life-giving energy of a memorable tune. For the narrative is of the slightest, and there is
no sign in any known version that it has lost much in its passage. The textual tradition
is, like the melodic one, unusually compact and consistent. But it is impossible to believe
that there is enough nutriment in the story alone to win friends on every hand. Though
it dallies with the innocence of love, it could hardly have struck most singers as silly
sooth, unless for the reason that it was so strange to common experience. But the tune
has been remembered almost note for note by multitudes, we must suppose; and this lack
of deviation proves that it was everywhere learned without effort, if not all but involun-
tarily. There is no obvious bond of sympathy between tripping melody and lachrymose
text, but the first effectually removes the curse from the second, so that it can be sung
without much loss of self-possession. Whether or not it was born of the eighteenth cen-
tury, this union of text and tune prettily symbolises a sentimentality too concerned with
itself as interesting spectacle ever to be pulled under by the tide of genuine emotion.3
Child has very little to say on Lady Alice. He gives only two short versions, one a
n ineteenth-century broadside copy and the other from Gammer Gurton’s Garland of 1810.4
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We now know that there were a few earlier versions and many later ones recorded in the
twentieth century, both in Britain and in America. The earlier ones, of the second half of
the eighteenth century, differ enough between them and between later versions to suggest
an even earlier origin. Bronson refers to the possible relationship between this ballad and
‘Clerk Colvill’ (Child 42), a Scottish rewrite of a very widespread ballad on the continent
described in detail by Child in his headnotes. Bronson flags up the very persuasive theory
first proposed by Barbara M. Cra’ster,5 that Child 85 is based on Child 42. These links would
not have been available to Child as the versions containing them are largely found in sources
recorded after he died. The versions of ‘Giles Collins’ collected in southern England and
some American ones have three extra stanzas at the beginning which are not found in any
of the extant earlier versions. The links between the two ballads are that Collins/Colvill
meets a maid washing on a stone who he is enamoured with, but the encounter proves fa-
tal to him, and when he gets home he asks his mother to make his bed as he will soon be
dead. In Lady Alice, he asks his mother to ‘bind up my head’ which in ‘Clerk Colvill’ is an
action that happens earlier in the story and it is the maid who is asked. Whilst more recently
others claim that these links are somewhat tenuous, i.e. the ‘mother, make my bed/dead’ is
a commonplace, I think there is a strong possibility of a connection, and Bronson states ‘its
plausibility makes a strong appeal’.6 The earliest extant version of ‘Clerk Colvill’ was given
in Herd’s Ancient and Modern Scottish Songs 7 of 1769, and even though it is quite likely that it
had been written only a few decades earlier, it could easily have been the inspiration for the
burlesque ‘Giles Collins’.
The earliest extant versions of ‘Lord Lovel’ are those sent to Bishop Percy in the 1760s and
1770s.8 In February 1765, Horace Walpole sent Percy the following version, which he titled
‘The Ballad of Lady Hounsibelle and Lord Lovel’:
I fare you well, Lady Hounsibelle,
For I must needs be gone;
And this time two year I’ll meet you again,
To end the true love we begun.
He asked of a gentleman,
That stood there all alone,
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Walpole had written the ballad down from memory having learnt it about 1740. In the accom-
panying letter, he states, ‘I remember to have heard another, which was the exact counterpart
to it, called “Giles Colin”’, but unfortunately he could not remember any of this. In 1770, Percy
received another version from a Reverend P. Parsons of Wye ‘from singing’. It is noteworthy
that the two versions only differ textually in a few minor points, albeit one is from memory in
London and the other from oral transmission only a few miles from London. Walpole’s version
lacks one stanza of Parsons’ version. This stanza comes after stanza 7 in Walpole’s version.
He caused the corpse to be set down,
And her winding sheet undone,
And he made a vow before them all
That he’d never kiss woman again.
