Living Heritage of Rawalpindi

Ayesha Pamela Rogers

Cultural Studies Department, National College of Arts
Lahore Pakistan

In Jian Zhou and Ron van Oers (editors) Operationalizing the Historic Urban Landscape – a
practitioner’s view. Tongji University Press (2018)

1. Rawalpindi: Introduction to the Historic City

Rawalpindi lies at the northern edge of the Potohar Plateau in Pakistan, with the Margala
foothills of the outer Himalayas to the north and the Salt Range lying to the east. Archaeological
remains dating to ca. 500 BCE indicate the antiquity of Rawalpindi (Ali 2004), although its
founding as a settlement is generally attributed to the late 10th century AD, when it was gifted to
a Ghakkar chief after the invasion of Mahmud of Ghazni (Malik 2012). It functioned as a
Ghakkar kingdom, linked to the Mughal Empire, but independent and extending from the Indus
to the Jhelum River. Rawalpindi is documented as a Mughal administrative headquarters and
there is reference in Jahangirnama to Emperor Jahangir visiting the village of Rawalpindi
(Malik 2012).

Rawalpindi fell to the Sikhs in 1765 after which it was chosen by Sadar Milkah Singh as his
military headquarters. At this stage Rawalpindi was a small settlement with a population of less
than 300 people; between 1770 and 1805 the Sikhs invited Hindu, Jain and Parsi traders from
cities in the Punjab to settle and trade in Rawalpindi (Ali 2004). It became the logistics centre
and main bazaar of the Sikh occupation, on the road to Kashmir. The first permanent brick house
was built in the 1790s in Purana Qila, an occupied mound in the centre of the old city that no
doubt pre-dates Sikh occupation (Shah 2012).

Hostilities between the Sikh rulers and advancing British armies began with the First Anglo Sikh
War (1845-46); the Second Anglo Sikh War ended with defeat of Sher Singh at the battle of
Gujarat. The Punjab was annexed, a cantonment was established south of the old city of

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Rawalpindi and made the headquarters of the British Army in northwest India. The city grew
from a population of 15,813 in 1855 to 52,975 in 1881 (Gazeteer 1893-4). The colonial forces
introduced Municipal Committees, regulation of construction practice and scrutiny of building
plans (1884) and Provincial Sanitation Boards (1886), but such improvements were not felt in
the densely packed old city; as stated in an official Minute of 1866 of the Government of India,
the Raj would only spend money for the betterment of conditions in the military cantonments
(Glover 2008). In 1886 a railway link opened, which further divided the old city from the
cantonment area and a circular road was laid around the old city, a colonial tactic used
throughout the Indian sub-continent to literally and figuratively define the old and new, ruled and
ruler (Glover 2008).

Rawalpindi has functioned throughout these centuries as a complex of bazaars with numerous
market centers specializing in different products. The city’s Sikh, Hindu and Parsi traders
became wealthy as contractors to the British army and through links to the spice, silk , tea, wood
and other traditional trades that moved along the Grand Trunk Road and other routes that
converged in Rawalpindi (Ali 2004). These wealthy families and their workers built homes and
lived in closed neighbourhoods adjacent to the bazaars, developing an urban pattern that still
prevails in the old city.

In 1947 colonial rule came to an end with the partition of India and the story line of Rawalpindi,
and all historic cities of the Punjab, was radically altered. As part of the forced relocation of
populations between modern India and Pakistan, all non-Muslim residents of the city were forced
to immediately flee across the newly drawn border, while Muslims from the Indian side fled in
the opposite direction (Wolpert 2009). After the ensuing bloodbath an entirely new Muslim
population occupied the abandoned Sikh and Hindu houses and businesses and squatted in
temples and gurdawaras (Sikh holy places), where their descendants still remain today. The city
and its bazaars carried on with new shopkeepers and merchants; the former British army
cantonment transferred into the hands of the newly formed Pakistan Army and the patterns of
business, residence and city life continued more or less unchanged.

