Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Feminist aspirations have been expressed since ancient times. However, it was not until
the emergence of the women's suffrage movement in the 1840s and 1850s in the West
that feminist ideas reached a wider audience. This was also known as "first-wave
feminism."
Women's suffrage was achieved in most Western societies in the early twentieth
century. In the 1960s, “second-wave feminism"emerged. Women's suffrage is about
rights ng kababaihan na bumoto at makilahok para sa mga political issues. This strain
was more radical and sometimes revolutionary. Feminist theories and doctrines are thus
diverse, but their unifying feature is “a common desire to enhance, through whatever
means, the social role of women."
Marxist feminism typically highlights the links between female subordination and the
capitalist mode of production, drawing attention to the economic significance of women
to a family or domestic life where they, for instance, "relieve male workers of the
burden of domestic labor, rear and help to educate the next generation of capitalist
workers, and act as a reserve army of labor." By eradicating social classes, sexism will
be eliminated. But Marxist feminism was challenged in the 1970s by socialist feminism.
Socialist Feminism - The latter tradition concluded that women's oppression is not
due to capitalism and economic class relations alone, although they are significant
sources of oppression. Gender relations are equally important in determining women's
status.
Radical Feminism - Still taking the feminist discourse further, radical feminism
believes that gender divisions are the most fundamental and politically significant
cleavages in society. All societies, past or present, are characterized by patriarchy,
where males control females. Thus radical feminists proclaim. the need for sexual
revolution that will restructure personal,domestic and family life.
As feminist movements interact with global and local developments, feminist theories
have increasingly been linked with other issues and ideas, hence producing other
variants of feminism.
Ecofeminism - For instance, ecofeminism locates the origin of the ecological crisis in
the system of male power or patriarchy, where men are less sensitive than women to
natural processes and the natural world.
Ecofeminism is a belief that there are connections between the way women are treated
and the way the environment is treated, often attributing both to patriarchal and
exploitative systems It seeks to address gender and environmental issues together for
a more equitable and sustainable world.
Third-world feminism - for its part, seeks to challenge the universalizing language of
the Western feminists and developmental state discourses about women, the state, and
the struggle.
Third-world feminism struggles for female equality existing outside the western
countries, specifically in the developing ones. Western feminist discourses consider
third-world women as unenlightened, less powerful, exploited, sexually harassed, and
illiterate.
Globally, women's movements have also devised creative means of pushing for
women's issues and causes. For instance, after the 1985 Third World Watch was
formed to monitor, analyze, and encourage reforms in accordance with the 1976 UN
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
In preparation for the Rio Summit in 1992, the Women's Environment and Development
Organization (WEDO) formed a parallel forum, the Women's Caucus, which analyzed
developments at the Rio Summit and lobbied at the summit. Still another effort was the
Global Tribunal on Violation of Women's Rights, which was a dramatic mechanism of
bringing women's testimonies to the world stage.
Comparing women in Asia, it is observable that Filipino women are the most liberated
and one of the most empowered. It is based on statistical comparisons ( using the
Gender-Related Development Index (GDI) & Gender-Empowerment Measure (GEM)
from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) ). And some historical and
cultural traditions also support this observation. For example some traditions and
cultures in some countries in Asia that was not practiced lr we are not doing here in the
Philippines, like the bound feet or foot binding in China, bride-burning in India, and
walking several steps behind a man in Japan. But despite these so-called advantages
of Filipino women, with the closer inspection or closer observation of the actual situation
of women, it shows that gender inequalities and discrimination against women do exist
in Philippine Society.
In terms of population, the 2000 data of the National Statistics Office (NSO) show that
there were slightly more men (38,524,267 or 50.4 percent) than women (37,979,810 or
49.6 percent). In terms of households, the percentage of female-headed households
has been increasing from 10 percent in 1970 to 12.2 percent in 2000.
In education, the Philippines ranks very high in terms of literacy and other educational
indicators. And there are no marked differences or inequalities in the educational status
between Filipino men and women compared to other developing countries because
there is no general discrimination of girls in terms of education.