The closeness of the two versions could suggest that ballad was not very old in the mid-
eighteenth century. In the letter, Walpole makes no hint that he considered the ballad comic
in any way, but there are numerous features in the ballad that place it into the realms of bur-
lesque. Undoubtedly, whoever composed it was familiar with the characteristics of the ballad
of tradition; it is in ballad metre, uses commonplace phrases (somewhat liberally) and a whole
stanza sequence, and has the tell-tale leaping and lingering10 so characteristic of the ballad,
but one could say that in this case the leaping and lingering is well overcooked, and there are
numerous tell-tale burlesque ingredients in the mix. Just the name Hounsibelle (Ouncebell
in Parsons’ version) is a hint. Traditionary ballads are well-known for using mostly very
common first names and whilst the addition of ‘belle’ onto the end of an existing female
given name was common at that time (Nancybelle in later versions), the name here seems to
have been unique. The fourth stanza rhymes ‘year’ with ‘go see her’ contrived rhymes being
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typical of burlesques. Both versions have the peculiar use of a well-known refrain as the
third line of the third stanza. There are certain situations which suggest that the ballad had
not been long in tradition, such as ‘He asked of a gentleman that stood there all alone’. The
shortening of ‘them’ in the last line smacks of a comic stage piece. Individually all of these
quibbles could easily be dismissed, but collectively to one who has studied burlesque ballads
they point to that genre. So the whole has the ring of a burlesque, but a burlesque of what
precisely? A suggestion has been made that it was a burlesque of one of the old broadsides
‘Fair Margaret and Sweet William’ (Child 74), mainly because they have similar plots and
both employ the ‘rose and briar’ commonplace, but my thesis is that both ‘Lord Lovel’ and
‘Lady Alice’ are burlesques on the ballad genre as a whole, not on a single ballad, excepting
perhaps Lady Alice is a burlesque on ‘Clerk Colvill’, indeed a possibility.
Another aspect of the burlesque is that in a few cases, on paper, the burlesques looked
little different from the serious original and the humour was mostly or all derived from the
performance. Both of the ballads so far under scrutiny here appear to have been treated as
burlesques in performance in their own urban settings, but in oral tradition when taken di-
rectly from the broadside press, became serious ballads in rural areas with little access to stage
versions. No doubt ‘Giles Collins’ existed in many forms in the second half of the eighteenth
century, but by 1790 it was certainly a stage burlesque as sung in a ‘crying style’ by Mr.
Needham.11 But we also know that this version was part of the pleasure garden repertoire in
1763 as its first stanza was included in a medley printed by Thomas Bailey of 110 Leadenhall
Street, London,12 and medleys, by definition, comprise parts of songs already in circulation,
and in most cases readily recognisable to their audience.
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The addition of the ‘a’ to the second and fourth lines and the repeat of line 4 are not indicated
in those versions sent to Percy, or indeed in later versions, and are characteristic of mainly comic
songs of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, probably the best-known being ‘John Dory’
(Child 284) from Ravenscroft’s Deuteromelia14 (1609), but mentioned in much earlier literature,
which became extremely popular in the seventeenth century. Also in the medley mentioned
above printed by Bailey in 1763, a few lines of ‘John Dory’ immediately follow the fragment of
Giles Collins, so it seems reasonable to assume this version used that tune.
As the two ballads progressed into the nineteenth century, ‘Giles Collins’ appears to have
faded as a popular stage piece. The only known sheet music version from this period is a five-
stanza version printed in Baltimore c1850,15 although the song continued to have a lively exis-
tence in oral tradition both as a serious ballad and as a comic one. Meanwhile, ‘Lord Lovel’ took
on a new lease of life in the concert halls, taverns, song cellars and supper rooms, having at some
point in the early nineteenth century been set to the jolly tune with the comic repeats, and later
even having a more obviously burlesque stanza added no doubt by Sam Cowell:
Then he threw himself down by the side of the corpse
With a terrible grunt and a guggle,
Gave two hops, three kicks, heaved a sigh, blew his nose,
Kicked the bucket, and died in the struggle.
It first became known in the metropolis by a comic singer of the name of Graham; but
it was not received with eclat until poor Sam Cowell brought a copy of it in his pocket
from Aberdeen about 1846 when it became a favourite song at Evans’s and other Music
Halls of the metropolis.16
By 1850 a pantomime was being performed at the Theatre Royal, Hull. It was described as A
New Grand Comical, Historical, Legendary, and Lyrical Christmas Pantomime partly founded upon the
ancient and affecting Traditionary Ballad of ‘The Mistletoe Bough’ and partly suggested by another interesting
Ditty, both being blended in the wonder-exciting and irresistibly attractive Title of Harlequin Lord Lovel and
Nancy Bell and the Fairie of the Silver Oak. The pantomime combined the Lord Lovel from our
ballad with the other one from ‘The Mistletoe Bough’. to make one character.
By 1852, the versions being produced by comic singers and song-writers J. W. Sharp and
Sam Cowell were all the rage, having been widely published as sheet music and in songsters, and
inevitably by the broadside printers. It was one of the first big hits of the embryonic Music Hall
era. In comparison with ‘Giles Collins’, oral versions of ‘Lord Lovel’ tend to be more consistent
in text and tune with little variation from the general stock of stanzas, no doubt due at least partly
to its long life and popularity in print and as a commercial piece.