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The post-partition history of Pakistan up to the present has influenced the historic urban
landscape of the city in several profound ways related to the planning and development of
neighbouring Islamabad. Rawalpindi was the interim capital of the new Pakistan for a decade,
from 1959 to 1969, while a new capital was designed immediately to the north. The 1960 Master
Plan for Islamabad, revised in 1990, made Rawalpindi its “Twin City”, relegating Rawalpindi to
secondary status as Islamabad’s wholesale centre and dormitory for the new capital’s workers
(Jawad & Arif 2013). In 1987 the Rawalpindi Development Authority (RDA) was founded and a
decade later the city received its own Master Plan. Islamabad and Rawalpindi have become one
urban entity with the lion’s share of technical and financial resources going to the capital. “In
fact, development of Islamabad has happened at the cost of Rawalpindi” (Maria & Imran 2006:
6).

2. The Rawalpindi HUL Project (RHULP)

The Historic Urban Landscape approach proposes a six-point ‘HUL Action Plan’ that places
local culture and heritage, and the values and meaning they carry, at the heart of the decision
making process (UNESCO 2011). The pilot phase of the RHULP undertook the first three steps
of this process in order to lay groundwork for future applications of the HUL approach in the
historic city. The project was a joint initiative of WHITRAP - Shanghai, National College of
Arts Rawalpindi and City District Government Rawalpindi supported with seed funding from the
Netherlands Funds-in-Trust at UNESCO.

2.1 The Heritage Management Context

The pilot project focused on a study area selected with expert and local consultation to represent
the wider historic city; it is the core area of the traditional city, bound by the Circular Road,
Muree Road and Raja Bazaar (Fig. 1). This area was then divided into 12 sample zones for
purposes of data collection in the field in the form of rapid inventories and mapping exercises.

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 Fig. 1 Map showing the study area of the
HUL pilot project in the historic centre of
Rawalpindi (Source: RHULP archive)

Any discussion of the heritage of the city must take place within the applicable legislative and
administrative framework, which is not promising. No heritage building within the historic city
is protected by either federal or provincial antiquities legislation; at City District level no District
Officer has responsibility for any aspects of the historic environment; local administrative bodies
which are responsible for many factors that affect heritage, such as sewage, drainage, roads and
open spaces, do not include heritage or consideration of impacts on heritage in their agenda. The
Auqaf Department (responsible for religious affairs) is a major custodian of built heritage, but
has no “heritage” guidelines, methodology or policy. No environmental legislation includes
reference to cultural heritage or a requirement to consider it when reviewing development
proposals and there are no applicable building and construction bye laws that include reference
to treatment of historical buildings, adaptive re-use or preservation of heritage building stock. It
is within this very unpromising context that the RHULP pilot project was framed and
implemented.

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2.2 The Environment of Historic Rawalpindi: Step 1 of the HUL Action Plan

Step 1 of the pilot project was a rapid inventory of

built heritage carried out to gain an understanding of
how much historic fabric still remained within the
study area, of what type and in what general
condition. To do this, a sample of historic structures
was inventoried in each of the zones of the study area.
It was found that there is a high frequency and density
of historic buildings in the core study area, mostly
houses with the majority still in residential use, and
also shrines, mosques, temples, gurdawaras and
mercantile buildings in the bazaar areas (Fig. 2).
Fig. 2 An example of the built heritage found throughout the
historic core of the city; a mixture of Hindu, Sikh, Muslim,
colonial and indigenous styles (Source: author)

The bulk of the buildings date from the early 19th to early 20th centuries and are notable for the
great variety of decorative and vulnerable detailing on their facades. The gurdawaras and temples
are all in the custodianship of the Evacuee Trust Property Board, the entity responsible for
managing all abandoned property formerly belonging to Hindu and Sikh residents who relocated
to India at Partition; none are in religious use and all are rented as housing or commercial
property.

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In this phase of the project a number of initiatives were started to help create an initial picture of
the life of the old city of Rawapindi. One of the most striking features of the city is the large
number of religious buildings and complexes representing Sikhs, Hindus, Parsis, Christians and
Muslims. Using a 1946 map from pre-Partition, which
is currently the only reliable map of the city, all
religious centres were pinpointed creating a visual
representation of the cultural diversity and multi-faith
nature of the city in its prime – important aspects of the
significance of the place. The domes and spires of
temples and the minarets of mosques stand high above
the relatively flat skyline of Pindi, each distinctive and
acting as a geographical marker representing its locale
and assisting the people of the city to navigate through
the dense maze at street level (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3 View of the skyline of Rawalpindi with prominent

spires that serve as urban landmarks and identifiers to guide
people through the city (Source: author)

The pattern of view-lines and connectivity of these markers needs to be mapped and analysed to
better understand its significance and to find ways to protect it by incorporating it into future
urban and conservation plans.

