Ilovepdf Merged Removed

History/P2 7 DBE/November 2020
SC/NSC – Marking Guidelines
SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS
QUESTION 1: WHY DID BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS PROTEST IN

1976?
1.1
1.1.1 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1A - L1]
 'African National Congress (ANC)'
 'Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)' (2 x 1) (2)
1.1.2 [Definition of a historical concept from Source 1A - L1]

Black Consciousness was a philosophy/ideology that:
 Promoted self-confidence/assertiveness
 Encouraged black pride/to be proud of being black
 Inspired black South Africans to be independent and self-reliant
 Encouraged equality, justice, pride and unity
 Emphasised mental emancipation from white subservience
 Any other relevant response (any 1 x 2) (2)

 'the current education system was Euro-centric (based on European
values, customs and traditions)
 'Undermined (weakened) the African achievement' (2 x 1) (2)
1.1.4 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1A – L2]

 To maintain control and authority over black South Africans
 To use education to ensure that black South Africans remain in
servitude to white minority rule/ cheap labour market
 To use language as a form of indoctrination in an effort to maintain
white superiority
 To ensure that black South Africans would not become critical thinkers
1.2
1.2.1 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1B – L2]
 To inform the public that students from Phefeni Junior Secondary
School were engaged in a march against the imposition of Afrikaans
as medium of instruction/ It was newsworthy
 To indicate that students from Phefeni Junior Secondary School were
protesting/to indicate that there was a determined opposition to Afrikaans
as a medium of instruction
 To inform the public about the violent nature of the strike at Phefeni
Junior Secondary School
 To expose the apartheid government internationally
1.2.2 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1B – L1]

 '… seized a tape recorder from the vice-principal, Mr Nhlapo and
threatening to beat him up'
 '… they began stoning the principal's office and classrooms …'
 ‘They threatened the headmaster and threw out Afrikaans textbooks’
( any 2 x 1) (2)
Copyright reserved Please turn over

1.2.3 [Determining the usefulness of Source 1B – L3]

The source is USEFUL because:
 It gives insight into why the students at Phefeni Junior Secondary School
embarked on violent protest action
 It gives first-hand information about how the events unfolded at Phefeni
Junior Secondary School
 It gives information how the students at Phefeni Junior Secondary School
responded to the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction
 It gives information that students of Phefeni Junior Secondary School
were united/determined in their protest action
 It indicates that there were sustained protests at Phefeni Junior
Secondary School
 It gives the names of the people involved, the dates and other events
leading to the Soweto Uprising
1.3
1.3.1 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1C - L2]
 It shows the students were smiling/happy as they embarked on the
march to protest against Afrikaans as a medium of instruction at schools
in Soweto
 The photograph shows students were very disciplined and orderly while
embarking on the march
1.3.2 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1C – L2]

 The students marched against the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of
instruction
 The students embarked on protest action to challenge Bantu
education/the authorities
 The students felt that learning the Afrikaans language will make them
subservient to white South Africans
 The students could not understand the Afrikaans language hence they
were failing their examinations
 The students embarked on a protest against the socio-economic
conditions of black South Africans
1.4
1.4.1 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1D – L2]
 The police wanted to keep the totals to a minimum (23 killed) so that they
would not look bad/merciless
 The official figures by the police showed that they wanted to cover up
their role in the killing of students in the Soweto Uprising
 The police wanted to keep figures low so that they would avoid
international embarrassment
 The unofficial figures would spark more violence
 The unofficial figures would expose police brutality

1.4.2 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1D – L1]

 'The students turned the march into a violent uprising'
 'Overturning cars'
 'Burning vehicles'
 'Burning buildings'
 'Burning symbols of the apartheid regime' (any 4 x 1) (4)

 'The police were not ready for a march on that scale'
 'The spread of unrest and mass uprising was not anticipated (expected)
by the apartheid regime …'
 ‘They under-estimated the level of discontent (unhappiness)’
(any 1 x 2) (2)
1.4.4 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1D – L2]