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It would be no surprise that successful burlesques often inspire parodies and our two bal-
lads are no exception. Amongst the better-known are ‘Giles Scroggins’ Ghost’, parodying
‘Giles Collins’, which commences:
It was written in 1803 by Charles Dibdin Junior to be sung by Mr. Smith in Two little Gipsies
performed at Sadler’s Wells, the music by William Reeve.17 Actually it has little in common with
‘Giles Collins’ and perhaps just the name was sufficient to link the two items in people’s minds.
‘Joe Muggins’, the main parody of ‘Lord Lovel’, follows the wording of its original more
closely, and the tune and format are the same:
It was written shortly after Sam Cowell and J. W. Sharp made ‘Lord Lovel’ popular and
might well be another of Sam’s pieces.
The tune became very popular and a favourite with ballad writers and it was not long before
the three stanzas were lengthened into a 12-stanza broadside ballad ‘The Sorrowful Ladie’s
Complaint’, commencing:
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Yet the noise of the winds and the waters was drown’d
By the pitiful cry and the sorrowful sound
Of Ah! ah! ah! my love’s dead
There is not a Bell,
But a Triton’s shell,
To ring, to ring, to ring my Love’s knell.21
The ballad continued to be printed in slightly varying forms during the eighteenth century
under such titles as ‘Oh My Love is dead’ and ‘The Drowned Mariner’, but by the end of
the century and into the nineteenth, much reduced versions were being printed of between
four and six stanzas and the chorus had changed somewhat. Here is the first stanza of ‘The
Lover’s Lament for Her Sailor’:
The fanciful ideas are retained in the sixth and final stanza, lines 1 and 2:
The pathos of the song ideally suited the fashion of the early nineteenth century and it was
widely printed under a variety of titles, but by the middle of the century, it was inevitable
that burlesque was its fate. As with ‘Giles Collins’ having been sung in a ‘crying style’ by
Mr. Needham c1780, Sam Cowell is depicted on the front cover of the original sheet mu-
sic performing his burlesque version in pathetic character. Even these Music Hall versions
were extremely fluid. The three known versions are what is probably the original sheet
music written and sung by W. H. C. West and by Sam; one given in The English Song Book,
with words by Charles Sloman, arranged by T. Westrop23; and the third in Ebsworth’s
Roxburghe Ballads.24 All three are very different. This is the first stanza of West’s version:
There is very little change in text from the broadside as the burlesque was almost all in the ex-
aggerated Coster pronunciation, which is a marked characteristic of the period, and the mock
pathetic delivery. Sloman’s version is much more altered. Here’s his fourth and last stanza:
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Sam Cowell made the song famous at the Canterbury Hall in the character of an old salt
with pigtail, but the engraving of him on the sheet music portrays the mock pathos of his
delivery to perfection.
Can you or any of your [...] correspondents inform me as the author of The Wandering
Minstrel in what county or about what year the old song of ‘Villikins and his Dinah’
was first printed and published? As Mr. Robson sang the song, the words were those
originally given by Mr. Mitchell, the first low comedian who appeared in the part, A.D.
1831. He brought the country version to me, and I had to condense and interpolate it,
so as to make it ‘go’ with a London audience.26
Although ‘Villikins’ was written in 1831, it did not become universally popular until May-
hew’s one-act burletta The Wandering Minstrel was revived in May 1853 at the Olympic in
London. Comic actor Frederick Robson had just returned from Dublin and had already ap-
peared in the burlesque of Macbeth to great acclaim, in which he introduced several minstrel
songs, and he jumped at the chance to play the ballad singer Jem Baggs in the production,
and the final song of ‘Villikins’. It quickly became the hit of the season and within two years
was being sung all over the English-speaking world. Needless to say, Sam Cowell also took it
on, and many versions were produced, some with spoken interpolation, and in higher circles
it was translated into Greek and Latin amongst other languages.
Davidson’s sheet music title runs The Celebrated Antediluvian and Dolefully Pathetic Lyrical
Legend of Willikind and his Dinah with the Melancholy and Uncomfortable fate of ye Dismal Pari-
ents, sung by Mr F. Robson at the Royal Olympic Theatre. And by Mr J. L. Toole (Comedian), at
the Theatres Royal, Cork, Dublin and Edinburgh, with immense Success; also at the various Literary
Institutions in London, in his popular entertainment of ‘Sayings and Doings.27
‘William and Dinah’ and ‘Villikins’ were widely printed on broadsides and both survived in
oral tradition, the former until the English collectors came along and the latter is still sung in folk
clubs today, championed by Cockney singers such as John Forman, the latterday Broadside King.