The old core of Rawalpindi is a densely packed area of bazaars and mohollahs, traditional
residential neighbourhoods, which have developed organically creating an enduring and resilient
pattern of urban life. This pattern emerged in the city’s earliest formation and can still be clearly

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Fig. 4 A trader specializing in traditional
printed cotton fabric items displaying his
wares along a market street (Source: author)
read in contemporary Rawalpindi. A rapid inventory of
traditional bazaar occupations was carried out to gain
an understanding of how much and what type of
traditional economic activity is still being carried out
within the study area. Clusters of trades can be found
throughout the bazaars making up a large part of the
bazaar activity within the old city. Some have adapted
to modern trends while others have maintained
traditional methods and materials; there are also new
crafts or artisan work, which has developed to fill
modern niches, such as the group of bazaar shops that
decorate motorcycle bodies. Itinerant tradesmen still
function in the old city in unknown but diminishing
numbers (Fig. 4).

In order to understand the present environmental conditions in the core of the historic city, a
sample area was chosen for examination. The area selected was Zone #1 including an important
bazaar, a large Sikh haveli or mansion and the shrine of Shah Chan Charagh, patron of the city.
Documentation and interviews reveal a situation of cumulative environmental degradation. All
stakeholders agree on what are the main issues facing the old city, but different groups see them
from slightly different perspectives. To the environmental engineer the combination of
antiquated open sewerage and drainage, ineffective solid waste removal, makeshift and exposed
electrical wiring and uncontrolled traffic are clear evidence of inadequate service provision. To
the bazaar merchants the issues are customer access and negative perception of the bazaar, lack
of parking and delivery space and issues with maintaining profits. To mohollah residents these
same issues translate as bad smells, risk of sickness, pervasive noise, intense temperatures, risk
of electrocution, rising damp, darkness in the alleys and a crisis of emergency access and escape
routes. In other words, they are seen as issues that create a dangerous environment for their
families.

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 It is always assumed that a densely populated historic
urban centre such as Rawalpindi has no green areas to
provide amenity value and a “green lung” for
residents. This is essentially true, however, when we
looked at the aerial images of the city’s historic core
we could see many small patches of green amongst
the buildings and bazaars. A pilot study was carried
out to examine these green patches; it was found that
many represent “usable” green space with potential
for development into green assets for the local
community (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5 An example of a precious green open area located in the

densely packed historic town (Source: author)

A number of future projects could be developed from these findings, such as further
documentation, community greening activities and development of a policy for neighbourhood
open space enhancement in the historic town.

Other studies carried out under the RHULP include: documentation of the sound-scape of the old
city; collection of old and new place names; documentation of traditional food and creation of an
historical photo archive.

Core findings of this inventory and mapping exercise have been the fundamental nature of the city
through time as a bazaar complex; the unexpected extent of remaining historic fabric and spatial
structure; the vibrancy and continuity of the living heritage of bazaar and mohollah; and the role
of social capital as the cultural glue and primary cultural asset, seen by stakeholders reflected
directly in the network of linked spaces that make up the pattern of their historic city.

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2.3 Reaching a Consensus on Values and Attributes: Step 2 of the HUL Action Plan

Step 2 of the HUL Action Plan stresses the importance of including the widest possible range of
stakeholders in the process of deciding what is of value in the old city and what should be
safeguarded. The RHULP placed a great deal of emphasis on this process and undertook
outreach at various levels: the local community participated as data collectors as well as sources
of information and helped to frame the questions being asked. An Urdu language pamphlet about
HUL and a translation of the brochure New Life for Historic Cities (UNESCO 2013) helped to
spread understanding of RHULP aims. The project focused particularly on young people, with
children’s street art and visits to schools in historic buildings in order to support their attempts to
safeguard their buildings against pressures to relocate and demolish. ‘How I see my Mohollah’, a
4-day art workshop carried out by the RHULP and Hareep Pakistan, a local NGO, was held at a
remarkable boys’ school which houses a Muslim madressah or school and mosque and an old
Hindu temple inside an historic Sikh gurdawara (Fig. 6) – a perfect example of the religious
diversity of Rawalpindi’s past.
Fig. 6 View of a government school housed in a
historic Sikh temple with a mosque and Hindu temple
on the same premises (Source: author)

Members of the project team met with

various departmental and government
officers to inform them about the RHULP
and the HUL approach. This included senior
officials of Rawalpindi Development
Authority, Rawalpindi Water and Sanitation
Authority, Tehsil Municipal Administration
and the office of the City District Government of Rawalpindi. The long term aim was to integrate
HUL objectives with the development related work of these departments within the old city.