 The Soweto Uprising challenged the apartheid regime to address the
inequalities of the past/ they were forced to re-think its policies
 The Soweto Uprising was a turning point because young students were
prepared to challenge the might of the apartheid state
 The apartheid regime was caught off guard/did not expect the
mobilisation of learners/underestimated the march
 Internationally South Africa gained a negative reputation which affected
its economy directly
 The Soweto Uprising renewed the liberation struggle in South Africa
 Many international companies responded by imposing sanctions and
disinvestments on South Africa
1.5 [Comparison of evidence in Sources 1C and 1D - L3]

 Source 1C shows students protesting peacefully against the
implementation of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction while Source 1D
states students reacted violently during the march after the police
attacked them
 Source 1C does not show police presence during the march while
Source 1D states that the police opened fire on students, killing
approximately 200
 Source 1C shows how the students challenged the apartheid regime to
change the language policy whereas in Source 1D the apartheid regime
failed to review the unfair discriminatory policies of the Bantu Education
Act
 Source 1C shows students protesting while Source 1D indicates the
response of the police

1.6 [Interpretation, evaluation and synthesis from relevant sources – L3]

Candidates could include the following aspects in their response:
 The philosophy of Black Consciousness (BC) boosted the self-esteem of
Black South African students (Source 1A)
 SASO and SASM played a major role in conscientising black South
African students to stand up for their rights (Source 1A)
 The students challenged the system of Bantu education which was based
on European values, customs and traditions (Source 1A)
 The students challenged the language policy of the apartheid government
(own knowledge)
 Black South African students wanted to unite and challenge the apartheid
regime (own knowledge)
 The teachers did not understand Afrikaans as a medium of instruction yet
they were expected to teach in the same language (own knowledge)
 The World newspaper highlighted the students' dissatisfaction regarding
the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction (Source 1B)
 The photograph shows students demanding 'Afrikaans must be abolished'
(Source 1C)
 15 000 to 20 000 black South African students protested against the
implementation of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction (Source 1D)
 The Soweto Uprising exposed the brutality of the apartheid regime to the
rest of the world and cast South Africa in a negative light (own
knowledge)
 Any other relevant response
Use the following rubric to allocate marks:
 Uses evidence in an elementary manner e.g. shows no

or little understanding of why black South African MARKS
LEVEL 1
students protested in 1976. 0–2
 Uses evidence partially or cannot write a paragraph.
 Evidence is mostly relevant and relates to a great extent
on the topic e.g. shows some understanding of why
MARKS
LEVEL 2 black South African students protested in 1976.
3–5
 Uses evidence in a very basic manner to write a
paragraph.
 Uses relevant evidence e.g. demonstrates a thorough
understanding of why black South African students
MARKS
LEVEL 3 protested in 1976.
6–8
 Uses evidence very effectively in an organised
paragraph that shows an understanding of the topic.
(8)
[50]

SC/NSC – Addendum
QUESTION 1: WHY DID BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS PROTEST

IN 1976?
SOURCE 1A
The source below outlines how the philosophy of Black Consciousness influenced
black South African students in the 1970s.
In terms of the struggle against apartheid, the 1960s is often referred to as the 'Silent
Sixties' because leaders of the banned African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan
Africanist Congress (PAC) were imprisoned on Robben Island. A new generation of
young activists, such as Bantu Stephen Biko, began to re-think the role that black
South Africans could play in the anti-apartheid struggle … In 1968, he co-founded the
South African Students' Organisation (SASO).
SASO was influenced by the philosophy of Black Consciousness (BC), which urged
black South Africans to free themselves from the chains of oppression and work
towards liberation as well as to take responsibility for their own struggle, be proud of
their heritage and to develop self-confidence.
The philosophy of Black Consciousness influenced students at schools in Soweto to