Billy Taylor
Another of Sam Cowell’s popular songs was ‘Billy Taylor’ but in this case the burlesque
version was well-known long before the Music Hall era, long before Sam was born in 1820.
It was sung by Mr. Emery at the Theatre Royal in Covent Garden in about 1800, and was
said to have been a favourite of Sarah Siddons.28 The earliest extant version of what is very
likely the original serious ballad dates back to c1712–20 in The Female Sailor’s Garland, in
three parts, printed by Sarah Bates at the Sun and Bible in Pye Corner, London.29 It is not
divided into stanzas and consists of 200 lines, the equivalent of 25 double stanzas. A later
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version, ‘A New Song call’d the Faithful Lover’, printed in The Faithful Lover’s Garland by
John Garnett of Sheffield in 174830 is given in double stanzas, but five have been omitted
from the earlier version, none of these being those utilised in later versions.
Both of these early versions contribute only five stanzas to the 11-stanza version printed
towards the end of the century (NLS LC2856 (2), printed at Kilmarnock c1800,31 and as
Garnett’s title suggests, the longer versions have no infidelity or shooting and the ballad ends
happily with William and Elizabeth marrying. The other six stanzas, in which William is
walking out with another lady, the heroine shoots him and she marries the ship’s captain, are
new to the short version.
The burlesque, distinguished from all other versions by William being named as Billy,
is based on this version and it dates back to at least 1792 when it was printed at Alnwick in
a songster simply titled 4 New Songs.32 London broadside printer Jemmy Catnach printed a
further serious version with four new stanzas,33 three of them at the beginning distinguished
by the first line ‘I’ll sing you a song about two lovers’, and although this was printed much by
his successors in the trade and a few others, it was nowhere near as popular as the burlesque.
The Thunder was indeed a bomb vessel dismantled in 1800. The burlesque ballad was turned
into a burletta by J. B. Buckstone first produced at the Adelphi Theatre, 9th November 1829,
and was played upwards of 50 nights during the season. In his introductory remarks to the
published script George Daniels attributed the burlesque to Sheridan, ‘a whimsy thrown off
in one of those joyous moments which gladdened the heart of that eccentric genius’.35
As we have seen the burlesque was already extremely popular before Sam Cowell took it
to even greater heights in the 1850s. The text of his sheet music version published by B. Wil-
liams is almost verbatim the original burlesque with some Coster pronunciations added. The
tune is a little more varied in the earlier versions but recognisably the same. As one would
expect the serious version tunes are somewhat less jolly. An 1841 version gives the air to the
burlesque as ‘George Barnwell’, which coincidentally is our next ballad.
So in one form or another, this ballad has lasted for more than three centuries, as the
burlesque and serious versions based on the broadsides are still sung today in folk clubs, some
as hybrids of the two types.
George Barnwell
‘An Excellent ballad of George Barnwell an Apprentice of London, who was undone by a
strumpet, who having thrice robbed his Master, and murdered his Uncle in Ludlow’ was
first registered in 1624 at Stationers’ Hall and it continued to be printed right through to the
middle of the eighteenth century in sets mostly of 98 stanzas (e.g. Euing Ballads, p8136). Like
many of the ballads of the period, it served as warning against vice, in this case to appren-
tices, who were the main audience for the play based on it by George Lillo first performed at
Drury Lane and Covent Garden in 1731. Both Percy and Ritson gave the original broadside
version of the ballad the honour of reprinting it. We are told by Joseph Ebsworth again, in
the Roxburghe Ballads,37 that the story was burlesqued: ‘…by James Smith in The Rejected
Address in 1812; and again by Thackeray in his George de Barnwell in 1847’. Smith’s burlesque
commencing ‘George Barnwell stood at the shop door’ (perhaps a nod to ‘Lord Lovel’) was
later printed on broadsides, and Thackeray’s in Punch. It is probable that the popular bur-
lesque Georgy Barnwell given below preceded both of these as it was widely printed in the first
half of the nineteenth century.
The tune as reported above was the same as that used for Cowell’s ‘Billy Taylor’.