The planning of the conservation process in historic cities is an essential component of the HUL
approach and it is critical that planners and those making development decisions be informed and
involved in HUL processes. Two major events were organized to present the HUL approach and
the importance of culture in sustainable development. The first was arranged jointly with the

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Institute of Social and Policy Studies in Islamabad and included representatives of international
agencies, NGOs and planning officials including Secretary Planning and Development,
Government of Punjab. The second event was an NCA-Pakistan Planning and Management
Institute Policy Seminar on Heritage, Planning and Development chaired by the Federal Minister
of Planning and Development. Participants were planning and development officials and agency
representatives who listened to presentations on HUL and the RHUL project and expressed both
interest and commitment to the ideas and approaches shared. In his closing speech, the Minister
announced the setting up of an Urban Planning Centre to coordinate at the national level and
promote heritage in the planning process.

It is interesting to note that although levels of “heritage awareness” are low in Pakistan, a
country with limited heritage protection and little experience in safeguarding historic cities, the
basic premises of HUL – understanding the urban area as extending beyond the notion of
“historic centre” or “district” to include the broader urban and the recognition and identification
of a layering and interconnection of values which shapes and inspires local communities that
should be taken as a point of departure in the overall management and further development of the
city – are fully grasped and automatically accepted by all these partners, from historic
homeowners and bazaar merchants to federal planning authorities. Discussions move quickly
from what HUL is to what are the best ways to implement the approach.

2.4 Attributes of Significance and their Vulnerability: Step 3 of the HUL Action Plan

The significance of historic Rawalpindi is summarized in the following statement: significance

rests in the old core of the city with its densely packed area of bazaars and mohollahs, which
have developed organically, creating an enduring and resilient pattern of urban life. The city
bears testimony to a heritage and tradition where Hindu, Sikh, Jain, Muslim and Christian
religions and cultures met and coexisted, expressed in the great variety of religious buildings of
different faiths, the complex of traditional bazaars, the many languages, worship and religious
festivals, art and music, food, and daily life.

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The old city retains a significant amount of residential and commercial architecture from the 19th
and 20th centuries in which no two buildings seem to be the same in design or decoration. They
form a yet-to-be studied compendium of decorative forms, combining western and oriental
materials and design vocabulary. The flat skyline of Rawalpindi is punctuated at intervals with
the domes and shikhar of Hindu temples and the minarets of mosques. Each is distinctive and
acts as a geographical marker that represents its locale and assists the people of the city to
navigate through the dense maze at street level. The pattern of bazaars linked to adjacent
residential mohollahs by narrow twisting pathways forms the unchanging framework in which
life has been lived in Rawalpindi over the centuries.

Traditional trades thrive in the ancient bazaars of the city. Day and night they produce, buy and
sell every conceivable product, creating the noise, smells, energy and disorder that constitute the
intangible heritage of the city. Following the narrow galis into the mohollas the clamor of the
marketplace is left behind and replaced by the sounds of children playing in the streets and
neighbours chatting at their doorways, the smell of meals cooking, the sight of the elderly sitting
and watching life go by and the constant passage of residents on foot and motorcycle moving
from home to market, school and back.

The old city of Rawalpindi has never at any point in its history been planned or designed or
conserved. The physical fabric and sense of place which has passed down to us has survived
instead because of the desire of generations of residents to maintain their traditional way of life.
Community cohesion or social capital has preserved what remains of the past and acts as a glue
to ensure the continuing smooth functioning of the city, despite pressures of density, poor
infrastructure and social tensions. It is this intangible living heritage set within the built heritage
of the city that gives significance to historic Rawalpindi.