demand an educational system that was representative of Africa and Africans. In 1976,
student leaders, such as Tsietsi Mashinini and Seth Mazibuko, raised the concern that
the current educational system was Euro-centric (based on European values, customs
and traditions) and undermined (weakened) African achievement. They yearned
(wanted) for the revival of African history, which focused on themes such as African
'civilisations', black people's 'heroic achievements' and 'cultural accomplishments
(successes)'.
The introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in half of the specialised

subjects at black South African schools was seen as an obstacle in transforming
(changing) the curriculum. In response, the South African Students' Movement (SASM)
encouraged high school learners to take action.
[From http://www.saha.org.za/youth/black-consciousness.htm. Accessed on 10 August 2019.]

SC/NSC – Addendum
SOURCE 1B
The source below explains how students from Phefeni Junior Secondary School
responded to Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. This source has been taken from
an article that appeared in a South African newspaper, The World, on 19 May 1976.
It was re-typed for clarity.
THE WORLD
19 May 1976
KIDS KEEP UP STRIKE
Big march planned

The strike by students of Phefeni Junior Secondary School in Orlando West, Soweto,
against the enforced use of Afrikaans in their school, entered its third day today against
a background of mounting violence …
The strike took a violent turn yesterday when they seized a tape recorder from the vice
principal, Mr Nhlapo, accusing him of being a police informer and threatening to beat
him up. When the new school board chairman, Mr Ngwenya, failed to turn up to
address the students as he was expected to do, they began stoning the principal's
office and classrooms. Other learners and teachers had to run for cover when the
stone-throwing demonstration broke out. Mr Nhlapo had to be escorted by the
principal, Mr Mpulo, when students threatened to beat him up.
The strike started on Monday when students refused to go to classes in protest at the
subjects being taught in Afrikaans. They threatened the headmaster and threw out
Afrikaans textbooks. Yesterday Mr Mpulo ordered learners home when they again
refused his order, and accused him of being a police informer. The stone throwing
stopped when the principal told the learners that the school board chairman refused to
talk to them and had said that he [Mr Mpulo] must talk to them.
'I have had discussions with the chairman in my office and he has told me that if you
don't want to listen to me, he will not talk to you. We, side with you. We are trying our
best but we are failing,' Mr Mpulo said.
[From The World, 19 May 1976]

SC/NSC – Addendum
SOURCE 1C
The photograph below shows students from various schools in Soweto marching to
Orlando Stadium on the morning of 16 June 1976. The photograph was taken by
Sam Nzima.
[From https://onlyeverydaysa.wordpress.com/2018/07/06/sam-nzima-a-name-to-be-
remembered/amp. Accessed on 12 August 2019]
AFRIKAANS
MUST BE ABOLISHED!

SC/NSC – Addendum
SOURCE 1D
The source below focuses on how the apartheid regime responded to the Soweto
Uprising in June 1976. It was written by Lauren Hutton, a researcher, to commemorate
the 35th anniversary of the Soweto Uprising.
Accounts of the events of that day (16 June 1976) estimated that 15 000 to 20 000
students participated in the march. There is no clarity (clearness) on whether the police
fired without provocation (being provoked) or whether stones were thrown at the police,
which led to them shooting students. The police did open fire, resulting in the deaths of
a number of students (official death toll was 23 but unofficial sources claim that as
many as 200 students were killed). The students responded by turning the march into
a violent uprising by overturning cars and burning vehicles, buildings and other
symbols of the apartheid regime.
The protests spread across the country causing the largest outbreak of violence
against the repressive (brutal) state. The response from the government was to
increase the use of force in an attempt to quell (crush) the unrest and restore law and
order.
The Soweto Uprising caught the apartheid police force by surprise. The police were not
ready for a march of that scale and the spread of unrest and mass uprising was not
anticipated (expected) by the apartheid regime ...
The apartheid intelligence personnel and security structures failed to adequately

assess the impact of their policies on black South Africans, they under-estimated the
level of discontent (unhappiness). Of all the discriminatory (unfair) policies
implemented, it was a policy aimed at reducing the amount of spending on education in
the face of national recession (depression) that ignited (started) the fury of black South
Africans which brought international condemnation and shame.
A costly misjudgement (error) on the part of the apartheid regime and renewal of the
liberation struggle, 16 June 1976 is regarded as a turning point in South African
history.
[From https://www.polity.org.za/article/16-june-1976-the-day-apartheid-died-2010-06-17.
Accessed on 12 August 2019.]