In Cheapside there liv’d a merchant
A man he vas of wery great fame,
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Now it chanc’d that von day ven her vages vas paid,
Young Villiam valk’d vith her, and thus to her said—
“More lovely are you than the ships on the sea.”
Then she nudg’d him, and laugh’d, and said “Fiddle de dee!”
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Then Villiam turned red, and then vite, and then green,
Vile Molly’s pale ghost at his side it vos seen;
Her buzzom vos vite, the blood it vos red, --
She spoke not but wanish’d, --and that’s all she said!
The similarities, particularly with ‘Villikins’, are remarkable here. The tune changes at vari-
ous points in the song. The first four stanzas and chorus use a variant of the ‘Villikins’ tune.
In stanzas 5 and 6 as the ghostly part commences the tune changes accordingly, returning to
the first tune in the last three stanzas.
Barbara Allen
The most popular of all ballads in the English-speaking world is indisputably that of Child 84 Bar-
bara Allen. Part of that popularity has to be down to its constant availability in print and to all levels
of society. The first mention, in Samuel Pepys’ diary in 1666, is to a ‘Scotch’ song being sung by an
actress/singer friend. The ‘Scotch’ description was used in the metropolis at that time to describe
any song given a northern setting and using pseudo-Scottish dialect, similar to the pseudo-Irish
stage songs that held great popularity in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. There were
two quite distinct early versions of the ballad and as only one of these contains northern referents
it seems reasonable to assume that Pepys was referring to that which commences:
It was in and about the Martinmas time
When the green leaves were a falling
That Sir John Graeme in the West Country
Fell in love with Barbara Allan. (8 more stanzas)41
The other, ‘Barbara Allen’s Cruelty: or the Young-man’s Tragedy’, was printed by Brooksby,
Deacon, Blare and Back of London c1690–96. This starts:
In Scarlet Town where I was bound,
There was a fair maid dwelling,
Whom I had chosen to be my own,
And her name was Barbara Allen. (14 more stanzas)42
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Which of these is the earlier is a matter for conjecture. William Chappell in his edition
of The Roxburghe Ballads was of the opinion the Scottish version ‘is clearly built upon the
English ballad’,43 but as both very likely came from London about the same period it is im-
possible to declare for certain which is the earliest. Both versions, and others that evolved
from the ‘Scarlet Town’ version, continued to be printed in street literature as long as that
medium lasted, and both were greatly anthologised with music for the entertainment of
those in higher echelons of society. In 1797, a reduced version of five stanzas was sung in the
London theatres by Master Welsh.44
Again it appears to have been the pathos that attracted the burlesque treatment. It would
be surprising that such a ballad would not be ripe for burlesquing at an early stage, having had
such a high profile for so long. However, the earliest so far found was printed by the Glasgow
Poet’s Box in 1874, no doubt a reissue of an earlier printing as Sam Cowell died in 1864 and he
is named on the sheet as one of the singers. It was printed on a two-column sheet along with the
standard ‘Scotch’ version. Indeed under the title ‘Barbara Allen the Cruel’ it states:
‘This comic version of ‘Barbara Allan’, as sung by Messrs Lloyd, Cowell, &c,. is now
drawing crowded audiences at all the different theatres and concerts in the kingdom.
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It is worth noting that we do not get a hint of burlesque here until the sixth stanza and
even then the comic effect is weakly expressed in a few bits of customary Coster language.
As pointed out earlier the main comic effect was produced by the mock pathos assisted by
exaggerated body language, grimaces, costume and props, as perfected by the great panto-
mime clown Joe Grimaldi in the late eighteenth century. The third line of stanza 7 has its
equivalent in ‘Giles Collins’.
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In the Icelandic ballad the sister’s body is found by her lover on the sea shore (more realisti-
cally) and as in later English, Scottish and Scandinavian versions it is he who strings his harp
with strands of her hair. Child was of the very plausible opinion that all of the other uses
of the body parts were added later as an easy and natural progression ‘till we end with the
buffoonery’ of the broadside and the following versions.
Two eighteenth-century versions with similar burlesque stanzas to the above were given
by Child as his L version and in Additions and Corrections.47 L was sent in 1852 to Notes
and Queries by music antiquarian, Edward F Rimbault (1816–1876), having remembered the
fragmentary version from his youth as sung by an old maiden lady. The other version was
sent to Walter Scott by Anna Seward in 1802 with the following letter:
The Binnorie of endless repetition has nothing truly pathetic, and the ludicrous use made
of the drowned sister’s body is well burlesqued in a ridiculous ballad, which I first heard
sung, with farcical grimace, in my infancy [born 1747] thus:
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These two versions are so close in format and text as to have come from the same source.