The participation of women in terms of labor and employment shows what is observed
in education. Filipinas have been joining the labor force due to economic necessity and
as a response to economic opportunities. And with that women managers rose from 33
percent in 1995 to 59 percent in 2003.
The continuing labor migration flow to other countries has also affected Filipino women.
The NSO's 2002 Survey on Overseas Filipinos shows that there were more male
overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) (52.5 percent) than female OFWS (47.5 percent). But
the number of female OFWs has been steadily increasing through the years. Behind
these numbers or figures, Filipino women are also victims of trafficking in and violence
against migrant workers. According to GABRIELA, a women's advocacy NGO
(non-governmental organization), 5,000 Filipino mail-order brides enter the United
States every year. (A mail-order bride is a woman who lists herself in catalogs and is
selected by a man for marriage.) Beyond all these figures on population, households,
education, labor and employment, violence against women is increasingly becoming an
issue. Based on reported cases alone, in the first semester of 2002, the Philippine
National Police (PNP) recorded 4,190 cases of violence against women. Of this total, 67
percent were cases of physical abuse/wife battering (violent acts—psychological, sexual
and/or physical assault—) 11.9 percent were rape cases, and 7.9 percent were acts of
lasciviousness. And during the first half of 2003, DSWD served a total of 3.471 cases of
WEDC (women in especially difficult circumstances).bWherein most of the cases or
31.4 percent were on physical abuse/maltreatment and battering, While the 9.1 percent
of these WEDC cases were on sexual abuse. And on these sexual abuse, 68.1 percent
were rape cases, 29. 6 percent were on incest, and 2.2 percent were acts of
lasciviousness cases. According to the DSWD, there was a 31.5 percent increase in the
number of WEDC cases served from the first half of 2002 to the first half of 2003.
Post-1986 Congress
Women in Congress, with the support of women's groups, also promote a legislative
agenda that focuses women's concerns, this includes gender equality, women's
reproductive health, the indivisibility of women's rights and human rights, action on
various forms of violence against women, and the protection of the increasing number
of women working abroad. Women legislators also create Committee for women, and
the laws that passed in this Congress, like the most notable achievements of the
Congress which are the Women's Day Law (RA 6949) in 1990 and the Women in
Development and Nation-Building Act of 1991 (RA 7192)
Women's Day Law (RA 6949) declares March 8 as the day for celebrating women's
achievements, which aims to give recognition to the contributions of Filipino women in
our society.
There are also other legislative gains for women in post 1986 Congress, and this
includes (RA 7322, RA 7882, RA 7941, RA 8042, RA 7877, RA 8353, RA 8369, RA
8505)
Republic Act No. 9208 provides sanctuary to victims and prevents the continuous
violation of women's rights.
Republic Act No. 9231 an act providing for the elimination of the worst forms of child
labor and affording stronger protection for the working child.
Amended in Republic Act No. 7610, The State declares its policy to offer special
protection to children from all forms of abuse, neglect, cruelty, exploitation,
discrimination, and other conditions detrimental to their development, including child
labor
Republic Act No. 9262, this law is nagpprotect sa mga kababaihan na naabuso ng
kanilang partner or asawa
Although there are laws that address women’s concern, limitations must also be
recognized, like in the Anti sexual harassment law and anti rape law. For instance, the
Anti-Sexual Harassment Law only applies to employer-employee situation sa office and
school setting but not to colleagues. And The Anti-Rape Law that is recognizing that
rape occurs within marriage but there is a forgiveness clause wherein the offender will
be acquitted if the partner forgives them.
There are also collaborative partnerships among certain national and local government
agencies, which are the academe, NGOs, and POS to address specific women's issues
and concerns. For instance, Women and Children's Desks have been established by
the PNP in every police station all over the country, and the Women and Child
Protection Units are run by the Department of Health (DOH) in many hospitals.
Third, reports on the rate of incidence of forms of violence against women, e.g., rape,
domestic violence, sexual harassment, incest, prostitution, etc., are still inaccurate.
Despite the increasing number of women reporting violence against them because of
the support and encouragement of women's groups, progressive legal groups, and
government agencies. Concerned groups should also continue to focus on the culture of
silence that surrounds violence against women.