SC/NSC
Answer at least ONE question, but not more than TWO questions, in this section.
Source material that is required to answer these questions is contained in the
ADDENDUM.
QUESTION 1: WHY DID BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS PROTEST

IN 1976?
Study Sources 1A, 1B, 1C and 1D and answer the questions that follow.
1.1 Refer to Source 1A.
1.1.1 Quote TWO political organisations from the source that were
banned in the 1960s. (2 x 1) (2)
1.1.2 Define the concept Black Consciousness in your own words.

(1 x 2) (2)
1.1.3 Identify TWO concerns in the source that the student leaders had
about the education system. (2 x 1) (2)
1.1.4 Using the information in the source and your own knowledge,
explain why the apartheid government introduced Afrikaans as a
compulsory medium of instruction at black South African schools.
(2 x 2) (4)
1.2 Read Source 1B.
1.2.1 Why do you think the editor of The World newspaper decided to
publish this article? (1 x 2) (2)
1.2.2 How, according to the source, did the 'strike' at Phefeni Junior
Secondary School turn violent? (2 x 1) (2)
1.2.3 Comment on the usefulness of this source to a historian studying

the events leading to the Soweto Uprising of 1976. (2 x 2) (4)
1.3 Study Source 1C.
1.3.1 Comment on the mood of the students in the photograph. (1 x 2) (2)
explain why students from Soweto decided to embark on a march.
(2 x 2) (4)

SC/NSC
1.4 Use Source 1D.
1.4.1 Explain why you think there were differences in the official and
unofficial figures regarding the number of students that were killed
by the police in Soweto. (2 x 2) (4)
1.4.2 How, according to the source, did students respond to the

apartheid police force after they opened fire? (4 x 1) (4)
1.4.3 Why, according to the source, did the Soweto Uprising surprise the
apartheid police? (1 x 2) (2)
explain why the Soweto Uprising is regarded as a turning point in
South Africa's history. (2 x 2) (4)
1.5 Consult Sources 1C and 1D and explain how the information in Source 1C
differs from the evidence in Source 1D regarding the Soweto Uprising of
1976. (2 x 2) (4)
1.6 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge,
write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining why
black South African students protested in 1976. (8)
[50]

NSC – Marking Guidelines
QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF) RESPOND

TO THE APARTHEID REFORMS INTRODUCED BY PW BOTHA
IN 1983?
1.1
 'mixed marriages'
 'sex across colour line' (2 x 1) (2)
1.1.2 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1A – L2]

 PW Botha's intention was not to dismantle apartheid but to
reinforce/revamp/renew/restructure it in a different way
 PW Botha's intention was to ensure that the white minority would retain
their political power
 PW Botha wanted to create the impression that the minority groups were
included in the power sharing government
 PW Botha's intended changes were cosmetic as whites would still deal
with 'white issues' and also have a say over the majority issues
 PW Botha wanted apartheid to look less discriminatory to the outside
world
1.1.3 [Definition of a historical term from Source 1A – L1]

 The tricameral parliament was a three-chamber parliament for white,
Coloured and Indian representatives while Africans were excluded
 The Tricameral parliament had three separate chambers where Coloured
and Indian representatives were made to believe they could oversee their
own affairs, while whites dealt with the affairs of 'all'
1.1.4 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1A – L2]