Rimbault only remembered the first two quatrains in full but described the third in detail. The
rest is even sillier than Seward’s version and the two quite naturally differ considerably as these
couplets easily lend themselves to extemporisation. Both versions show a close affinity to the
broadside, the former with ‘Moll Sims’ and the latter with the ‘eyes so bright’ stanza. Whilst
reading through these two versions, I was struck by the similarity in format to two versions
of ‘The Herring’s Head’ I collected locally on the Yorkshire coast. They both have similar
introductions before the question and answer sequence and the subject matter is equally silly.
The rest of the many Scottish versions given by Child, mostly from the nineteenth cen-
tury, are quite different and of the Binnorie/Edinburgh type. They show signs of having
stemmed from a single translation from the Scandinavian, albeit with plenty of evidence of
oral transmission.
The style of performance is obviously meant to emulate the repetitions in certain religious
ceremonies and is also therefore satirising this as well as the ballad, just as the comic operas
were at once satirising Italian opera and contemporary society and politics.
Inevitably the burlesque went quickly into oral tradition producing a wide variety of
formats, usually under the title of ‘Billy M’Gee Magaw’, though the text remained pretty
stable; and like the minstrel phenomenon itself soon reached Britain where the song can
still be found in oral tradition, usually chanted in mock sermon voice, to a tune such as ‘All
People that on Earth do Dwell’.
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Whether this was the f irst usage of this statement is a matter for further research, but
the whole song is riddled with clichés and commonplaces, albeit well interwoven. The
number of distinct songs in which this couplet subsequently appears in some form has
turned it into a commonplace if it was not already that. It reappeared in another lament
towards the end of the eighteenth century, usually titled ‘The Winter’s Evening’, or on
some slips, ‘Oh, Cruel, or The Winter’s Evening’, taken again from the f irst half of the
second stanza:
But this time the format is reiterated in the second half of the stanza:
And cruel is the winter’s night that pierced my heart with cold,
And cruel was the young man that left his love for gold.
In the early nineteenth century, the burlesque surfaced and this time the format was ex-
tended even further. In the following, we have a whole catalogue of ten ‘Oh cruels’. It was
printed in Hodgson’s New Skylark or Theatrical Budget of Harmony in 1823:
Oh! cruel vas the cruel vater that bore my love from Mary,
And cruel vas the fair vind that wouldn’t blow contrary;
And cruel vas the boatswain, the captain and the men,
That didn’t care a farden if we never met again.
Oh, cruel vas the splinter that broke my poor love’s leg,
Now he’s obliged to fiddle for’t, and I’m oblig’d to beg;
A vagabonding vagrant, and a rantipoling wife,
We fiddles and we limps it, thro’ the ups and downs of life.
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It must be earlier, however, as John Pitts printed an answer to it before 1819. Sometime later
broadside printer Bloomer of Birmingham printed a close version under the following head-
ing which adds to the comic effect:
Oh, Cruel!! A very affecting, pathetic sketch of the life of TOMMY STRILL: Sung by
Mr. Rayner, on his benefit night, and throughout the Season, at North Shields Theatre,
with unqualified Applause. Accompanied by a friend with A wooden leg & one eye.
Tune.—“Calder Fair”.51
The ‘rantipoling wife’ of the title and stanza 3 of Hodgson had become ‘rantpoly wife’ in the
Bloomer version, and in a still later version, presumably from oral tradition, again printed
by Bloomer this had become ‘a ranter Polly’s wife’ giving the name to the title ‘Polly and
the Fiddler’,52 an early example of a mondegreen.53 A rantipoling wife was one who was ‘on
top’, originally literally.
The song was immediately popular and provoked answers and parodies. Titles such as
‘Another Oh, Cruel’ offered a military recruitment version in which a soldier is the maimed
victim. This one, not to be outdone, included seventeen ‘Oh, cruel’ lines. There were also
American parodies; a Washington printed version tells of being shanghaied aboard a fishing
smack by pirates.54
Although already popular, by the rise of the Music Halls a shortened version was pub-
lished in 1864 Oh, Cruel were my Parients, described as ‘The Universally Popular Comic
Song Sung at the Music Halls and Concerts’. The tune was a variant of ‘Sing a Song of
Sixpence’.
Lord Bateman
The widespread ballad ‘Lord Bateman’ (Child 53) did not escape the treatment though the
details of how the burlesque relates to the serious ballad are somewhat obscure. Both En-
glish and Scottish versions existed on broadsides in the latter half of the eighteenth century.