Fourth, while trafficking in and prostitution of women are prohibited by laws and
tradition, the problem continues amidst precarious sociopolitical conditions and high
unemployment. Despite having such laws and policies na related and prohibits human
trafficking and prostitution, this problem still continues and the precarious sociopolitical
and high unemployment is making this issue worse. For example, young women from
rural areas that lack skills to compete in urban and foreign markets often occupy
low-paying, marginalized (insignificant) jobs. And addressing these issues requires also
addressing the socio political and economic conditions that cause women to be victims.
Therefore, despite the existence of a number of progressive laws and initiatives
recognizing women's rights and equal role in society, the struggle for genuine gender
equality and mainstreaming continues. The persistent issues confronted by women in
different spheres of society discussed previously prove that there are still many
obstacles to full achievement of gender equality.
The passage outlines the political involvement of various women's groups in the
Philippines, particularly during the Marcos dictatorship and post-EDSA People Power
Revolution. It highlights the formation of the Kababaihan Para sa Inang Bayan (KAIBA)
party in 1986, its challenges, and the later institutionalization of the party-list system in
1998. Women's groups like Abanse! Pinay and GABRIELA achieved representation in
Congress, contributing to Philippine politics. Despite significant contributions, the text
emphasizes that more work is needed to attain gender equality, implement
women-focused legislation, secure a women's vote, and unify women's groups as a
potent political force.
The passage discusses the limited participation of Filipino women in politics and
governance, emphasizing their continuous efforts to influence decision-making. It
provides a table detailing the representation of women in the Philippine Congress from
1987 to the present, showing a gradual increase. Additionally, it mentions the historical
appointment of women to head specific ministries during Martial Law and the
post-Marcos era. The data reveals a slight improvement in the number of women
cabinet members, but their percentage does not surpass 17 percent. Overall, the text
underscores the ongoing challenges for women in achieving substantial representation
and leadership roles in Philippine politics.
In the late 1980s, the World Commission on Environment and Development (Brundtland
Commission) popularized sustainable development, defining it as meeting present
needs without compromising future generations. This concept gained momentum with
the 1987 report "Our Common Future" and further flourished after the 1992 Earth
Summit in Rio de Janeiro. Governments, including the Philippines, adopted sustainable
development in their policies, aiming for a balance between economic growth and
environmental preservation. While criticized for not being entirely "green," sustainable
development required a shift in policy frameworks, promoting increased public
participation in shaping policies. In the Philippines, this shift occurred in 1989, aligning
with the belief that democratization could empower the public to contribute to
sustainable development.
The Philippine state’s full control and supervision of the country’s natural resources in
mandated by Article 2 , Section 2, of the 1987 Philippine Constitution which states that:
All lands of the public domain, water, minerals, coal, petroleum and other mineral oils,
all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forest or timber, wildlife, flora and fauna, and
natural resources are owned by the states. With the Ed exception of agriculture lands,
all other natural resources shall not be alienated. The exploration, development and
utilization of natural resources shall be under the full control and supervision of the
states. Because the state is both steward and manager of the Philippines environment,
it has to come up with policies that would ensure the proper utilization, management,
and protection of the country’s natural resources. Furthermore, the government
commitment to achieve sustainable development must be manifested through the
policies it implements.
The following objectives serve as the basic for fallacy formulation to accomplish the
DERN mandate.
1. Assure the availability and sustainability of the country's natural resources.
2. Increase the productivity of natural resources.
3. Enhance the contribution of natural resources for achieving natural development and
ecological integrity.
4. Remote equitable access to natural resources.
5. Maintain a desirable level of environmental quality.
6. Conserve specific terrestrial and marine areas representative of the Philippines
natural and cultural heritage for present and future generations.
They are authentic assistant secretaries who are in charge of the following offices.
1. Foreign-Assisted and special projects.
2. Policy, Planning, Research and the Legislative Affairs.
3. Environment
4. Failed Operation
5. General Legal Services
6. Muslim Affairs
Original office was established in the age of the 15 administrative regions, of the
countries. There are currently three PENRO’s and 171 CERRO’s, and eight CENRO’s
transferred to the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) by virtue of
Republic Act 6733. In addition, there are also three agency corporations attached to the
DENR. These are the Natural Mapping and Resources Information Authority (NAMRIA),
the Natural Resources Development Corporation, and the Laguna Lake Development
Authority (LLDA). As the primary government agency responsible for the sustainable
use of the country's natural resources, the DENR is also tasked with implementing
program that are consistent with the goal state in the Philippines is strategy for
sustainable development, which is the government's response to environment and
development issues with the purpose of reconciling the diverse and something
conflicting environmental demographic economic and natural resources-use issues. The
passage of the 1991 Local Government Code (LGC) also contributed to the creation of
a favorable policy context for environmental protection governments at the community
level. The LGC provides for the development of certain environmental functions to local
government units (LGU’s) as well as a mechanism whereby environment and natural
resources committees could be created.
Book 1 Section 26 of the LGC requires all government agency and government owned
and controlled corporations (GOCC’s) to consult with the LGU’s “ in the planning and
implementation of any project or program that may cause pollution, climate, depletion of
non renewable resources, loss of cropland, rangeland or forest cover and extinction of
animals or plant species”. Therefore, it was believed that the LGC wood allows greater
participation on the part of NGO’s and communities in the formulation and
implementation of environmental programs at the local level.
The opening of democratic space for people's participation as provided by the 1987
constitution and the 1991 LGC allow the passage of Environmental Laws, such as the
Clean Aur Act and Ecological Solid Waste Management Act, through the active lobbying
of various environmental groups. Furthermore, the development of a policy
environments favorable to environmental protection can be attribute not only to
international pressures but also the active participation of environmental group in
Philippines politics. The context of democratization further the development of the
environmental movement in the 1990's
.
The Philippine Environmental Movement
In particular, this had to do with the desire to make (Agenda 21) more concrete on both
national and local levels.
Environmental group began the emerged in the Philippines in 1970s the periods of
authoritarianism environmental and coalitions to protest against the development project
of the state that cost pollution and displaced communities. The first attempt to
coordinate the effort of environmental groups at the national level happened in 1979
when the first Philippines Environmental Con (FPEC) was convinced. As a result of this,
a coalition called the Philippines Federation for Environmental Concerns (PFEC) was
created. At this inception, the PFEC’S environmentalism clearly exhibited a commitment
to the politics of transformation and redistribution. The “Declaration of Environmental
Concern” passed at the FPEC said that “at the root of Environmental problems are
social economic and political system imposed upon this nation. Fish allowed greed and
exploitation to predominate over a proper respect for the well-being of present and
future generations.
A prominent environmental group that traced it beginning in the 1970s is the Haribon
foundation for the conservation of national resources or Haribon. This environmental
group was originally organized as a party of birdwatchers in 1972. The nature
appreciation society evolved into a nature conservation organization until it became a
conservation foundation involved in environmental research and advoc8 in 1983. Today
haribon aims to implement an “ integrated, multidisciplinary, participatory, and science
based approach to conversation” through its four core programs.
Since the 1980s Haribon has been at the forefront of activities for the world wildlife fund
(WWF) and the DERN, SIGNED the first debt-for-nature swap agreement. During the
same year, Haribon launched the “ Save Palawan”. Haribon also played a significant
role in the formation of the green room which is a national network consisting of 125
organizations (among them NGO's, people's organizations, churches, and cause
oriented groups).
Other significant environmental groups and coalitions aiming for the achievement of
sustainable development were established in the 1990’s. One of these is the (PSDN) or
Philippine Sustainable Development Networks, which was incorporated in 1993 and
composed of organizations actively involved in the pursuit of sustainable development.
PSDN’s objective are:
Environmental NGOs also pushed for the concrete of the (PCSD) or PHILIPPINE
COUNCIL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT, a multi-sectoral body which aims to
put sustainable development in the map and consciousness of government planners.
President Fidel Ramos approve establishment of the PCSD which attempts to bring into
the government’s development plants a concern for the environment.