 Provision was made for them to vote in the Bantustans/municipal/local
councils/The National Party granted them political rights in the Bantustans
 If included they would outvote the white voters who were in the minority
 If included they would change the apartheid laws and address the
inequalities
 Africans would not be able to fight for their rights
 To protect white privileges
 To weaken resistance against apartheid
1.1.5 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1A – L1]

 ‘Remove members'
 ‘Appoint others'
 ‘Dismiss the whole council'
 ‘Appoint a new one' (4 x 1) (4)

1.2
 ‘brought together under the aegis (protection) of the United Democratic
Front (UDF) the broadest and most significant coalition of groups and
organisations struggling against apartheid, racism and injustice since the
early nineteen fifties'
 ‘We have been able to create a unity amongst freedom-loving people this
country has not seen for many a year’
 ‘… we represent organisations deeply rooted in the struggle for justice,
deeply in the heart of our people’ (any 1 x 2) (2)

 ‘… we represent organisations deeply rooted in the struggle for justice'
 ‘unity amongst freedom-loving people’ (any 1 x 2) (2)
1.2.3 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1B – L2]

 Africans who were in the majority in South Africa (at 80%) were excluded
from the tricameral parliament
 Africans would be catered for through the homeland policy
 The apartheid policy of divide and rule was maintained
1.2.4 [Determining the reliability of Source 1B – L3]

The source is reliable because:
 The speech was delivered by Allan Boesak who was one of the leaders of
the UDF
 The speech was delivered on 20 August 1983 which was the actual date
of the launch of the UDF
 It highlights the reasons for the launch of the UDF which was in response
to the introduction of apartheid reforms and the establishment of the
Tricameral Parliament
 The information in the source can be corroborated with other sources
1.3
1.3.1 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1C – L2]
 White, Coloured and Indian voters were encouraged to boycott the
tricameral parliament elections
 The UDF's Don't Vote Campaign was to create an awareness that the
tricameral parliament elections would continue apartheid despite the
'proposed changes'
 The elections were deemed to be apartheid elections because the blacks
were excluded from participating in these elections
 The UDF was discouraging the ‘divide and rule’ strategy of the apartheid
government

1.3.2 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1C - L2]

 The slogan infers that the tricameral parliament would not provide freedom
 The UDF would through protest actions achieve freedom
 People must be mobilised/unite in strength to attain freedom
1.4 [Comparison of evidence from Sources 1B and 1C to ascertain how they

support each other – L3]
 Source 1B speaks to the unity of freedom loving people and Source 1C
shows the unity of people from all walks of life on the poster regarding
resistance against apartheid
 Source 1B mentions coalition groups and organisations formed the UDF
and 1C shows the UDF calling on these groups and organisations not to
vote in the apartheid elections
 Source 1B states that the UDF was established to oppose apartheid and
Source 1C shows that South Africans are opposing apartheid
1.5
a)
 Indian – ‘20%’ (1 x 1) (1)
b)
 Coloured – ‘30%’ (1 x 1) (1)
1.5.2 [Explanation of a historical term from Source 1D – L2]

 Call by the UDF for people not to vote and stay away from the elections for
the tricameral parliament
 Stay away from the voting stations as they were not in favour of the
tricameral parliament because it continued with the implementation of
apartheid
1.5.3 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1D – L2]

 To maintain their ruling power
 To maintain their white privileges
 To maintain their white dominance
 The tricameral constitution protected their privileges
 The whites were against equality between blacks and whites
 To avoid South Africa being described as a pariah state/To be accepted
back into the international arena

1.5.4 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1D – L2]