The English version, ‘Young Baker’,55 appears to be the immediate predecessor of ‘Lord
Bateman’. The story of how the burlesque, published in 1839 and illustrated by Cruikshank,
came about involves Dickens and Cruikshank, and in some versions, Thackeray. The stories
all agree that Cruikshank, who had heard the song being sung in the streets by a ballad singer,
sang it in an exaggerated style in the manner of that singer at a dinner of the Antiquarian
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Society. Dickens then persuaded Cruikshank to illustrate and publish it and Dickens would
provide the humorous notes. The version titled ‘Lord Bateman’ was widely printed before
and after Cruikshank’s burlesque version, and although I haven’t seen any broadside versions
of the burlesque, it no doubt added to the popularity of the serious version.
The burlesque deviates only minimally from the serious ballad; every line is present but it
is written in the usual Coster orthography. One stanza of the 21 will suffice here:
To give it a happy ending Cruikshank wrote three extra stanzas in which the ‘proud young
porter’ marries Lord Bateman’s prospective bride. I have no evidence that this burlesque was
ever sung other than by Cruikshank himself although as the music is given in the popular
little book, I can imagine it being performed at similar gatherings to that where Cruikshank
first performed it. Its popularity no doubt owed more to Cruikshank’s humorous cartoons
and Dickens’ humorous notes.
Sir Eglamore
We have hitherto included ballads that show some evidence of having been part of oral tra-
dition in recent centuries, but there is one example extant in the seventeenth century that
did not survive in oral tradition since then. ‘The Ballad of Sir Eglamore’ is undoubtedly a
burlesque based on the third task of slaying a dragon in the French romance Sir Eglamore of
Artois. In this the first and second tasks, the slaying of a giant and a boar, were also made into
a ballad and did survive until recent times in oral tradition. Child titled it ‘Sir Lionel’ (Child
18). The burlesque, printed on broadsides and published in ballad collections from 1615 to
well into the eighteenth century, I give here in full as an early example.
Courage crowned with Conquest; or, A brief relation, how that Valiant Knight, and
Heroick Champion Sir Eglamore, bravely fought with, and manfully slew, a terrible,
huge great Monstrous Dragon. To a pleasant new Tune.
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Conclusion
The over-riding feature of the versions of the ballads being burlesqued was pathos, though
that was not the only aspect being mocked. Most of them had originated as long ballads and
had been deliberately shortened to a fraction of their length to appeal to new audiences at
the end of the eighteenth century. But the result was that they had then culminated in an
exaggerated leaping and lingering effect, commonly found in ballads that had undergone
much oral transmission.
Also in many cases the type of humour intended was that sort of po-faced disaster rela-
tion promoted in recent times by the likes of Frankie Howerd, with his ‘No, you mustn’t
laugh!’ Another aspect of modern humour that is similar is when we are invited to laugh at
pathos in comic animation on our screens. With those old burlesques of ballads the clues lie
in the descriptions of performance, relying heavily on presentation, ‘in a crying style’, the
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depiction of the pathetic characters portrayed on the sheet music covers. Parted lovers and
death predominate, dying for love being heavily mocked. This type of burlesque was already
a strong component of urban entertainment by the beginning of the nineteenth century and
part of the appeal was that audiences knew what to expect and welcomed it. Though derided
at times by polite society, some obviously enjoyed it and even participated, vide, Dickens
and Thackeray.
Notes
1 See, for example: Thomas Wright and James Orchard Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae: Scraps from An-
cient Manuscripts, Illustrating Chiefly Early English Literature and the English Language (London: John
Russell Smith, 1845), pp. 81–86, 239, 250, 325.
2 Francis J. Child, The English and Scottish Popular Ballads Vol 2 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1898),
No.85, p. 279.
3 Bertrand H. Bronson, The Traditional Tunes of the Child Ballads, Vol 2 (Princeton: Princeton Univ.
Press, 1966), p. 189.
4 [ Joseph Ritson] Gammer Gurton’s Garland (London: Triphook, 1810), see Child Vol 2, p. 280.
5 Journal of the Folk Song Society 4 (1910), p. 106.
6 Bronson 2 (1966), p. 392.
7 David Herd, Ancient and Modern Scottish Songs (Edinburgh: Wotherspoon, 1769), p. 302.
8 Child 2, pp. 207, 212.
9 https://libsvcs-1.its.yale.edu/hwcorrespondence/page.esp?vol=40.