To carry out Step 3 of the HUL approach, the attributes which carry the significance of the
historic city’s values were identified and an assessment was made of threats which they face.
(Table 1)

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Attributes of historic
Rawalpindi’s Significance
Densely packed organic
pattern of streets and spaces:
- Formal network of spaces and
links which reflects social
structure and relations; not
random and rich with meaning
- as a network, its strength relies
on maintenance of all its
constituent parts
Juxtaposition of bazaars and
mohollahs:
- Contrast of noise and activity
of bazaar with hum of the
neighbourhood;
- concealed entry points and
invisible spatial divisions
- shared meaning of traditional
transitions from market to
residential areas
Variety and number of
religious buildings:
- pattern of temples and
gurdawaras over the city
- relationships to bazaars and
mohollahs
Potential threats to the
attributes
- changes in residents’
commitment to the spatial
arrangements
- threat of new development in
available spaces which brings in
new uses, different scale and
height
- expropriation of shared spaces
by commercial development
- inappropriate large scale
planning interventions that break
up the pattern and homogenize
use of space
- erosion of traditional bazaar
layout and function to
inappropriate commercial
development
- land grabbing and
encroachment used to displace
traditional bazaar uses
- physical degradation due to no
attempts to preserve fabric
- negative local perceptions and
sectarian friction
- inappropriate use of religious
buildings and loss of religious
meaning
12
Current status of these
threats
- no evidence but could occur as
pressures on property increase
-rare but increasing as pressures
on property increase
- rare; although the details of
bazaar and mohollah may
change, the basic spatial
relationship is not currently at
risk
- increasing due to number of
intrusive “shopping plazas”
- increasing due to pressure
from commercial sector on
private owners to sell
- very high risk; in progress and
uncontrolled
- very high risk; in progress
- very high risk; in progress and
uncontrolled
- the attribute suffers from the
lack of protection
 - no protective legislation to use
as leverage with owners /users

Large number of historic

residential properties:

- historic building stock found in

residential clusters
- wide range of styles and
decorative forms combining
cultures
- few attempts to preserve fabric
due to expense of upkeep and
lack of information
- leading to the decision to
modernize or to replace with
new structure or to sell for
commercial redevelopment
- aggravated by issue of
multiple ownership of buildings
- structures allowed to degrade
until it is declared unsafe and is
forcibly demolished
- in progress; limited only by
residents’ attachment to their old
homes and their links to the
place and perceived benefits of
living in a moholla
- threat increasing due to lack
of financial assistance and
incentives to conserve and lack
of information regarding
conservation and re-use options
- very common phenomenon
- very common phenomenon

- worsening environmental - limited response but increasing

/hygiene issues causes residents
to migrate out either selling or
renting out houses

Skyline of spires and minarets

serving as visual markers:

- sense of “inter-visibility”
between spires that have
traditionally served as waypoints
to navigate through the density
of the city
- most of these vista points are
non-Muslim religious buildings
at risk of degradation and
collapse
- threat of overshadowing by
new high rise structures
- very high risk; in progress
- infrequent but increasing as
inappropriate “shopping plazas”
are built in traditional bazaar
areas

Constant and varied bazaar

activity of every kind
throughout the commercial
areas:

- large number of traditional

occupations, crafts and skills
- fixed in groups in bazaars
- fewer artisans continuing in
traditional occupations
- very high and in progress due
- loss of some traditional to lack of financial assistance
markets and customers and

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 - mobile itinerant trades
- traditional activities adapted
for modern markets
- development of new trades
based on old skills
Sense of place experienced by
those living, working and
visiting the old city:
- identification with the place
where they live and associated
feelings of security, familiarity
and belonging
-Constant movement of young
and old through the mohollas,
smells and sounds
- residents cite their own homes,
shops and the nearby
monuments as special and part
of their Sense of Place;
particularly high value placed on
old and traditional shops and
businesses
Community cohesion or social
capital that preserves what
remains of the past and acts as
a glue to ensure the continuing
smooth functioning of the city:

- the network of spatial links and
patterning that characterizes the
city are seen by residents as the
physical reflections or
embodiment of their Social
Capital.
inability to change for new niche and incentives to modernize and
markets expand products and markets
- some products out of fashion,
no longer relevant to new
markets
- replacement of traditional
skills and products and loss of
traditional creative space
- possible loss of historic
properties in the old city that
add to building Sense of Place
for residents and visitors
- possible loss of vested interest
if residents are forced to live or
work outside historic
environment
-loss of urban landmarks that
provide Sense of Place
- Spatial changes due to
unsympathetic planning
decisions can irrevocably alter
the social relations of the old
city which underpin its values;
- imposed “blanket”
development or selective
renewal initiatives that will alter
the incremental way the
community has successfully
managed change for centuries
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- increasing loss of traditional
bazaar space to new plazas and
new commercial development
- currently Sense of Place is
strong and not compromised by
change
- Social Capital is strong in the
old city and closely linked to the
well-being of Sense of Place and
the survival of built heritage
“Involvement with the historic
built environment seems more
likely to enhance rootedness and
attachment to the local
community. The results do
suggest a positive and
significant relationship between
aspects of historic built
environment and strength of
both Sense of Place and Social
 Capital” (Bradley & Bradley
2009)

Table 1 Attributes of the values and threats to the attributes.

It is clear that the issues facing Rawalpindi are in many ways similar to those faced globally by
historic cities; however, the local attitude to what makes a city “historic”, the lack of legal
protection and any planning interventions, lack of historic district renovation and resulting
growth of gentrification, mass tourism and globalization make Rawalpindi different, yet typical
of hundreds of such centres in Pakistan. Like Rawalpindi, these are a different kind of historic
city: one without landmark spaces or iconic buildings, not perceived as “heritage” at official
levels, but beloved by its residents as the physical embodiment of the traditional social capital
that is their true heritage.

3. Living Heritage of Rawalpindi and HUL

The significance of historic Rawalpindi lies in the physical fabric and sense of place which have
passed down to current inhabitants and has survived because of the desire of generations of
residents to maintain their traditional way of life. “Community cohesion or social capital has
preserved what remains of the past and acts as a glue to ensure the continuing smooth
functioning of the city, despite pressures of density, poor infrastructure and social tensions.” It is
this living heritage of the city that is the source of resilience which has allowed Rawalpindi to
maintain its life-ways and historic built environment in the face of change over the centuries.
Living heritage is generated by unofficial and informal means as part of the social capital of
these communities, defined here as “the resources stored in human relationships” (Briggs 1997)
which forms the glue that holds societies together (World Bank 1996).

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 The attributes of historic Rawalpindi’s
values illustrate this living, social nature
of the city (Fig.7). These values are
encoded in the links from private to
increasingly public spaces in the built
environment, inter-person transactions
and the spatial patterns that position
people and places within a mutually
understood context. “There are always
Fig. 7 A street scene inside a residential area
showing the living social nature of the city
imprinted in the maze of narrow alleys and
shared spaces (Source: author)

social values behind heritage, precisely because heritage is a social construction, a means of
connecting people and place through memory and narrative. By redefining the social dimension
of heritage beyond static statements of significance and toward dynamic processes of
engagement, the heritage field has the potential to serve as a powerful agent of societal progress
(Avrami & Mason 2017:25).” These intangible values of knowledge, concepts and skills can
endure and link the ancient and the contemporary city in enriching and potentially profound
ways.

The pilot project in Rawalpindi aimed to achieve the three stated HUL objectives: managing
change or maintaining continuity; improving living conditions of local communities and
generating a “virtuous cycle” in urban conservation (Van Oers & Roders 2011). One of the main
achievements of the pilot project has been a small but critical impact on national policy. The
RHULP was requested to write input on the HUL approach in sustainable urban planning and
development as part of the recent Pakistan 2025: One Nation – One Vision document formulated
at the national level (Government of Pakistan 2014) In this document is the following
commitment: “Pakistan Vision 2025 recognizes culture as a vibrant potential sector of national
integration and development”, meaning that cultural heritage is for the first time formally
declared as an integral component of the national planning agenda.

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The application of the HUL approach to the planning and management of historic Rawalpindi
and other historic towns of Pakistan has the potential to change how such “working”, vernacular
and culturally diverse centres are viewed and treated in Pakistan by heritage professionals,
preservation authorities and the public. At the same time, selection of Rawalpindi as a HUL pilot
study has expanded the scope and methodology of the approach; as an example of an historic
town whose values lie in living bazaar heritage and social capital reflected in spatial patterning.
It has tested the HUL approach in a “difficult” scenario and show how effective it can be even
for unacknowledged but valued historic cities in Asia.

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