 The US 'secretly' supported South Africa, so they welcomed Botha's
reforms as positive development
 The US were actually deceived by Botha's tricks of restructuring apartheid
 The US State Department commended PW Botha for including the Indians
and Coloureds in the new legislature as a way of changing apartheid
 The US State Department felt that the inclusivity of Indians and Coloureds
was a right move towards democracy
 The US State Department felt that Botha was reforming the policy of
apartheid
 The US saw ‘reforms’ as a way of preventing the spread of communism in
South Africa
1.6 [Interpretation, evaluation and synthesis from relevant sources – L3]
Candidates could include the following aspects in their response:
 When the UDF was formed in 1983 it had to co-ordinate opposition to the
National Party government's reforms (Source 1A)
 The UDF was launched on 20 August 1983 to oppose the introduction of
the tricameral parliament (Source 1B)
 The launch of the UDF was a pivotal event in the history of the struggle for
freedom and democracy in South Africa (own knowledge)
 In his speech, Dr Allan Boesak highlighted the unity of the coalition group
and organisations in the struggle against apartheid, racism and injustice
(Source 1B)
 At the launch Dr Allan Boesak calls for the rejection of the government's
constitutional proposals (Source 1B)
 The UDF started a 'DON'T VOTE IN APARTHEID ELECTIONS' campaign
(Source 1C)
 The UDF provided a platform and voice to the ordinary people (own
knowledge)
 Indian and Coloured communities boycotted the tricameral parliament
elections which resulted in a poor voter turnout (Source 1D)
 Allister Sparks regarded the poor turnout a massive rejection of the
government's new constitution (Source 1D)
 The UDF launched ‘million signature’ campaign – a petition to create
awareness and reject the tricameral system (own knowledge)
 Any other relevant response

NSC – Addendum

IN 1983?
SOURCE 1A
The source below explains the reasons why PW Botha, President of the Republic of
South Africa, introduced reforms in 1983.
… in early 1983, Botha attempted to ease the mounting pressures on the country by
introducing some piecemeal reforms to the apartheid policy without relinquishing
(giving up) white minority control. He scrapped what he called 'outdated' and
'unnecessary' apartheid statutes (laws), such as the outlawing of mixed marriages and
sex across colour line, to present a new image of reformism (change) to the world.
It almost succeeded. The Western powers, ever eager to read the South African
situation optimistically (positively), were deceived for a time into believing that Botha
was really dismantling apartheid. But, on a closer examination, when Botha unveiled
constitutional changes he intended making, it became clear what he had in mind was
not reform but rather a reformulation (restructuring) of apartheid. He set out his plan to
establish a tricameral parliament in which the mixed-race 'Coloured' and Indian
minorities would have separate chambers to legislate their 'own affairs', while the
existing much larger, whites-only House of Assembly would deal with both 'whites
issues' and the nation's 'general affairs'.
The huge black majority, meanwhile, would get nothing beyond the right to vote in their
remote tribal Bantustans, and the municipal councils would run their separate black
townships in so-called 'white' South Africa. But even these urban councils were not
autonomous (free). The legislation enabled the white minister to remove members,
appoint others, or dismiss the whole council and appoint a new one. It meant that the
black councils had to implement government policy rather than be responsive to their
electorates.
[From Tutu – The Authorised Portrait by A Sparks and MA Tutu]

NSC – Addendum
SOURCE 1B
The source below is an extract from a speech delivered by Rev. Dr Allan Boesak at the
launch of the United Democratic Front (UDF) at the Rocklands Civic Centre, in
Mitchells Plain on 20 August 1983. It focuses on the formation and intensions of
the UDF.
We have arrived at a historic moment. We have brought together, under the aegis
(protection) of the United Democratic Front (UDF), the broadest and most significant
coalition of groups and organisations struggling against apartheid, racism and injustice
since the early nineteen fifties.
We have been able to create a unity amongst freedom-loving people this country has
not seen for many a year. I am particularly happy to note that this meeting is not
merely a gathering of loose individuals. No, we represent organisations deeply rooted
in the struggle for justice, deeply in the heart of our people.
We are here to say that the government's constitutional proposals are inadequate, and
that they do not express the will of the vast majority of South Africa's people.
… The most important reason for us coming together here today is the continuation of
the government's apartheid policies as seen in the constitutional proposals. … All the
basic laws, which are the very pillars of apartheid, indeed, those laws without which the
system cannot survive – group areas, racial classification, separate and unequal
education, to name but a few – remain untouched and unchanged. The homelands
policy forms the basis of the wilful exclusion of 80% of our nation from the new political
deal. Clearly the oppression will continue, the apartheid line is not all abolished.
[From RUNNING WITH HORSES – REFLECTIONS OF AN ACCIDENTAL POLITICIAN by A Boesak]