10 ‘Leaping and lingering’ is the shorthand phrase to describe a common feature of traditional ballad
composition. Instead of plodding through the story, blow by blow, the text apparently jumps for-
ward in the plot, and lingers there for a while before leaping forward again.
11 Collection of English Ballads, Vol.3. (British Library G308).
12 ‘A Medley’, in The Warbling Philomel, A New and Select Collection of the Best Songs Sung this Year in
Polite Assemblies, Vauxhall, Ranelagh, etc. (printed by Bailey of London, 1763), p. 92.
13 https://libsvcs-1.its.yale.edu/hwcorrespondence/page.esp?vol=40.
14 Thomas Ravenscroft, Deuteromelia (London, 1609).
15 See Lester S. Levy Sheet Music Collection (https://levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/) 38.155.
16 Notes & Queries 4S:5 (1870), p. 521.
17 Writer’s own collection.
18 Printed by Glasgow Poet’s Box (1865) (Mitchell Library, Glasgow (1287)).
19 The Roxburghe Ballads, Vol. 4, pp. 392–400.
20 The Roxburghe Ballads, Vol. 4, p. 393.
21 The Roxburghe Ballads, Vol. 4, p. 398.
22 Broadside printed by Catnach of London, 1813–1832, Bodleian Broadside Ballads website, Firth
c.13 (174).
23 Harold Scott, The English Song Book (London: Chapman & Hall, 1926), p. 71.
24 The Roxburghe Ballads, Vol. 4, pp. 392–400.
25 Notes and Queries, 6S:8 (1883), p. 94.
26 Notes and Queries, 6S:8 (1883), p. 67.
27 Davidson’s Musical Treasury (London) Serial No. 691 (writer’s collection).
28 Notes and Queries 11S:1 (1910), p. 115.
29 Bodleian Library (Douce PP.183).
30 Sheffield City Libraries, ref MP91S.
31 National Library of Scotland, LC2856 (2).
32 British Library (11606 aa.23.11.1).
33 For an online later issue by Fortey of London, see Bodleian Broadside Ballads website (Harding
B11(3010)).
34 A Collection of Comic Songs (London: C. Wheatstone, 1811), pp. 74–75 (NLS Glen Collection).
35 Davidson’s Musical Treasury (London) Serial No. 691 (writer’s collection).
36 E.g. Euing Ballads, p. 81, online at UCSB EBBA 31764.
37 Joseph W. Ebsworth, Roxburghe Ballads, Vol. 8 (London: Ballad Society, 1871–1897), p. 59,
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38 John Ashton, Modern Street Ballads (London: Chatto & Windus, 1888) p. 116, derived from The
Pickwick Songster printed by Ford of Chesterfield, but numerous versions on the Bodleian Broad-
side Ballads website, including one by Batchelar of London dated 1817–1828.
39 Bodleian Broadside Ballads website (Harding B17(207b)).
40 Sheet music printed by B. Williams of London (British Library, H1770).
41 Allan Ramsay, Tea-Table Miscellany Vol 4 (1740 edition) p. 343.
42 UCSB EBBA 30145, from British Library, Roxburghe, C.20.f.8.25.
43 Chappell, The Roxburghe Ballads, Vol 3, p. 433.
44 ‘Well Away, Cruel Barbara Allen’, See British Library 993. K28 (3), p. 13.
45 Child 1, p. 126.
46 Child 1, p. 119.
47 Child 4, p. 448.
48 Child 4, p. 448.
49 Christy’s New Songster (1863), p. 58.
50 Hodgson’s New Skylark or Theatrical Budget of Harmony (1823) (London: Hodgson & Co., 1823)
(British Library 11606.a.29).
51 Cecil Sharp Broadside Collection (VWML online CJS1/10/2/516/1).
52 Madden Collection (Cambridge University Library, Country Printers Vol. 6).
53 ‘Mondegreen’, A verbal interpretation of a misheard word or phrase in a song or recitation that
changes the meaning of the original accidentally.
54 Slip titled ‘The Pirates and Their Friend’, printed at Georgetown, Washington (American Mem-
ory website, https://www.loc.gov/item/amss.as111000/).
55 Bodleian Broadside Ballads website, Harding B6 (86).
56 Small upmarket chapbook illustrated by Cruikshank, pub. Bell and Daldy, London in 1871, p. 19.
57 London, Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and J. Wright, 1672, online at UCSB EBBA 31635, from
Pepys Ballads, Vol. 2, p. 134.
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