NSC – Addendum
SOURCE 1C
The poster below, published and distributed by the UDF in 1983, is directed at Botha's
call for elections for a tricameral parliament. It urges all white, Coloured and Indian
South Africans not to participate in the apartheid elections.
[From https://www.saha.org.za/udf/don't_vote_in_apartheid_elections_forward_to_freedom.htm.
Accessed on 25 February 2021.]
FORWARD TO FREEDOM!

NSC – Addendum
SOURCE 1D
The source below, taken from a newspaper article titled 'Indian Turnout about 20% in
South African Elections', was written by Allister Sparks for the Washington Post on
29 August 1984. It explains why there was a low turn-out from both Indians and
Coloureds in the tricameral elections in 1984.
About 20 per cent of the registered voters in South Africa's Indian community appeared
to have voted today in elections for a new parliament that were marked by sporadic
violence between boycotters and police in several cities.
The results available tonight indicated that members of the 870 000-strong Indian
community stayed away from the polls in even larger numbers than the mixed-race
Coloured electorate did in last week's voting for representatives in the racially
compartmentalised (classified) tricameral parliament.
There was a 30 per cent turnout at the elections for the larger Coloured community.
The government declared that figure adequate for pressing ahead with plans to
implement its new constitution, but other observers labelled it a rebuff (refusal).
Since many people who were eligible to vote did not register, particularly among the
Coloureds, leaders of the boycott movement were claiming tonight that the effective
vote in the two elections was about 18 per cent out of a joint population of 3,5 million.
The movement said this represented a 'massive rejection' of the white minority
government's new constitution, which offers the Coloured and Indian minority groups a
form of parliamentary representation for the first time, but continues to exclude the
black African majority.
White voters endorsed the constitution by a two-thirds majority at a referendum last

November, and the United States State Department joined in praising the government
of President PW Botha for taking 'a step in the right direction.'
[From Washington Post, 29 August 1984]

NSC
Answer at least ONE question, but not more than TWO questions, in this SECTION.
Source material to be used to answer these questions is contained in the ADDENDUM.

IN 1983?
Study Sources 1A, 1B, 1C and 1D and answer the questions that follow.
1.1 Refer to Source 1A.
1.1.1 Name TWO apartheid statutes in the source that PW Botha

scrapped while introducing reforms to the apartheid policy. (2 x 1) (2)
1.1.2 Explain what is implied by the statement, '… what he (PW Botha)
had in mind was not reform but rather a reformulation
(restructuring) of apartheid.' (1 x 2) (2)
1.1.3 Define the term tricameral parliament in your own words. (1 x 2) (2)
explain why you think the black majority was excluded from the
new legislation. (2 x 2) (4)
1.1.5 Identify FOUR legislative powers in the source that the white
minister had over black urban councils. (4 x 1) (4)
1.2 Read Source 1B.
1.2.1 Why, according to the source, did Rev. Dr Allan Boesak refer to
the launch of the UDF as a historic moment? Give ONE reason.
(1 x 2) (2)
1.2.2 Quote evidence from the source that shows that the meeting called
by the UDF was not merely a gathering of loose individuals. (1 x 2) (2)
1.2.3 Explain the meaning of Rev. Dr Allan Boesak's statement, 'The

homelands policy forms the basis of the wilful exclusion of 80% of
our nation from the new political deal.' (2 x 2) (4)
1.2.4 Why would a historian consider this source to be reliable regarding

the launch of the UDF? (2 x 2) (4)

NSC
1.3 Study Source 1C.
1.3.1 Explain what is implied by the words in the poster, 'DON'T VOTE
IN APARTHEID ELECTIONS!', in the context of the UDF's
resistance to the introduction of the tricameral parliament in 1983.
(1 x 2) (2)
1.3.2 Comment on the slogan 'FORWARD TO FREEDOM!' held by the

UDF supporters, in the context of resistance to PW Botha's
apartheid reforms. (1 x 2) (2)
1.4 Refer to Sources 1B and 1C. Explain how the evidence in Source 1C
supports the information in Source 1B regarding the UDF's internal resistance
against apartheid reforms in 1983. (2 x 2) (4)
1.5 Use Source 1D.
1.5.1 Identify the voter turnout for the elections of the tricameral
parliament (in percentages) for the following communities:
(a) Indian (1 x 1) (1)
(b) Coloured (1 x 1) (1)
1.5.2 Explain the term boycott in the context of the UDF's reaction during
the elections for the tricameral parliament. (1 x 2) (2)
1.5.3 Why do you think two-thirds of the white voters endorsed the
constitution in a referendum held in November 1983? (1 x 2) (2)
1.5.4 Comment on why the United States State Department believed that
Botha's reforms were 'a step in the right direction'. (1 x 2) (2)
1.6 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write
a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining how the
United Democratic Front (UDF) responded to the apartheid reforms
introduced by PW Botha in 1983. (8)
[50]

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History/P2 7 DBE/November 2020

SC/NSC – Marking Guidelines

SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS

QUESTION 1: WHY DID BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS PROTEST IN

1.1.2 [Definition of a historical concept from Source 1A - L1]

1.1.3 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1A - L1]

1.1.4 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1A – L2]

1.2.2 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1B – L1]

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1.2.3 [Determining the usefulness of Source 1B – L3]

1.3.2 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1C – L2]

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1.4.2 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1D – L1]

1.4.3 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1D – L1]

1.4.4 [Interpretation of evidence in Source 1D – L2]

1.5 [Comparison of evidence in Sources 1C and 1D - L3]

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1.6 [Interpretation, evaluation and synthesis from relevant sources – L3]

Use the following rubric to allocate marks:

 Uses evidence in an elementary manner e.g. shows no

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QUESTION 1: WHY DID BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS PROTEST

The philosophy of Black Consciousness influenced students at schools in Soweto to

The introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in half of the specialised

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KIDS KEEP UP STRIKE

Big march planned

[From The World, 19 May 1976]

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The apartheid intelligence personnel and security structures failed to adequately

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SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS

QUESTION 1: WHY DID BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN STUDENTS PROTEST

1.1 Refer to Source 1A.

1.1.2 Define the concept Black Consciousness in your own words.

1.2 Read Source 1B.

1.2.3 Comment on the usefulness of this source to a historian studying

1.3 Study Source 1C.

1.3.1 Comment on the mood of the students in the photograph. (1 x 2) (2)

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1.4 Use Source 1D.

1.4.2 How, according to the source, did students respond to the

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SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS

QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF) RESPOND

1.1.2 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1A – L2]

1.1.3 [Definition of a historical term from Source 1A – L1]

1.1.4 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1A – L2]

1.1.5 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1A – L1]

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1.2.2 [Extraction of evidence from Source 1B – L1]

1.2.3 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1B – L2]

1.2.4 [Determining the reliability of Source 1B – L3]

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1.3.2 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1C - L2]

1.4 [Comparison of evidence from Sources 1B and 1C to ascertain how they

1.5.2 [Explanation of a historical term from Source 1D – L2]

1.5.3 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1D – L2]

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1.5.4 [Interpretation of evidence from Source 1D – L2]

1.6 [Interpretation, evaluation and synthesis from relevant sources – L3]

Candidates could include the following aspects in their response: